Theodor Herzl - Raphael Patai - Harry Zohn - The Complete Diaries of Theodor Herzl-Herzl Press (1960)

The Complete Diaries
of Theodor Herzl
The Complete Diaries of
THEODOR HERZL
Edited by
Raphael Patai
Translated by
HARRY ZOHN
VOLUME I
HERZL PRESS
AND
New York THOMAS YOSELOFF London
© 1960 by The Theodor Hcrzl Foundation, Inc.
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 60-8594
Thomas Yoseloff, Publisher

11 Fast 36th Street
New York 16, N. Y.
Thomas Yoseloff Ltd.

123 New Bond Street
London W. 1, England
Printed in the United States of America

Preface
A hundred years after his birth, fifty-six years after his death, and twelve years
after the realization of his dream in the State of Israel, Theodor Herzl is univer
sally recognized in Jewish history, and, in fact, in world history, as the founder
of political Zionism and the father of the Jewish state. His Diaries, published here
in full for the first time, contain the fascinating record of the eight last years of
his life during which, practically single-handed and at the sacrifice of his fortune,
his career, his family and his very life, he created a world movement among the
Jews and made the rulers and governments of his day accept the idea that the
Jewish people must have a homeland of its own.
When Herzl began keeping his Diaries in 1895, he was a leading Viennese
feuilletonist and playwright. He was celebrated in his home town, and had achieved
some fame abroad as well. He was a recognized master of the pen who clad his
philosophical ideas, social criticism, and subtle satire in a sensitive, refined, and
polished style. In the Diaries, however, he consciously forewent any stylistic sparkle.
In them his language is generally simple, direct and straightforward, but sometimes
obscure. The entries were often written hastily, and occasionally even carelessly.
They were intended to be not literature but a frank account of his day-to-day
struggle for the movement, of his meetings, plans, and actions, and of the ideas and
ideals that motivated him. Herzl put his ideas down as they came to him, often
using expressions in French, English, Yiddish, Hebrew, Italian, Hungarian, Latin,
Greek, and Turkish, or falling back on the Viennese idiom.
T o translate such a document into English was certainly not an easy undertaking.
In Professor Harry Zohn we found a translator fully equal to the task. Professor
Zohn achieved that happy medium between too close an adherence to the original
and too free a rendering which makes his translation read as if Herzl had written
in English instead of German.
The Diaries represent merely a part of Herzl’s literary output. He wrote many
feuilletons, short stories, sketches (some of them collected and edited in separate
volumes), some thirty plays, a book on the Jewish State, a novel (Altneuland),
Zionist addresses and other writings, and a great number of letters addressed to
hundreds of writers— artists, statesmen, scholars, Zionist leaders, etc.— scattered
in more than a dozen countries. While creating the Zionist movement, this writing
activity went on unceasingly, as did his work as literary editor of the Xeue Freie
Presse.
There can be no doubt as to Herzl’s exceptional talents in many fields and his
complete dedication to the Jewish cause. Yet his success among both the simple
people and in the courts of the high and mighty sprang from yet a third source.
This was his tremendous personal magnetism which made its impact on everyone
and which added weight to his arguments and power to his convictions. The
Diaries contain only occasional reflections of this unique personality, filled as they
are with details of his unceasing efforts to convince and convert, to motivate and
activate people as dissimilar as the mighty German Kaiser, the timid Chief Rabbi
v
VI PREFACE
of Vienna, the shrewd Oriental expert Arminius Vâmliéry, and the hardheaded
scions of the Rothschild dynasty. Therefore it is recommended that these Diaries
be read together with at least one biography of Herzl, several of which are now
available in English.
Prior to the present edition, less than one third of the text of the Diaries was
published in English. Even the German edition, printed in the early iy2o’s in
Berlin, did not contain the entire text. Hundreds of passages, a number covering
several pages, were omitted because of political or personal considerations. Today,
more than half a century after the last entry was made, it is felt that everything
contained in the original manuscript of Herzl’s Diaries belongs to history and not
only can, but should, be made public. Thus the present edition— published at the
initiative of Dr. Emanuel Neumann, president of the Theodor Herzl Foundation
Inc.— contains for the first time every word Herzl entered in the eighteen copy
books he filled.
The editor has attempted to annotate this edition as fully as possible. The first
four volumes contain the text of the Diaries, the fifth the notes and the Index.
The notes are arranged alphabetically and cover practically all the names of per
sons, places, institutions, organizations mentioned by Herzl as well as supplying
additional details on many subjects. A special prefatory note to the fifth volume
will contain information on the nature of the annotations and their use, as well
as the acknowledgments to the dozens of individuals and institutions who helped
the editor in assembling them. Mention however must be made here of the Zionist
Central Archives of Jerusalem in whose safekeeping the original manuscript of
Herzl’s Diaries is deposited and whose director Dr. Alex Bein and staff filled
untiringly the innumerable requests called forth by this work.
New York R aphael P atai
March 16, i960
Translator’s Foreword
It is a rare privilege to be associated with the first complete and unabridged
publication in any language of the Herzl Diaries, surely one of the most significant
works of its kind in world literature.
It has been my aim to produce a very faithful translation and to beware of the
"translator’s itch" to dress up the material and endow it with a stylistic gloss which
the original, so striking in its immediacy and directness, does not possess.
It would never have been possible to finish this lengthy and arduous task in a
comparatively short period of time without the encouragement and cooperation of
a number of people. In particular I wish to express my gratitude to the associates
of the Theodor Herzl Institute, especially to Drs. Emanuel Neumann and Emil
Lehman, for their confidence in me. My warmest thanks also go to the Institute’s
Director of Research, Dr. Raphael Patai, who has proved the ideal editor, and to
his secretary, Pearl Silver. My Brandeis colleague Dr. John B. Wight has given
me invaluable stylistic advice, and Barbara Wight has assisted me with the trans
lations from the French.
I should like to dedicate this translation to the memory of Ludwig Lewisohn—
dynamic Jewish leader, brilliant man of letters, master translator from the German,
and fatherly friend.
Brandeis University H arry Zoiin
Waltham, Massachusetts
March, i960
Contents
Volume I
Page
Preface v
Translator’s Foreword vi
Book One
May-June 17, 1895 1
Book Two
June 23, 1895-April 21, 1896 185
Book Three
April 22-July 21, 1896 325
Book One
Of the Jewish Cause

Begun in Paris
Around Pentecost, 1895
For some time past I have been occupied with a work of
infinite grandeur. At the moment I do not know whether I
shall carry it through. It looks like a mighty dream. But for
days and weeks it has possessed me beyond the limits of con
sciousness; it accompanies me wherever I go, hovers behind my
ordinary talk, looks over my shoulder at my comically trivial
journalistic work, disturbs me and intoxicates me.
It is still too early to surmise what will come of it. But my
experience tells me that even as a dream it is something remark
able, and that I ought to write it down—if not as a reminder
to mankind, then at least for my own delight or reflection in
later years. And perhaps as something between these two possi
bilities—that is, as literature. If my conception is not translated
into reality, at least out of my activity can come a novel.
Title: T he Promised Land I
T o tell the truth, I am no longer sure that it was not actually
the novel that I first had in mind—although not as something
“literary” for its own sake, but only as something that would
serve a purpose.
And the fact that after such a short time I am no longer sure
of it is the best proof of how necessary this written record is.
How much I have regretted that on the day of my arrival in
Paris I didn’t start a diary to preserve the experiences, the
impressions and visions which cannot get into the newspaper
because they have an odd way of disappearing too fast. In this
way a lot has escaped me.
But what are the experiences of a newspaper correspondent
compared with what I am now working on! What dreams,
thoughts, letters, meetings, actions I shall have to live through—
3
4 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZL
disappointments if nothing comes of it, terrible struggles if
things work out. All that must be recorded.
Stanley interested the world with his little travel book How
I Found Livingstone. And when he made his way across the
Dark Continent, the world was enthralled—the entire civilized
world. Yet how petty are such exploits when compared to mine.
Today I must still say: compared to my dream.
When did I actually begin to concern myself with the Jewish
Question? Probably ever since it arose; certainly from the time
that I read Diihring’s book. In one of my old notebooks, now
packed away somewhere in Vienna, are my first observations on
Diihring’s book and on the Question. At that time I still had
no newspaper as an outlet for my writings—it was, I believe,
in 1881 or 1882; but I know that even today I repeatedly say
some of the things that I wrote down then. As the years went
on, the Jewish Question bored into me and gnawed at me, tor
mented me and made me very miserable. In fact, I kept coming
back to it whenever my own personal experiences—joys and
sorrows—permitted me to rise to broader considerations.
Naturally, each passing year brought a change in my thinking,
something I was consciously aware of. In the same way, a dif
ferent man now looks out at me from a mirror than formerly.
But despite the altered features, the person is the same. By these
signs of age I recognize my maturity.
At first, the Jewish Question grieved me bitterly. There might
have been a time when I would have liked to get away from
it—into the Christian fold, anywhere. But in any case, these
were only vague desires born of youthful weakness. For I can
say to myself with the honesty inherent in this diary—which
would be completely worthless if I played the hypocrite with
myself—that I never seriously thought of becoming baptized
or changing my name. This latter point is even attested to by
an incident. When as a green young writer I took a manuscript
to the Vienna Deutsche Wochenschrift, Dr. Friedjung advised
me to adopt a pen-name less Jewish than my own. I flatly refused,
saying that I wanted to continue to bear the name of my father,
THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZL 5
and I offered to withdraw the manuscript. Friedjung accepted
it anyway.
I then became a writer of sorts, with little ambition and
petty vanities.
The Jewish Question naturally lurked for me around every
turn and comer. I sighed over it and made fun of it; I felt
unhappy, but still it never really took hold of me, although even
before I came here I wanted to write a Jewish novel. I was
going to write it during my travels in Spain on which I set out
in the summer of 1891. At that time it was my next literary
project. T he hero was to have been my dear friend Heinrich
Kana, who had shot himself that February in Berlin. I believe
that through the novel I wanted to write myself free of his
ghost. In its first draft the novel was entitled Samuel Kohn,
and among my loose notes there must be many which have
reference to it. I wanted in particular to contrast the suffering,
despised, and decent mass of poor Jews with the rich ones. The
latter experience nothing of anti-Semitism which they are
actually and mainly responsible for. The milieu in which Kana
lived was to be set off against that of his rich relatives.
T he Neue Freie Presse sent me to Paris as its correspondent.
I took the job because I sensed at once how much I would see
and leam of the world in that post; but I still regretted the
abandoned plan of the novel.
In Paris I was in the midst of politics—at least as an observer.
I saw how the world is run. I also stood amazed at the phenome
non of the crowd—for a long time without comprehending it.
Here too I reached a higher, more disinterested view of anti-
Semitism, from which at least I did not have to suffer directly.
In Austria or in Germany I must constantly fear that someone
will shout “Hep, hep!” after me. But here I pass through the
crowd unrecognized.
In this word “unrecognized” lies a terrible reproach against
the anti-Semites.
Up to now I have heard that cry of “Hep, hep!” with my
own ears only twice. T he first time was when I passed through
Mainz in 1888. One evening I entered a cheap nightclub and
had a beer. When I got up to leave and made my way to the
door through the noise and the smoke, a fellow called “Hep,
hep!” after me. A chorus of horse-laughs arose around him.
The second time was at Baden near Vienna. Someone shouted
“Dirty Jew” at me as I was riding by in a carriage, coming from
Speidel’s home at Hinterbriihl. This shout went deeper, be
cause it came as a memorable epilogue to the conversation I
had had in Hinterbriihl and because it resounded on my “home”
soil.
In Paris, then, I gained a freer attitude toward anti-Semitism
which I now began to understand historically and make allow
ances for.
Above all, I recognized the emptiness and futility of efforts
to “combat anti-Semitism.” Declamations made in writing or
in closed circles do no good whatever; they even have a comical
effect. It is true that in addition to careerists and simpletons
there may be very stalwart people serving on such “relief
committees.” These resemble the “relief committees” formed
after—and beforel—floods, and they accomplish about as much.
The noble Bertha von Suttner is in error—an error, to be sure,
which does her great honor—when she believes that such a
committee can be of help. Exactly the case of the peace societies.
A man who invents a terrible explosive does more for peace
than a thousand gentle apostles.
This is roughly what I answered Baron Leitenberger when
he asked me three years ago what I thought of the Freies Blatt
as an organ to “combat etc.” I said I thought nothing of it.
However, something could be done through the medium of
the press, I said, and then I unfolded to him a plan for a
popular paper for combatting Jew-hatred—a paper to be di
rected by a simon-pure Gentile. However, the Baron thought
my plan too complicated, or too costly. He wanted to fight only
on a small scale—against anti-Semitisml
Today, of course, I am of the opinion that what seemed
adequate to me at that time would be a feeble, foolish gesture.
Anti-Semitism has grown and continues to grow—and so do I.
I can still recall two different conceptions of the Question
and its solution which I had in the course of those years. About
two years ago I wanted to solve the Jewish Question, at least in
Austria, with the help of the Catholic Church. I wished to gain
access to the Pope (not without first assuring myself of the
support of the Austrian church dignitaries) and say to him:
Help us against the anti-Semites and I will start a great move
ment for the free and honorable conversion of Jews to
Christianity.
Free and honorable by virtue of the fact that the leaders of
this movement—myself in particular—would remain Jews and
as such would propagate conversion to the faith of the majority.
The conversion was to take place in broad daylight, Sundays
at noon, in Saint Stephen’s Cathedral, with festive processions
and amidst the pealing of bells. Not in shame, as individuals
have converted up to now, but with proud gestures. And be
cause the Jewish leaders would remain Jews, escorting the
people only to the threshold of the church and themselves
staying outside, the whole performance was to be elevated by
a touch of great candor.
We, the steadfast men, would have constituted the last gen
eration. We would still have adhered to the faith of our fathers.
But we would have made Christians of our young sons before
they reached the age of independent decision, after which con
version looks like an act of cowardice or careerism. As is my
custom, I had thought out the entire plan down to all its minute
details. I could see myself dealing with the Archbishop of
Vienna; in imagination I stood before the Pope—both of them
were very sorry that I wished to do no more than remain part
of the last generation of Jews—and sent this slogan of mingling
of the races flying across the world.
As soon as I had an opportunity to discuss the matter with
them, I intended to win over to this plan the publishers of the
Neue Freie Presse. From Paris I had previously given them some
advice which, to the detriment of the Liberal Party in Austria,
they did not follow. About a year before the Socialists’ drive
for electoral reform became acute, I recommended that the
Christmas editorial should suddenly demand universal suffrage.
In this way the Liberals could regain the solid ground they had
lost among the people and the intelligent elements in the work
ing-class. Subsequently, the agitation for electoral reform reached
my publishers from the outside, and their stand on it was not
a felicitous one.
It is true that I had no real authority with the editorial
writers; they regarded me only as a talker and a writer of
feuilletons.
Thus Benedikt, too, rejected my idea about the Pope when
I spoke with him about it here in Paris, as Bâcher had earlier
rejected my idea concerning universal suffrage.
But one thing in Benedikt’s response struck me as being true.
He said: For a hundred generations your line has preserved
itself within the fold of Judaism. Now you are proposing to set
yourself up as the terminal point in this process. This you can
not do and have no right to do. Besides, the Pope would never
receive you.
This, however, did not prevent the Neue Freie Presse and
the Austrian liberals from seeking the Pope’s intervention
against the anti-Semites later. This happened last winter, a year
and a half after my conversation with Benedikt, though under
circumstances that were unfavorable and even ran counter to
the principles involved—that is to say, when Cardinal Schônbom
went to Rome in order to ask the Pope to come out against that
element among the anti-Semites which the clergy and the
government were beginning to find troublesome. By such irre
vocable actions the Liberals recognized what they had always
denied previously: the right of the Pope to meddle in the
internal affairs of Austria. The result of this abdication equalled
zero.
I had meant something entirely different: a diplomatic peace
treaty concluded behind closed doors.
vjvyivirLiHi e. jjia r IES OF THEODOR HERZL 9
Naturally I could not do anything without my newspaper.
Where would I have got any authority from? What would I
have been able to offer in exchange? T he services of the leading
liberal paper might have induced the clever Pope to do some
thing, issue a declaration or drop a hint. On a later occasion,
incidentally, I heard a remark which Leo X III made about the
paper: Too bad that the Neue Freie Presse is so well done.
After this plan had been abandoned, there ripened in my
unconscious, in that obscure way, another idea, one not so
political but more contemplative. I first formulated it clearly
in a conversation with Speidel last summer when I came from
Baden to visit him at Hinterbriihl. We were walking over the
green meadows, philosophizing, and got on the Jewish Question.
I said: “I understand what anti-Semitism is about. We Jews
have maintained ourselves, even if through no fault of our own,
as a foreign body among the various nations. In the ghetto we
have taken on a number of anti-social qualities. O ur character
has been corrupted by oppression, and it must be restored
through some other kind of pressure. Actually, anti-Semitism
is a consequence of the emancipation of the Jews. However,
the peoples who lack historical understanding—that is, all of
them—do not see us as an historical product, as the victims of
earlier, crueler, and still more narrow-minded times. They do
not realize that we are what we are because they have made us
that way amidst tortures, because the Church made usury dis
honorable for Christians, and because the rulers forced us to
deal in money. We cling to money because they flung us onto
money. Moreover, we always had to be prepared to flee or to
conceal our possessions from plunderers. This is how our rela
tionship to money arose. Then, too, as Kammerknechte of the
Emperor we constituted a kind of indirect taxation. We ex
tracted money from the people which later was stolen or con
fiscated from us. All these sufferings rendered us ugly and
transformed our character which had in earlier times been
proud and magnificent. After all, we once were men who knew
how to defend the state in time of war, and we must have been
a highly gifted people to have endured two thousand years of
carnage without being destroyed.
“Now, it was erroneous on the part of the doctrinaire liber
tarians to believe that men can be made equal by publishing an
edict in the Imperial Gazette. When we emerged from the
ghetto, we were, and for the time being remained, Ghetto
Jews. We should have been given time to get accustomed to
freedom. But the peoples around us have neither the mag
nanimity nor the patience. They see only the bad and con
spicuous characteristics of a liberated people and have no idea
that these released men have been unjustly punished. Added
to this is the prevalent Socialist opposition to mobile private
capital, the kind with which Jews have been forced to occupy
themselves exclusively for centuries past.
“But if the Jews turn from money to professions that were
previously barred to them, they cause a terrible pressure on
the area in which the middle classes earn their living, a pressure
under which the Jews actually suffer most of all.
“However, anti-Semitism, which is a strong and unconscious
force among the masses, will not harm the Jews. I consider it
to be a movement useful to the Jewish character. It represents
the education of a group by the masses, and will perhaps lead to
its being absorbed. Education is accomplished only through
hard knocks. A Darwinian mimicry will set in. The Jews will
adapt themselves. They are like the seals, which an act of
nature cast into the water. These animals assume the appearance
and habits of fish, which they certainly are not. Once they return
to dry land again and are allowed to remain there for a few
generations, they will turn their fins into feet again.
“The traces of one kind of pressure can be effaced only by
another kind.”
Speidel said: “This is a universal historical conception.”
Then I drove out into the falling darkness, in the direction
of Baden.
As my fiacre sped through the tunnel behind the Cholera
Chapel, two young fellows, one of them in cadet uniform, were
passing by. I believe I was sitting huddled in thought. At that
point I distinctly heard a cry from behind the carriage: “Dirty
Jew!”
1 started up in anger and, incensed, turned around in the
direction of the two youths, but they were already far behind.
A moment later my brief impulse to scuffle with street urchins
had vanished. Besides, the insult had not been directed at me
personally, for I was unknown to them, but at my Jewish nose
and Jewish beard, which they had glimpsed in the semi-darkness
behind the carriage lanterns.
But what a curious echo to my “universal historical” con
ception! World history is of no use in such a situation.
A few months later I was sitting for the sculptor Beer who
was doing my bust. O ur conversation resulted in the insight
that it does a Jew no good to become an artist and free himself
from the taint of money. T he curse still clings. We cannot get
out of the Ghetto. I became quite heated as I talked, and when
I left, my excitement still glowed in me. With the swiftness of
that dream involving a pitcher of water in the Arabian fairy-tale,
the outline of the play came into being. I believe I hadn’t gone
from the Rue Descombes to the Place Péreire when the whole
thing was already finished in my mind.
The next day I set to work. Three blessed weeks of ardor and
labor.
I had thought that through this eruption of playwriting I
had written myself free of the matter. On the contrary: I got
more and more deeply involved with it. The thought grew
stronger in me that I must do something for the Jews.
For the first time I went to the synagogue in the Rue de la
Victoire and once again found the services festive and moving.
Many things reminded me of my youth and the Tabak Street
temple at Pest. I took a look at the Paris Jews and saw a family
likeness in their faces: bold, misshapen noses: furtive and
cunning eyes.
Was it then that I conceived the plan of writing on “The
Situation of the Jews,” or had I conceived it earlier?
Now I remember that it was earlier. I had already talked
about it in Vienna the previous fall. I wanted to visit the
localities where the vagaries of history had strewn Jewish
communities: particularly Russia, Galicia, Hungary, Bohemia;
later, the Orient, the new Zion colonies; finally, Western
Europe again. All my faithful reports were to bring out the
undeserved misfortune of the Jews and to show that they are
human beings whom people revile without knowing them. For
here in Paris I have acquired a reporter’s eyes which are
needed for such perceptions.
Some time before Easter I came into contact with Daudet.
During one conversation we got on the subject of the Jews.
He confessed himself an anti-Semite. I explained to him my
own standpoint and once again warmed to my subject (which
might be proof that, basically, I think best while talking).
When I told him that 1 wanted to write a book for and about
the Jews, he asked: A novel?—No, I said, preferably a man’s
book!—Whereupon he said: A novel reaches farther. Think of
Uncle Tom's Cabin.
I then orated some more and moved even him to such an
extent that he finally said: "Comme c'est beau, comme c'est
beau [How beautiful this is]!”
That again put doubts in my mind about “The Situation of
the Jews,” and I thought of the novel once more. However,
Samuel Kohn—Heinrich Kana was no longer the central figure.
In the first draft, the final chapter dealt with the moods that
preceded Samuel’s suicide. One evening he strolled along Unter
den Linden, feeling superior to everybody because of his immi
nent death. Mockingly he looked at the officers of the guard,
anyone of whom he could take with him into death. When the
thought of doing something useful with his suicide occurred
to him, he became a commander. He walked in such a proud
and lordly manner that instinctively everyone got out of his
way. This placated him; he went home quietly and shot himself.
In the present form of the novel, Samuel still was the weaker
but dearly beloved friend of the hero whom the fortunes of
his life bring to the point where he discovers, or, rather, founds,
the Promised Land.
Shortly before the sailing of the boat which is to take him
to new shores, together with a staff of officers expert in explora
tion, he receives Samuel’s farewell letter. Samuel writes: “My
dear, dear boy, when you read this letter, I shall be dead.”
At this point the hero moves his fist, in which he is crumbling
the paper, to his heart. But the next instant there is only rage
in him.
He gives the command for departure. Then he stands at the
bow of the boat and stares fixedly into the distance where the
Promised Land lies.
And he takes the letter, in which there is so much touching
love and loyalty, and cries into the wind: “You fool, you
scoundrel, you wretch I Oh, for the life that belonged to us
and is lost!
• • •
How I proceeded from the idea of writing a novel to a

practical program is already a mystery to me, although it
happened within the last few weeks. It is in the realm of the
Unconscious.
Perhaps these ideas are not practical ones at all and I am
only making myself the laughing-stock of the people to whom
I talk about it seriously. Could I be only a figure in my novel?
But even then it would be worth writing down what I have
thought about during this period and am continuing to think
about.
One day I suddenly wrote a letter to Baron Hirsch who has
taken such a striking millionaire’s interest in the Jews. After
I had finished this letter, I left it lying there and slept on it
for fourteen days and nights. When even after this interval the
letter did not seem devoid of sense to me, I mailed it. This letter
reads as follows:
14 T H E COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZL
Dear Sir:
When may I have the honor of calling on you? I should like
to discuss the Jewish Question. I do not want to interview you
nor to talk about a disguised or undisguised financial matter.
It seems that the claims on you are so manifold that one cannot
guard against the suspicion of unsavory designs soon enough.
I simply wish to have a discussion with you about Jewish political
matters, a discussion that may have an effect on times that neither
you nor I will live to see.
For this reason I should like you to arrange our meeting on a
day when you can devote an uninterrupted hour or two to the
matter. Because of my regular occupation, a Sunday would be
best for me. It does not have to be this coming Sunday, but any
date you please.
What I have in mind will interest you. But even though I am
not telling you much by saying this, I should not want you to
show this letter to the people around you—secretaries and others.
Kindly treat it confidentially.
Perhaps my name is not unknown to you. In any case, you
are acquainted with the newspaper which I represent here.
Respectfully yours,
Dr. Herzl,
Correspondent of the Neue Freie Presse
# * *
This is a rough draft of the letter, still in my possession. I may

have made some changes in the clean copy; at that time I did not
yet think of saving all these things as documents.
My main concern was that this letter might be regarded as
the beginning of a journalist’s feat of extortion. After all, I did
not want to meet the man on account of his money, but because
he is a very useful force for the cause.
Several days passed. Then I received a reply from London W.,
82 Piccadilly.
London, May 20, 1895
Dr. Théodore Herzl, Paris.*
I received your letter here where I am going to be for two
months. I am sorry to be unable, with the best will in the world,
to arrange the meeting you asked me for. Perhaps you could tell
me in a letter what you were going to say to me in person, putting
“Personal” on the envelope.
I beg your pardon for replying to you in the handwriting of
my secretary, and in French, but as the result of an old hunting
injury to my right hand I am unable to hold a pen for any
length of time.
Very truly yours,
M. de Hirsch
» • *
To this letter I replied:
37 rue Cambon, May 24,1895

Dear Sir:
I am deeply sorry that we were not able to meet here.
It is not easy to write down what I wanted to tell you. I shall
not dwell on the mishaps that a letter may be subject to. My
intentions, which are at the service of an important cause, could
be desecrated by idle curiosity, or spoiled by the lack of under
standing of a chance reader. Furthermore, my letter could come
into your hands at a moment when you are distracted by other
things and cannot give it your undivided attention. If then you
had your secretary answer me with some polite formula about
the matter being “under consideration,” I would be through with
you forever. And in the general interest that might be regrettable.
Nevertheless I am going to write to you. Only, at the moment
I am too busy to be brief, as the old saying goes. But in point of
fact, I do not want to bore you with a grandiloquent presentation.
As soon as I find the time, I shall submit to you a plan for a
new Jewish policy.
• The letter it in French in the original.
What you have undertaken till now has been as magnanimous
as it has been misapplied, as costly as it has been pointless. You
have hitherto been only a philanthropist, a Peabody; I want to
show you the way to become something more.
Do not get the idea, however, that I am a maker of projects
or some new species of fool, even though the way in which I am
writing to you deviates somewhat from the ordinary. Right from
the start I admit the possibility that I am mistaken and I shall
accept objections.
I certainly do not expect to convince you right away, for you
will have to re-think a number of your present attitudes. Al
though I am presumably only an unknown to you, all I desire
is your fullest attention. In conversation I would probably have
gained it for myself, but it is harder to do this by correspondence.
My letter lies on your desk among many others, and I can im
agine that you get plenty of letters every day from beggars,
parasites, fakers, and the professionals of charity. T hat is why
my letter will come in a second envelope marked: Letter from
Dr. Herzl. I ask you to lay this second envelope aside and not
to open it until you have a completely rested and unoccupied
mind. T hat is what I desired for our conversation which did not
take place.
Respectfully yours,
Dr. Herzl.
• • •
In this case, too, my rough draft is not reliable. It now seems

to me that in copying the letter I changed a few phrases. But in
substance, those were its contents, and again the only fear I had
was that Hirsch or some third party looking over his shoulder
might take me for a money-seeker.
During the following days I prepared a memorandum. I filled
a great number of slips of paper with my notes. I wrote while
walking, in the Chamber of Deputies, in the restaurant, in the
theater.
A wealth of details was quickly added.
In the midst of these preparations Hirsch surprised me with
another letter:
London, May 26
Monsieur Herzl, 37 rue Cambon, Paris.*
I received your letter of the day before yesterday. If you have
not already prepared a long report, you can save yourself the
trouble. In a few days I shall be in Paris for forty-eight hours, and
on next Sunday, June 2, at 10:30 a.m., you will find me at your
disposal at 2 rue de l’Elysée.
Yours very truly,
M. de Hirsch.
This letter gave me satisfaction, because I saw that I had

judged the man correctly and had hit him at the locus minons
resistentiae [place of least resistance]. Apparently my statement
that he could become more than a Peabody had had an effect on
him.
Now I began to make notes in earnest, and by the Saturday be
fore Pentecost they had grown into a thick bundle. T hen I di
vided them into three groups according to their contents: Intro
duction, Elevation of the Jewish Race, Emigration.
I made a clean copy of them thus arranged. They added up
to 22 closely written pages, although I had only used catchwords,
aids to my memory during the interview. I always was, and still
am, compelled to make allowance for my initial shyness.
When dealing with famous or well-known people here in
Paris, I have often made myself ridiculous by my self-conscious
ness.
Spuller, who is certainly no great light (although he did origi
nate the esprit nouveau), once overawed me to the point of
denseness when I called on him during his term as a Minister.
On Whitsunday m orning I dressed myself with discreet care.
The day before I had purposely broken in a new pair of gloves
# In French in the original.

so that they might still look new but not fresh from the shop. One
must not show rich people too much deference.
I drove up to the Rue de L’Elysée. A palace. The grand court
yard, the noble side-stairway—to say nothing of the main stair
case—made a strong impression on me. Wealth affects me only
in the guise of beauty. And there everything was of genuine
beauty. Old pictures, marble, muted gobelins. Donnerwetter!
One of our sort never thinks of these corollaries of wealth when
he disparages it. Everything had truly great style, and, a bit dazed,
I let myself be handed from one attendant to another.
I was scarcely in the billiard-room when Hirsch stepped out of
his study, shook hands with me quickly and absently, as though
I were an acquaintance, asked me to wait a little while, and
disappeared again.
I sat down and examined the exquisite Tanagra figurines in a
glass case. The Baron, I thought to myself, must have hired
someone to be in charge of good taste.
Then I heard voices from the adjoining room and recognized
that of one of his philanthropic functionaries with whom I had
exchanged a few words in Vienna once, and on two occasions
here.
I did not like the idea of his seeing me here on his way out.
Perhaps Hirsch had arranged it that way on purpose. This
thought made me smile again, for I was not minded to become
at all dependent on tym. Either I would bend him to my will or
I would leave with my mission unaccomplished. I was even ready
with an answer if, during our conversation, he should offer me
a position with the Jewish Association:* “Enter your service? No.
That of the Jews? Yes!”
Then the two officials came out. I shook hands with the one
I knew. T o the Baron I said: "Can you spare me an hour? If
it is not at least an hour, I’d rather not start at all. I need that
amount of time merely to indicate how much I have to say.”
He smiled: “Just go ahead.”
• In English in the original.
i iil , vjumi IjIj i u in RIES OF THEODOR HERZL 19
I pulled out my notes. "In order to present the matter lucidly
I have prepared a few things in advance."
I had hardly spoken five minutes when the telephone rang.
I think it was prearranged. I had even meant to tell him in
advance that he need not have himself called away on imaginary
business, that he had only to say right out whether he was un
occupied. However, he said over the telephone that he was not
at home to anybody. By this I knew that I had made an impression
on him; he had let his guard down.
I developed my plan as follows:
“In what I have to say you will find some things too simple
and others too fantastic. But men are ruled by the simple and
the fantastic. It is astonishing—and common knowledge—with
what little intelligence the world is governed.
“I by no means set out deliberately to occupy myself with
the Jewish question. You too originally did not plan to become
a patron of the Jews. You were a banker and made big business
deals; you ended up devoting your time and your fortune to the
cause of the Jews. Similarly, at the beginning I was a writer and
a journalist, with no thought of the Jews. But my experiences
and observations, the growing pressure of anti-Semitism com
pelled me to interest myself in the problem.
“All right. So much for my credentials.
“I won’t go into the history of the Jews, although I intended
to start with it. It is well known. There is only one point I must
emphasize. Throughout our two thousand years of dispersion,
we have been without unified political leadership. I regard this
as our chief misfortune. It has done us more harm than all the
persecutions. This is why we have inwardly gone to rack and ruin.
For there has been no one to train us to become real men, even
if only out of imperial selfishness. On the contrary, we were
pushed into all the inferior occupations, we were locked up in
ghettos where we caused one another’s degeneration. And when
they let us out, they suddenly expected us to have all the attri
butes of a people used to freedom.
“Now, if we had a united political leadership, the necessity
for which I need not demonstrate further and which should by
no means constitute a secret society—if we had such leadership,
we could tackle the solution of the Jewish question—from above,
from below, from all sides.
“The aim that we will pursue once we have a center, a head,
will determine the means.
“There are two possible aims: either we stay where we are
or we emigrate somewhere else.
“For either course we need certain identical measures for the
education of our people. For even if we emigrate, it will be a
long time before we arrive in the Promised Land. It took Moses
forty years. We may require twenty or thirty. At any rate, in the
meantime new generations will arise whom we must educate for
our purposes.
“Now, with regard to education, I propose to employ, from
the outset, methods quite different from those which you are
using.
“First of all, there is the principle of philanthropy, which I
consider completely erroneous. You are breeding shnorrers [beg
gars]. It is symptomatic that no other people shows such a great
incidence of philanthropy and beggary as the Jews. It strikes one
that there must be a correlation between these two phenomena,
meaning that philanthropy debases our national character.”
He interrupted me: “You are quite right.”
I continued:
“Years ago I heard that your attempts to settle Jews in Ar
gentina had had poor results, or none.”
“Would you like me to reply to you as you go along whenever
I have an objection?”
“No, I would prefer that you permit me to give you the whole
substance of my presentation. I know that some of the things
I say will not be in accordance with the facts, because I have never
collected facts and figures. Just let me formulate my principles.”
From that point on Hirsch jotted down his objections on a
writing pad.
I said: “Your Argentinian Jews behave in a disorderly fashion,
I am told. One item rather shocked me; the house built first was
one of—ill repute.”
Hirsch interjected: “Not true. T hat house was not built by my
colonists.”
“Very well. But in any case, the whole thing should not have
been started the way you did it. You drag these would-be Jewish
farmers overseas. They are bound to believe that they have a
right to be supported in the future, too, and the last thing in
the world that will be promoted by this is their eagerness to
work. Whatever such an exported Jew may cost you, he isn’t worth
it. And how many specimens can you transport over there any
way? Fifteen to twenty thousandl More Jews than that live on one
street in the Leopoldstadt. No, direct means are altogether un
suitable for moving masses of people. You can be effective only
through indirect means.
“To attract Jews to rural areas you would have to tell them
some fairy-tale about how they may strike gold there. In imagina
tive terms it might be put like this: Whoever plows, sows, and
reaps will find gold in every sheaf. After all, it’s almost true. The
only thing is, the Jews know that it will be a tiny little lump.
That is why you would be able to tell them, more rationally: the
man who manages best will receive a bonus, one that might be
very substantial.
“However, I do not believe that it is possible to settle the
Jews in the rural areas of the countries which they now inhabit.
The peasants would kill them with their flails. One of the strong
holds of German anti-Semitism is Hesse, where Jews engage in
small-scale farming.
“With twenty thousand of your Argentinian Jews you will
prove nothing, even if those people do well. But if the experi
ment fails, you will have furnished a dreadful bit of evidence
against the Jews.
“Enough of criticism. What is to be done?
“Whether the Jews stay put or whether they emigrate, the
race must first be improved right on the spot. It must be made
strong as for war, eager to work, and virtuous. Afterwards, let
them emigrate—if necessary.
“T o effect this improvement, you can employ your resources
better than you have done up to now.
“Instead of buying up the Jews one by one, you could offer
huge prizes in the chief anti-Semitic countries for actions d’éclat
[striking deeds], for deeds of great moral beauty, for courage,
self-sacrifice, ethical conduct, great achievements in art and
science, for physicians during epidemics, for military men, for
discoverers of remedies and inventors of other products con
tributing to the public welfare, no matter what—in short, for
anything great.
“Such prizes will accomplish two things: the improvement
of everyone, and publicity. You see, because the prize-winning
feat will be unusual and glorious, it will be talked about every
where. Thus people will learn that there are good Jews too,
and many of them.
“But the first result is more important: a general improve
ment. The individual annual prize-winners do not really matter;
I am more interested in all the others who try to outdo them
selves in order to win a prize. In this way the moral level will be
raised—”
At this point he interrupted me impatiently:
“No, no, nol I don’t want to raise the general level at all. All
our misfortune comes from the fact that the Jews want to climb
too high. We have too many intellectuals. My intention is to
keep the Jews from pushing ahead. They should not make such
great strides. All Jew-hatred comes from this. As for my plans
in Argentina, you are misinformed on that, too. It is true that
in the beginning some dissolute fellows were sent over, and
I would just as soon have thrown them into the water. But now
I have many decent people there. And it is my intention, if the
colony prospers, to charter a fine English vessel, invite a hundred
newspaper correspondents—consider yourself already invited—
and take them across to Argentina. Of course, it all depends upon
the harvests. After a few good years I could show the world that
the Jews make good fanners after all. As a result of this, maybe
they will be allowed to till the soil in Russia as well.”
Now I said: “I didn’t interrupt you although I hadn’t finished.
I was interested to hear just what you have in mind. But I realize
that it would be pointless to go on presenting my ideas to you.”
He then remarked in a benevolent tone, much as if I had asked
him for a position in his banking house: “I do see that you are
an intelligent man.”
I merely smiled to myself. Such things as my undertaking
are above personal vanity. I am going to see and hear many
more things of this sort.
Hirsch now qualified his praise: “But you have such fantastic
ideas.”
I got up. “Well, didn’t I tell you that it would seem either too
simple or too fantastic to you? You don't know what the fantas
tic really is and that the great motives of men can be surveyed
only from the heights.”
“Emigration would be the only solution,” he said. “There are
lands enough for sale.”
I almost shouted: “Well, who told you that I don’t want to
emigrate? It is all there in these notes. I shall go to the German
Kaiser; he will understand me, for he has been brought up to
be a judge of great things . . .”
At these words Hirsch blinked perceptibly. Was he impressed
by my rudeness, or by my intention to speak with the Kaiser?
Perhaps both. I put my notes in my pocket and concluded.
"To the Kaiser I shall say: Let our people gol We are strangers
here; we are not permitted to assimilate with the people, nor
are we able to do so. Let us gol I will tell you the ways and the
means which I want to use for our exodus, so that no economic
crisis or vacuum may follow our departure.”
Hirsch said: “Where will you get the money? Rothschild will
subscribe five hundred francs.”
“The money?” I said with a defiant laugh. “I shall raise a
Jewish National Loan Fund of ten million marks.”
“A fantasy 1” smiled the Baron. “T he rich Jews will give noth
ing. Wealthy people are mean and care nothing about the suffer
ings of the poor.”
“You talk like a Socialist, Baron Hirsch!”
“I am one. I am quite ready to hand over everything, provided
the others have to do likewise.”
I did not take his charming notion any more seriously than
it was meant and took my leave. His final words were:
“This has not been our last conversation. As soon as I come
over from London again I shall let you hear from me.”
“Whenever you wish.”
Again I passed over the beautiful staircase and the noble
courtyard. I was not disappointed, but stimulated. All in all, a
pleasant, intelligent, natural sort of man—vain par exemple!—
but I could have worked with him. He gives the impression of
being reliable, despite all his wilfulness.
Once home I immediately rushed to my writing desk.
• • *
Vienna, April 16,1896

This is where I interrupted the connected presentation at that
time, for there followed several weeks of unexampled productiv
ity, during which I no longer had the peace to make a clean copy
of my ideas. I wrote walking, standing, lying down, in the street,
at table, at night when I started up from sleep.
The slips with my notes are dated. I no longer find the time
to transcribe them. I began a second book in order to enter the
noteworthy events each day. Thus the slips remained untouched.
Now I am asking my good Dad to enter them for me in the
present book, in the order in which they were written. I know
now, and knew throughout that whole tempestuous period of
production, that much of what I wrote down was wild and fan
tastic. But I made no self-criticism of any sort, so as not to
cripple the sweep of these inspirations. T here would be time
later, I thought, for clarifying criticism.
In these notes the Jewish State is imagined now as something
real, now as material for a novel, because at the time I had not
made up my mind whether I should dare to publish it as a seri
ous proposal.
This is the rational explanation for the abrupt transitions in
these notes; what mattered most to me in this respect was to let
no idea escape. Even in the second notebook the novelistic form
is reverted to in a few instances.
Even what is fantastic in these disconnected ideas will one
day be of interest—certainly to myself and possibly to others as
well. Today I am giving them to my dear father to be entered,
though with such necessary reservations as are dictated by reason.
For today my project has come a step closer to realization, one
that may be historically memorable. Reverend Hechler, who has
gone to Karlsruhe to win the Grand Duke and through him
the Kaiser for the idea, has wired me to be ready to come to
Karlsruhe.
• • *
3rd letter to Baron Hirsch, Paris.
Whit-Monday, June 3, 1895

Dear Sir:
In order to forestall the esprit de l’escalier,* I had made notes
before I went to see you.
On returning home I found that I had stopped on page 6, and
yet I had 22 pages. Due to your impatience you heard only the
beginning; where and how my idea begins to blossom you did not
get to hear.
No matter. In the first place, I didn’t expect an immediate
conversion. Furthermore, my plan certainly does not depend on
you alone.
True, for the sake of speed I would have liked to use you as
an available force and a known quantity. But you would have
been only the power I would have started with. There are others.
•Translator's Note: Literally, “ the spirit of the staircase," that is, the bright
ideas that come too late, while descending the stairs, after a meeting.
There are, ultimately and above all, the Jewish masses, and I
shall know how to get across to them.
This pen is a power. You will be convinced of it if I stay
alive and healthy—a reservation which you too must make with
regard to your own activities.
You are the big Jew of money, I am the Jew of the spirit.
Hence the divergence between our means and methods. Note
that you could not have heard of my attempts as yet, because
the first one just took place in your house, on you. I am on my
way.
Naturally, your attitude toward me was one of gentle irony.
T hat’s what I expected. I told you so in my opening remarks.
T hat is the reception new ideas get. Moreover, you didn’t even
have the patience to hear me out. Nevertheless, I shall say what
is on my mind. I hope you will live to see the magnificent growth
of my ideas. You will then recall that Whit-Sunday morning, for
despite all your irony I believe you to be open-minded and a
man receptive to great plans. And you have tried to do a great
deal for the Jews—in your own fashion. But will you understand
me if I tell you that the entire process of mankind’s development
gives the lie to your methods? Whatl you want to hold a large
group of people on a certain level, in fact, press them down?
Allons donc! [Come, cornel] We know, don’t we, what phases
the human race has passed through, from its primitive to its
civilized state. The progression is ever upwards, despite every
thing and anything, higher and higher, always and ever higherl
There are setbacks, it is true. This is not a mere phrase. Our
grandfathers would be dumbfounded if they came back to life;
but who would want to produce a setback by artificial means—
quite apart from the fact that it cannot be done. If it were possi
ble, don’t you think that the Monarchy, the Church, would bring
it about? And what influence these forces have over the bodies
and souls of men I What are your resources by comparison? No,
at the very most you can impede progress for a little while, and
then you will be swept away by the great whirlwind.
Do you realize that you are pursuing a terribly reactionary
policy—worse than that of the most absolute autocracy? For
tunately your resources are insufficient for it. Your intentions are
good, parbleu, je le sais bien [Heavens, I know it well]. T hat is
why I should like to give them direction. Do not let the fact
that I am a rather young man prejudice you against me. In
France, at my thirty-five years of age, men are Ministers of State,
and Napoleon was Emperor.
You cut me short with your polite derision. It is still possible
to disconcert me in a conversation. I still lack the aplomb which
will increase in me with time, because it is necessary to someone
who wants to break down opposition, stir the indifferent, com
fort the distressed, inspire a craven, demoralized people, and
associate with the lords of the world.
I spoke of an army, and you already interrupted me when
I began to speak of the (moral) training necessary for its march.
I let myself be interrupted. And yet I have already drawn up
the further details, the entire plan. I know all the things it
involves: Money, money, and more money; means of transporta
tion; the provisioning of great multitudes (which does not
mean just food and drink, as in the simple days of Moses); the
maintenance of manly discipline; the organization of depart
ments; emigration treaties with the heads of some states, transit
treaties with others, formal guarantees from all of them; the
construction of new, splendid dwelling places. Beforehand,
tremendous propaganda, the popularization of the idea through
newspapers, books, pamphlets, talks by travelling lecturers,
pictures, songs. Everything directed from one center with sure
ness of purpose and with vision. But I would have had to tell
you eventually what flag I will unfurl and how. And then you
would have asked mockingly: A flag, what is that? A stick with
a rag on it?—No, sir, a flag is more than that. With a flag one can
lead men wherever one wants to, even into the Promised Land.
For a flag men will live and die; it is indeed the only thing
for which they are ready to die in masses, if one trains them
for it; believe me, the policy of an entire people—particularly
when it is scattered all over the earth—can be carried out only
with imponderables that float in thin air. Do you know what
went into the making of the German Empire? Dreams, songs,
fantasies, and black-red-and-gold ribbons—and in short order.
Bismarck merely shook the tree which the visionaries had
planted.
Whatl You do not understand the imponderable? And what
is religion? Consider, if you will, what the Jews have endured
for the sake of this vision over a period of two thousand years.
Yes, visions alone grip the souls of men. And anyone who has
no use for them may be an excellent, worthy, sober-minded
person, even a philanthropist on a large scale; but he will not
be a leader of men, and no trace of him will remain.
Nevertheless, a people’s visions must have firm ground under
neath. How do you know that I do not have eminently practical
ideas for individual details? Details which, to be sure, are
themselves of gigantic dimensions.
The exodus to the Promised Land constitutes in practical
terms an enormous job of transportation, unprecedented in
the modem world. Did I say “transportation”? It is a complex
of all kinds of human enterprise which will be geared one into
the other like cog-wheels. And this undertaking will even in
its first stages provide employment for an aspiring multitude
of our young people: all the engineers, architects, technologists,
chemists, physicians, lawyers, who have emerged from the ghetto
during the last thirty years and who thought that they would
gain their livelihood and their bit of honor outside the higgling
and haggling Jewish trades. They must now be getting desperate
and are beginning to constitute a frightful proletariat of intellec
tuals. But all my love belongs to them, and I want to increase
their numbers even as you wish to decrease them. In them I see
the future, as yet dormant strength of the Jews. In a word, my
kind of people.
Out of this proletariat of intellectuals I shall form the general
staff and the cadres of the army which is to seek, discover, and
take over the land.
T heir very departure will create some breathing space for
the middle classes in anti-Semitic countries and ease the pressure.
Don’t you see that at one stroke I shall get both Jewish
capital and Jewish labor for our purposes, and their enthusiasm
as well, once they understand what it is all about?
These, of course, are only rough outlines. But how do you
know that I have not already worked out the details involved?
Did you let me finish?
It is true the hour was late; perhaps you were being expected
somewhere else, or had work to do, or whatever. But the progress
of such a weighty matter must not be made to depend on such
petty contingencies. Have no fear, it really does not.
You will wish to continue our conversation, and—without
waiting for you—I shall always be ready to furnish you with
the further details.
If the stimuli I have given you are still active within you
and you wish to talk with me, then write me: “Venez me voir
[Come to see me].” T hat will suffice, and I shall come to London
for a day. And if on that day I don’t convince you any more than
I did yesterday, I shall go away just as undismayed and cheerful
as I went away the first time. Would you like to make a bet
with me? I am going to raise a national Jewish Loan Fund.
Will you pledge yourself to contribute fifty million marks when
I have raised the first hundred million?
In return, I shall make you the head man.
What are ten billion marks to the Jews? They are certainly
richer than the French were in 1871, and how many Jews were
among theml As a matter of fact, if need be, we could get under
way even with one billion. For this will be working capital,
the foundation for our future railroads, emigration fleet, and
navy. With it we shall build houses, palaces, workers’ dwellings,
schools, theaters, museums, government buildings, prisons,
hospitals, insane asylums—in short, cities—and make the new
land so fruitful as to turn it into the Promised Land.
The loan will itself become the main channel for the emigra
tion of capital. This is the heart of the matter as far as state
finances are concerned. It may not be superfluous to remark
at this point that I am presenting all this as a man of politics.
I am no businessman and never want to be one.
Jewish money is available in huge quantities for a Chinese
loan, for Negro railroads in Africa, for the most exotic under
takings—and would none be found for the deepest, the most
immediate, the direst need of the Jews themselves?
I shall stay in Paris until the middle of July. Then I shall
go away for some length of time. It concerns the cause. I beg
you, however, to maintain complete silence on this point as
well as all the others I have touched upon. At present, my
actions may not seem important to you as yet; this is precisely
why I am drawing your attention to the value that I attach to
absolute secrecy.
For the rest, I assure you in all sincerity that our discussion,
even in its fragmentary state, has proved interesting to me and
that you have been no disappointment.
With a respectful greeting, I am
Yours sincerely,
Dr. Herzl
Here follow fragmentary thoughts, all of which relate to the

Jewish State and are utilized in my political treatise, The Jewish
State.
June 5, 1895
Central Employment Office
There records will be kept on the fluctuations of the labor
market, the way that a bank keeps track of bills of exchange.
A large-scale farmer telegraphs: Request 1000 hands tomorrow.
(Sent by train, military style.) A tailor needs assistants. An
apprentice shoemaker seeks training. Every enterprise, the
largest and the smallest, converges in this department. A reser
voir of labor. Unions, employment agencies to be nationalized
—like railroads, insurance, etc.
Secretary Goldschmidt.
Similarly, an advisory center for capital. Money is needed in
such-and-such a place. In one place there is no sugar factory;
in another, there is petroleum. And this office will be a clearing
house for the applications of prospective borrowers and investors.
This might take the form of an official publication. Forestall
profiteering everywhere.
• • •
Principle: well-tried enterprises, such as banking, railroads,
insurance, shipping, etc. will be taken charge of by the state
where there is no doubt that they will prosper. (In return,
remission of taxes!)
Risk will be left to private capital, with the inducement of
large profits. Successful enterprises later will pay taxes graded
in direct proportion to the growth of their returns. Clearly draw
the line where private enterprise is not strangled.
When eveything is underway over there, the task of the
Director-General will begin in earnest. The emigration must
take place respectably. T he Jewish Company will make good
on any fraudulent dealings before emigration and then indemnify
itself from the swindler over there.
In this way we shall avoid major crises and prosecutions in
later phases of the emigration and lay the foundation for respect
in the eyes of the world.
We shall also show our gratitude to benevolent governments
by setting ourselves up as large taxpayers in places where we
could evade taxes (that is, everywhere, due to the legal sover
eignty of foreign countries) and by offering a broad base.
What we lose in this way and through the devaluation of the
immovables that are taken over from us we shall amply make up
for by our enormous earnings through our planned improve
ment of the cheap land over there.
• • •
Tentative principle for construction: At first decorative, with
light materials (designed for 10-20 years, with the exception of
monuments), cela attire Voeil [that attracts the eye], exposition
style. This will provide for subsequent new construction, thus
opportunities for employment indefinitely. Then, durable and
handsome.
• * #
The Society of Jews* will proceed in a substantial, financially

sound, reliable manner. It is, among other things, also a big
shipping agency (take Leinkauf) and will arrange for special
passenger and freight rates from the railroads.
This will also be a sort of appeasement for our exodus. For,
subsequently people will be sorry and want to follow us, as did
Pharaoh. But we shall leave no dirty dealings behind. Jewish
honor begins.
• * #
Woe to the swindlers who may try to enrich themselves

through the Jewish cause. We shall set up the most severe
punishments for them, involving the loss of civil rights and of
the right to acquire real estate.
* * *
For the Society must not become a Panama.

• • •
We shall unite all Zionists.

• • •
Health measures prior to departure. Infectious diseases to
be cured on this side. We shall have embarcation hospitals
(quarantines), baths, clothing centers before departure.
• • *
To breed a peasantry like that of bygone times would be

like equipping a modem army with bows and arrows.
* • #
The idea now absorbs me to such an extent that I relate
everything to it, as a lover to his beloved.
Today I went to see Floquet’s secretary about Nemec, a
member of the Foreign Legion, who was recruited under false
pretenses. While the secretary read me the War Minister’s
Official Report—obviously an irregular procedure as far as the
hierarchy is concerned—all I could think about was our own
troops; how I could create discipline and yet prevent such
inhuman acts.
In the evening, Tannhduser at the Opera. We too will have
such splendid auditoriums—the gentlemen in full dress, the
ladies dressed as lavishly as possible. Yes, I want to make use
of the Jewish love of luxury, in addition to all other resources.
This again made me think of the phenomenon of the crowd.
There they sat for hours, tightly packed, motionless, in
physical discomfort—and for what? For something imponder
able, the kind that Hirsch does not understand: for sounds!
for music and pictures!
I shall also cultivate majestic processional marches for great
festive occasions.
June 6, 1895
We shall have to go through bitter struggles: with a reluctant
Pharaoh, with enemies, and especially with ourselves. The
Golden Calf!
• • •
But we shall carry it through, earnest and far-sighted, as long
as the people always sense and know the loftiness of our aims.
• * •
Keep the army well in hand!

• • •
All officials in uniform, trim, with military bearing, but not

ludicrously so.
Gigantic assistance par le travail [public works].
• * *
On the transport we work out the passage of the destitute.

But they do not get it free. Over there they will pay by working,
which is part of their training.
* • •
Prizes of all kinds for virtues.

• * *
Tobacco plantations, silk factories.

• • *
T he Wonder Rabbi of Sadagora to be brought over and

installed as something like the bishop of a province. In fact,
win over the entire clergy.
You must convert the algebraic to the numerical. There are
people who do not understand that (a + b)2 = a2 -f- 2ab + b2.
For them you must calculate it in familiar terms.
• • •
I fully realize that the most immediate in my outline

is as sound as the most remote. But precisely in the most
immediate (which everyone can see) there must be no errors,
otherwise people will take the whole thing for a fantasy.
• • •
Order of procedure:
l. Money-raising (syndicate).
a. Start of publicity (which will cost nothing, for the anti-
Semites will rejoice, and I shall break down the liberal opposition
by threats of competition).
3. Enrollment of land-seekers.
4. More publicity, on the largest scale. Make Europe laugh
at it, swear at it—in short, talk about it.
5. Negotiations with Zion.
6. Agreements on the purchase of land.
7. Issuing of land priorities (one billion).
8. Purchase and building of ships.
9. Continuous enlistment of all who come forward; recruit
ment, assignment, training.
10. Begin to publicize the big subscription.
11. Sailing of the expedition to take possession of the land,
with news service for the entire press.
is. Selection and demarcation of the land and the sites for
the main cities.
13. Workers from Russia, etc. will have been building em
barcation barracks (on Italian or Dutch coast, first for them
selves, then for subsequent contingents).
14. Fare and freight contracts with railroads. We must make
a big profit on transportation.
15. Exchange of old items for new ones begins.
16. The wheels already in motion will, of course, be kept
turning; gradually all the other elements in my program will
be added until the entire machine is running!
17. To the German Kaiser (request privileges! from him).
• • *
On our part, we guarantee good order and provide a base for

taxation (possibly in return for permission for a public sub
scription to a lottery loan).
June 7, 1895
Hirsch—a week ago he still was the cornerstone of my plans;
today he has declined to a quantité absolument négligeable
[completely negligible quantity], toward which I even feel
magnanimous—in thoughts.
Read Daniel Deronda. Teweles talks about it. I don’t know
it yet.
* * #
T o the Family Council. I start with you, because at the be

ginning, until my cadres are set up, I cannot use a grand fracas
[big row], and can more safely lead out the life and property
of the masses. On the other hand, if I stir up the masses first,
I endanger the rich.
• • •
Thus I can proceed more cautiously.
* * *
I am the man who makes aniline dyes out of refuse. I must

use analogies of different kinds, for this thing is something
unparalleled.
• • •
One can put it simply and say that I am having a pair of
boots made.
• • *
I have been to Hirsch, I am going to Rothschild, as Moltke

went from Denmark to Prussia.
• • •
Let the cowardly, assimilated, baptized Jews remain. We
shall benefit even them—they will boast of their kinship with
us of which they are now ashamed. We faithful Jews, however,
will once again become great.
At the same time, if I win over the R ’s, I do not want to cast
off poor Baron Hirsch.
I shall give him some vice-presidency (in recognition of his
past services, and because he is acquainted with my plan).
For the rest, I am not afraid of his divulging my three letters.
But if he does, I shall smash him, incite popular fanaticism
against him, and demolish him in print (as I shall inform him
in due course).
But I would much prefer to unite him and all the other big
Jews under one banner.
First, the administrative council of the Society shall comprise
les plus “upper” [the uppermost] (for authority’s sake). Then
I shall install the Camondos and Mendelssohns as heads of the
daughter institutions.
I bring to the R ’s and the big Jews their historical mission.
J'accueillerai toutes les bonnes volontés [I shall gather all
men of good will]—we must be united—et écraserai les mau
vaises [and shall crush all those of ill will] (this I shall say
threateningly to the Family Council).
A letter to Teweles (courage is not enough). I must write
Beer that I can use his Beerite.
• * •
My moving from Vienna to Paris and back was historically

necessary, so that I might learn what emigration is.
Güdemann: I will make you the first bishop of the capital.
I called you to Glion to offer you visible proof of what we are
already capable of in Nature.
If the R's are not willing, I shall take the matter before the
entire community of Jews. Apart from the delay, this would
have the additional disadvantage of forcing me to divulge my
most carefully guarded plans and deliver them to public dis
cussion, including that of the anti-Semites.
The disadvantage to the R ’s is the fact that the cause would
become public knowledge and produce storms of rage (the Jews
want to move awayl); this could lead to serious unrest in the
streets and to repressive legislation.
I either safeguard or endanger their property. And I accom
plish this because my pen has remained clean and will continue
to be not for sale.
Second Sheet from the Bois
I present the solution of the Jewish Question through safe
guarding the R. property, and vice versa.
But I am not dependent on the R ’s—I should merely prefer
to use them as a focal point, because I could raise the whole
money in one afternoon, by a simple passage d’écriture [stroke
of the pen].
They should induce Albert R. to present the matter to the
Family Council and invite me to address the Council (but not
in Paris, because the setting might overawe me).
June 7. In the Palais Royal gardens

Build something on the order of the Palais Royal or the
Square of St. Mark.
• * *
No Jew to be sent away. Everyone to be used according to

his ability or lack of it, e.g., to be taught the breeding of horses.
Introduction at Glion before the clergyman and the layman.
History. Things cannot improve, but are bound to get worse
—to the point of massacres.
Governments can’t prevent it any longer, even if they want
to. Also, there is Socialism behind it.
In the twenty years “before it becomes known,” I must train
the boys to be soldiers. But only a professional army. Strength:
one-tenth of the male population; less would not suffice
internally.
In fact, I shall educate one and all to be free, strong men,
ready to serve as volunteers in case of need. Education by means
of patriotic songs, the Maccabees, religion, heroic stage-plays,
honor, etc.
June 7
The Exodus under Moses bears the same relation to this
project as a Shrovetide Play by Hans Sachs does to a Wagner
opera.
June 7
I am prepared for anything: lamenting for the flesh-pots of
Egypt, the dance around the Golden Calf—also the ingratitude
of those who are most indebted to us.
Popular hymns (a Marseillaise of the Jews) to be commissioned

from Goldmark, Briill, and other Jewish composers (including
Mandl). A prize contest unnecessary and ludicrous. The best
one will become universal.
We shall probably model the Constitution after that of Venice,
but profit by her bad experiences by preventing them. If the
Rothschilds join with us, the first Doge is to be a Rothschild.
I will not and never shall be a Doge, for I wish to secure the
state beyond the term of my own life.
For Glion.—I have asked you to meet here in order to demon
strate to you how independent of Nature men have already
become.
ist main point: I solve the question by either safeguarding
the R. fortune or the reverse.
snd main point: If I cannot do it together with the R’s, I
shall do it in opposition to them.
Young people (as well as the poor) will get English games:
cricket, tennis, etc.; schools in the mountains.
By offering prizes I shall raise the moral level of our group,
not of those who stay behindl (viz., prizes that are valuable
but do not cost us anything, such as landed property, decorations,
etc.)
Principle: Every one of my former acquaintances who comes
will get a job, near or far.
At first I shall speak with them cordially and examine them;
but the moment their employment starts, this geniality will stop
as a matter of principle; I shall tell them this right at the outset,
for reasons of discipline.
In the Tuileries, before Gambetta’s statue. I hope the Jews
will put up a more artistic one of me.
# * #
After a hundred years, universal military service should be

introduced; but who knows how far civilization will have pro
gressed by then.
We shall give up the Jewish jargons, Judeo-German, which
had sense and justification only as the stealthy tongue of
prisoners.
I think of the seven-hour working day as an international
publicity scheme, to begin with; perhaps it can even be made
a permanent feature. If not, the jeu naturel [natural course of
things] will straighten things out again.
T o everyone, high and low, I say: No narrow-mindedness!
In a new world there is room for all . . .
With important people one must be gruff if one wants some
thing from them; they see too many smiles.
It took at least thirteen years for me to conceive this simple
idea. Only now do I realize how often I went right past it.
The “public works” system has been very important to me.
# # *
Circenses [entertainments] as soon as possible:

German theatre, international theatre, operas, operettas,
circuses, café-concerts, Café Champs Elysées.
* # *
Send wonderful display material for the Exposition of 1900.

• # *
The High Priests will wear impressive robes; our cuirassiers,

yellow trousers and white tunics; the officers, silver breast-plates.
• * *
As soon as we have decided on the land and concluded a

preliminary treaty with its present sovereign, we shall start
diplomatic negotiations with all the great powers for guarantees.
Then, issuance of the Jewish loan.
* • •
Rousseau believed that there was such a thing as a contrat
social. There is not. In the state there is only a negotiorum
gestio.
Thus I conduct the affairs of the Jews without their mandate,
but I become responsible to them for what I do.
T o the Family Council: For you that is un simple passage
d’écriture [a stroke of the pen].
And yet this safeguarding of your property will yield you
the biggest profit you have ever made.
T hat is why I want the great masses of the Jews to get some
of it, whether through a second issue for which only the original
subscribers are eligible or through shares for the first takers of
land (the latter procedure would be better and more social-
minded). We shall easily find the proper form.
T hat is in your interest as well; otherwise the Jews will bear
you a great deal of ill-will later.
June 8, 1895
Dig out the centers and take them across. Transplant whole
environments in which the Jews feel comfortable.
* • *
Seek out and hire anyone who at any time may have done me
an injury and therefore hesitates to approach me. Because I must
be the first to set an example of supreme magnanimity.
T he solution of the Jewish Question must be a mighty final
chord of reconciliation. We part as friends from our foes—this
should be the beginning of Jewish honor.
T o the men at Glion and, later, to the Family Council:
Note that I am not letting my imagination run riot, but
working with nothing but facts which you can examine for
yourselves; the imagination is inherent only in their combination.
I firmly believe that I shall win the people over. Only petty
people take revenge.
• * •
The Company will make restitution for dishonest dealings

that our emigrants leave behind—of course, only what can be
proven beyond doubt. We shall make up for it over there. That
is manly discipline.
* • *
Let the German Kaiser say to me: I shall be grateful to you

if you lead these unassimilable people out. (This will lend me
authority and make a big impression on the Jews.)
Keep a file of my personal correspondence. Start a file for
each person with whom I have any dealings.
T o bring the Jews all under one hat will be a miserable job,
although, or, rather, because, they each have a head.
The first Senator will be my father.
The Senate will include all the prominent Jews who go
with us.
Among scraps of paper I today found a slip I wrote in San
Sebastian on the eve of my departure for Paris. It says: "I shall
have galoshes like a businessman’s.”
At that time, as usual, I foresaw the whole development—
except its duration and its end.
Today I say: I shall associate with the mighty of this earth
as their equal.
• • •
T o the menatG lion.
I am now elaborating for you only on the moral-political and
the financial aspects, i.e., the goal which I see just as clearly as
the point of departure.
The project has many other aspects: technical, military,
diplomatic, administrative, economic, artistic, etc.
For the moment you must believe me that I know how to
proceed in these directions as well and have made plans for
them.
A department of inventions, with correspondents in Paris,
London, Berlin, etc., who immediately report on all novelties
which are then tested for their usability.
The department head must be replaced frequently, lest he
turn into a routine official.
• * *
Popular festivals of an artistic nature, scattered throughout

the country, in such a manner that masses do not always con
verge on one point. For that way crowds only feel unhappy at
festivals.
Of course, there will also be national festivals with gigantic
spectacles, colorful processions, etc.—e.g., on the foundation
day of the State. Perhaps also on the anniversary of Glion.
Baron Hirsch (who will appear as the great rebel immediately
after I have made an agreement with the Rothschilds) I must
handle with sovereign amiability. Flatter him (all right for
me to do, because I no longer need him): “You are a clever and
good person; I liked you extremely well from the start; we must
reach an understanding. I shall make it up between you and
Rothschild. We have to stick together now.”
Then, the sursum corda [lift up your hearts]: Responsibility
before people and history.
Finally, threaten him with fanatics to whom I shall denounce
him.
This exodus is to the earlier one as the present-day scientific
exploration of the Witwatersrand gold fields is to the adventurous
exploration of Bret H arte’s Californians.
Guard against an overestimation of myself, arrogance, and
folly, if the project succeeds. If it does not, writing will help
me get it off my chest.
There are details which I cannot tell you yet, because at this
moment I do not know if you are going to be my friends. You
see, you can only be my friends or my foes. T here can no longer
be anything in between.
# # •
ist stage: The Rothschilds.
2nd stage: The midget millionaires.
3rd stage: The little people (i.e., wide publicity!) If it comes
to this stage, thefirst two will rue the day.
# * #
I shall take along all beggars, all peddlers. T he devil can have
those who want to stay behind, i.e., refuse to work.
Once I have pulled out the poor, there will be a sigh of relief.
Jewish splendor will not be a bother in Europe any more
either. Because all those who are well advised will build their
palaces over there.
Not until later will the relief give way to a sense of loss; but
by that time we shall be established over there and have our
army and our diplomatic corps.
Diplomats will be the hardest to recruit, because in the
captivity we have lost our style.
T o the men of Glion:

The Rothschilds have no idea of how endangered their
property already is. They live in a phony circle of courtiers,
servants, employees, paupers, and aristocratic spongers.
It is a solution because I satisfy all:
Poor men, rich men, workers, intellectuals, governments, and
anti-Semitic peoples.
• * •
T o the Family Council:

You give a poor man 100 francs. I give him work, even if
I have none; at worst I lose 100 francs on it. But I shall have
created a useful existence, and you—a pauper. Avec ça [thereby],
I create a market along with the job! And therefore must make
what entrepreneurs make— je gagne tout ce que je vieux [I earn
whatever I want].
• * *
Your property is an increasing calamity. We shall let our

selves be cheated in the exchange of old immovables for new
ones, but shall create a privileged, legal mortgage for dirty
dealings left behind.
Study shipping rates with Leinkauf. We must be able to trans
port persons at the parcel rate. We shall have our own trains,
like Cook and Schrokl. I shall study Cook’s system as well, in
order tofigure out what concessions he gets.
• ••
Jewish capital must make no new undertakings.
Jewish labor must not compete any more.
Equal rights are still on the law books, but have actually been
rescinded.
We produce too much intellect and no longer have a market
for it.
To the Family Council: My view is that socialism is a purely
technological problem. T h e distribution of Nature’s forces
through electricity will eliminate it. Meanwhile our model
state will have come into being.
• • •
City construction: First canals, water, gas, etc., then wood

blocks on top.
June 8
We must not only copy Paris, Florence, etc., but seek a
Jewish style expressive of a sense of relief and liberty.
Bright, airy halls, supported by pillars.
Create breathing spaces between towns. Every town like a
big house located in the middle of a garden.
In the free areas between the towns there must be only culti
vated fields, forests, etc. By this I shall prevent hypertrophic
cities, and the towns will look inhabited sooner.
In the evening I dined with the Schiffs. T heir in-laws from
Vienna were visiting them. Well-to-do, educated, depressed
people. They moaned softly about anti-Semitism, to which I
continually steered the conversation.
The husband expects a new St. Bartholomew’s Night. The
wife believes that conditions could hardly get any worse. They
argued about whether it was good or bad that Lueger’s election
as mayor of Vienna had not been ratified.
Their faintheartedness completely dismayed me. They do
not suspect it, but they are Ghetto types, quiet, decent, timorous.
Most of our people are like that. Will they understand the
call to be free and become human beings?
When I left I was in a very bad humor. My plan again seemed
crazy to me.
But in the middle of my défaillance [feeling of depression]
I said to myself: I’ve started it and now I ’ll go through with it.
The main thing is for me to show determination—at Glion
and on future occasions.
A thing like that is only a matter of suggestion. T he moment
I doubt, I am grotesque.
June 9, 1895
Salo and Giidemann shall each bring along a memorandum.
Güdemann’s should deal with the number and distribution of
persecutions that come to his attention, signs as to whether
anti-Semitism is increasing (and if so, at what rate) or decreasing,
with official and officious anti-Semitism, anti-Semitism in schools
and offices, to the extent of his knowledge, etc.—in short, every
thing that he knows about the moral and political situation.
Salo should cover the conditions under which Jews earn a
living, the interest rate, the distribution of property (the number
of large properties, an estimate of the small ones), the state of
the Jewish entrepreneurial spirit (whether it is growing, and
if so, at what rate, or declining), the temper in business circles.
In the morning: Today I am again as hard as iron. The

faintheartedness of the people yesterday is one more reason for
taking action. Gentiles in their circumstances would be cheerful
and enjoy life. Jews are sad.
The provisioning of the population will probably not be
handled by the State.
To avoid being called a “manager" in England, which sounds
too commercial, I shall perhaps have the title of “Chancellor"
or something like that.
The subordinate titles would for the time being remain
those of regular joint-stock companies. T heir conversion into
state titles will later be regarded as a reward.
The principle on salaries: grant everyone a noticeable in
crement of from one fourth to one half of his present income.
But retain a margin for advancement, in titles as well as salaries.
In the beginning, the founding officials would not have a
proper appreciation of titles; they would even seem ridiculous
to them. So let them just regard themselves as employees of
a wealthy joint-stock company.
Let a newspaper reader (Schiff) every day keep an eye open
for new charitable institutions, hospitals, etc., and submit extracts
to me.
In fact, all department heads have instructions to advise me
of every important manifestation of progress that the spirit of
the times produces in their fields and to give me special reports
on major developments.
I myself shall not read any newspapers (following Freycinet's
principle—words that he told me about Casimir Périer), and
shall give orders not to tell me about anything that concerns me,
be it praise or censure.
Henceforth I have the right and the duty to disregard personal
attacks of any kind.
Only if a courant d'opinion [current of opinion] against the
undertaking is about to be created, I must be informed of it
immediately, so that I may break down the opposition.
I shall completely ignore the attacks of anti-Semites, as long
as they do not want to impede us (which will happen yet).
My personal security will be the concern of a well-run Secret
Police.
# # *
June 9
It is a military campaign.—
Adopt immediately the principle of the Caravan of Arcueil
(La XI X. Caravane d’Arcueil par Lhermite, obtainable from
the Dominicans in Paris, Ecole Lacordaire).
The Leader (perhaps Bachrach) shall profitably read the
book by the Dominican Priest Lhermite and give me a report
on it. The very first year we shall send over a caravan (Raoul
will go along), and then there will be similar contingents at
regular intervals.
To establish stock exchanges, brokerages will be auctioned
off, for one year to begin with.
But anyone who, while he is still a free agent, commits actions
which will be proscribed later will be disqualified (and he will
be warned about this in advance).
On the other hand, anyone who behaves properly will receive
priority for the following year without having to bid for it.
He can retain his position at the highest price offered for an
additional year. This is how it will go until the fifth or the
tenth year (we shall determine this according to the circum
stances), and then the auctioning will cease and the brokers will
become a closed corporation.
Through the grand institution of this stock-exchange monopoly
I shall also get an astonished Europe to imitate us. This will
crowd the Jews out of the European stock exchanges, because
the existing governments certainly will not give these sinecures
to Jews. That will yield me fresh emigrants.
I shall insure the alertness and justice of the traveling com-
plaint commissars by holding them responsible. They will be
subject to disciplinary measures like salary deductions, transfers,
etc. if they disregard just complaints or give a bad or biased
judgment.
There will be secret chief inspectors, i.e., legates who will
be traveling about in the area anyway and will have to record
their observations.
Local self-assessments could lead to swindling. Therefore the
emigrants will remain collectively liable until what has been
left behind has been realized, and the liability will reside in
a privileged mortgage on their new properties.
A stock-exchange monopoly of the state seems a brilliant
solution to me now.
Brokerage does not require any previous knowledge; it is
unskilled laborl*
I shall have the licensed brokers in my hand completely and use
them for state purposes; I shall direct them according to the re
quirements of my policy and be able to prevent abuses. 1 shall
tolerate no stock-exchange bucket shops. I want a sound money
market. Any broker who promotes speculating will be removed.
Removal involves not only the loss of a fat sinecure, but also of
civil rights for a graduated period of time.
A broker will become a person of trust like a notary public.
I shall combine the brokers in chambers with a tribunal of
honor.
A hierarchy of offenses is to be devised and a special code
to be established.
It is a broker’s duty to take a close look at his clients. He
can do what I cannot do: tell a speculator from a would-be
investor.
Brokers who have caused someone’s economic ruin with
demonstrable culpa [blame] (even levis [slight]) will be removed.
But I can also grade the punishments: e.g., temporary suspension
9 In English in the original.
(which does not involve loss of political rights and can be
graduated, from a week to two years; after all, sometimes it is
hard to establish a broker’s guilt).
I may relieve the tribunal of honor of making decisions about
suspension and removal and charge my State Stock-Exchange
Commission with it.
Perhaps I shall make this commission only an appellate court,
because I want to forestall the machinations of professional
jealousy.
June 9
The same organization as for the Stock Exchange also for
grain, cattle, and merchandise exchanges as well as everything
that is subject to speculation.
# * *
The income from this monopoly will give me a substantial

contribution to the needs of the state.
# * •
Brokerages will at first be granted provisionally on the basis
of redevance [dues] and will gradually be used for pensions for
deserving officials. Later they can also be divided into quarters
and eighths (like the agents system in Paris).
• • •
The brokerships are not inheritable or saleable.—
Thus I can safely make the capital city the headquarters of
the world money-market.
Certain posts (military, diplomatic, juridical, administrative,
etc.) will never be compensated out of income from the broker
ages, but pensioned directly by the State. That will be only a
matter of bookkeeping for us, but it will contribute to the
elevation and honoring of these professions.
To the Family Council (June 6):
If I can work with you, I shall have all the advantages of initial
secrecy.
As soon as the first cadres are set up, the land is fixed, etc.,
I can go to governments and tell them: R ’s are making this
sacrifice (a kind of indirect self-taxation) to remove your sur
plus Jews.
We must use the word “surplus,” otherwise they will not
let us make propaganda and move away.
In the beginning it must appear that we want to perform
the governments a service. We are sacrificing a billion for the
"solution of the Jewish Question.”
In return for this we receive the favors that we need: release
from military service, and the like.
Above all, toleration of our propaganda and occasionally
(upon our request) an ungracious word, but with the main
tenance of order.
After ten years the movement will be irresistible, and the
Jews will come running to us barefoot through fog and darkness.
Nothing will be able to stop them, at least not in the countries in
which they are free to move.
If there should then be attempts to impede the free passage
of the Jews, we shall know how to mobilize the public opinion
of the world (liberals, socialists, anti-Semites) against the im
prisonment of the Jews.
Then, too, our diplomats will be at work (we shall make
financial concessions in the form of loans and special gifts).
Once we are outside, we shall put our trust in our army, our
purchased friendships, and a Europe weakened and divided by
militarism and socialism.
This is Jewish emancipation.
To the Family Council:

You are accustomed to transacting worldwide deals. Perhaps
you will understand me.
I may issue the Jewish National Loan from our capital city.
First I shall negotiate with the Czar (to whom our patron,
the Prince of Wales, will introduce me) regarding permission
for the Russian Jews to leave the country.
He is to give me his imperial word and have it published in
the official gazette (he will believe that I am able to lead away
only a few hundred thousand).
Then I shall negotiate with the German Kaiser. Then with
Austria. Then with France, regarding the Algerian Jews. Then,
as need dictates.
In order to be in high esteem at the European courts, I must
secure the highest decorations. T he English first.
* # *
June 9
I shall frequently make surprise spot inspections. (Highly
important, so as to prevent gaspillage [waste] and officials lying
down on the job).
Also get reports on malpractices from a secret Administrative
Police.
June 9
At the head of the Jewish paper:
Complaints about malpractices and arbitrary acts of officials
are to bear the notation "Complaint to the Director-General"
on the envelope.
• • *
For such complaints I shall establish traveling commissions

of investigation (which will also appear unannounced).
Punishment for officials: dismissal only in extreme cases.
For minor offenses, transfer to more remote areas, more arduous
duties.
But by consistently good conduct such official blemishes will
be wiped out and will no longer prevent advancement.
Of course, every official will have his record of conduct in the
department and a file in the London headquarters (en attendant
que cela soit dans notre capitale [until we have one in our
capital]).
• * •
The acceptance of gifts will be followed by dismissal in all

cases, but the dismissed official will be allowed to settle in the
country and live as a free man. Also, his blameless family will
be guarded against privation.
One form of buying our release from the states is a double
fee for the transfer of immovable properties which are sold by
their present owners to the Society, and by the Society to others.
To be sure, we shall not admit this in advance, but shall at
first have the Society only act as an agent.
Only when public opinion begins to calm down regarding
the removal of property, we shall “after careful deliberation
and to show our good will” find the expedient of this double
transfer, pledging ourselves to deprive the tax swindlers over
there of certain benefits enjoyed by the honest emigrants, e.g.,
to give reduced rates of transportation and shipping only to
those who can produce an official statement from their former
place of residence certifying that they have “moved away in
good order.”
We shall of course recognize the validity of any legal claims
made by the previous places of residence (even when our own
laws are already in force). Such suits shall be decided with all
possible speed and all conceivable expedition and according
to the law of the original place of residence.
In return for that, they will have to let us take the Jewish
deserters (something that I shall settle in a form not offensive
to us). Because of the fact that we shall have a homeland of our
own, we shall no longer be obligated to serve in the armed
forces of our erstwhile host nations (here I accept the viewpoint
of the anti-Semites).
Make the leader of the Youth Caravans (after the pattern
of the Dominicans of Arcueil) responsible for moral discipline,
seriousness, and studies of the young men. These are not pleasure
tours, but study and work trips, an ambulatory school with daily
lessons and lectures, a botanical field trip through the world.
I shall get special reports on this each time. Very important.
Once we are over there, the dancers around the Golden Calf
will be furious at my barring them from the Stock Exchange.
I shall have them dispersed in the street and tell the
Parliament:
“That was all right in the time of our captivity. Now we
have the duties of freedom. We must be a people of inventors,
warriors, artists, scholars, honest merchants, up-and-coming
workmen, etc."
In the old days there was an excuse for stock-market gambling.
Our intellects were shackled, and we had to traffic in money.
Now we are free. Now any Jew can get any office in the state, in
our State. Anyone can become a general, a minister, a chief
justice, a scholar—in short, anything.
Now only the idlers want freedom to gamble on the stock-
market, and this is something that we must overcome, otherwise
we shall again be ruined and pitifully dispersed throughout
the world.
Far be it from me to say a word against the old-time stock
traders. My dear father, after his lumber business had gone
to ruin, was obliged to earn his bread as a stock agent, in order
not to starve and to give me a decent education. But that was
in the days gone by. In those days a Jew had no other way out.
Now this is no longer necessary and therefore will no longer
be tolerated.
I too could have made a fortune while directing this vast
enterprise, just as I made millionaires of men around me. It was
I who determined the location of our cities—what real estate
deals I could have made in the process!
No! I have only my salary, which I need to keep up a decent
front, and the house which I built out of my savings. I know
that the nation will never let my posterity suffer want.
June 9
When this book is published, the prescriptions for the organ
ization of the government will be omitted. The people must
be guided to the good according to principles unknown to them.
Therefore the editors of the book—if I am no longer alive—
shall extract the administrative maxims and keep them in the
secret State Archives.
Only the Doge and the Chancellor may read them. T o be
omitted are also those remarks which could annoy foreign
governments.
But the course the negotiations took shall be retained, so that
our people may see how I led the Jews home.
June 9
When someone comes to ask for a job:
Am I going to take you? I take everyone who has some
ability and wants to work—your brother, your friends, your
relatives and acquaintances, all of them, all, all I Got that? And
now, go.
June 9
A crop of professional politicans must be prevented in any
way possible.
I must study this problem with the utmost care when the
time comes.
• • •
T he Senators will in any case get a salary which will at the
same time constitute an honorary pension for our great minds.
* • •
June 9
As stipends for my brave warriors, ambitious artists, and loyal,
gifted officials I shall use the dowries of our wealthy girls.
I must carry on marriage politics.
T o the big bankers, who will look up to me, I shall say: I
should like to see you give your daughters to up-and-coming,
vigorous young men.
I need this for the State.
It is the self-fertilization of the nation.
Ju ne \)
In Palestine’s disfavor is its proximity to Russia and Europe,

its lack of room for expansion as well as its climate, which we
are no longer accustomed to.
In its favor is the mighty legend.
In the beginning we shall be supported by anti-Semites through
a recrudescence* of persecution (for I am convinced that they
do not expect success and will want to exploit their “conquest.”)
# • #
June 9
A possible further concession for the removal of property.
The states concerned shall acquire the immovable property
of the Jews.
The price, regardless of what has been paid by us, will be set
by a regulatory commission on which we shall also be represented.
* * #
June 9
Language will present no obstacle. Switzerland too is a federal
state of various nationalities.
We recognize ourselves as a nation by our faith.
Actually, German is, par la force des choses [of necessity], likely
to become the official language. Judendeutsch [the German
spoken by Jews]! As the yellow badge is to become our blue
ribbon 1
I have nothing against French or English, either! I shall steer
• In French in the original.
the jeunesse dorée [gilded youth] toward English sports and in
this way prepare them for the army.
• # #
June 9
On the trip to the Grand Prix—outside and on the way back,
the main features of the Doge’s coronation and of duelling oc
curred to me.
When I thought that someday I might crown Hans as Doge
and address him in the Temple in front of the country’s great
men as “Your Highnessl My beloved son!’’ I had tears in my
eyes.
The procession, which starts from the Doge’s palace, will be
opened by Herzl Cuirassiers. T hen come the artillery and the
infantry.
The officials of all ministries, deputations from the cities, the
clergy, finally the High Priest of the capital city. The flag with
a guard of honor composed of generals. T he Doge! And here the
procession attains its symbolic splendor.
For, while all are marching in gold-studded gala dress, the
high priests under canopies, the Doge will wear the garb of shame
of a medieval Jew, the pointed Jew's hat and the yellow badge!
(The procession might move through the Ghetto which will in
any case be constructed as a reminder and a memorial.)
Behind the Doge there will be the Chancellor, the potentates
representing foreign countries, the ministers, generals, etc., the
diplomatic corps (provided one already exists), the Council of An
cients (Senate), the Parliament, freely-chosen deputations from
the professions, the chambers of commerce, the attorneys, the
physicians, etc. The artillery and infantry will bring up the rear.
June 9
My punishments for suicide: for an unsuccessful attempt, per
manent confinement in an insane asylum; for accomplished sui
cide, refusal of an honorable burial.
June 9
I need duelling in order to have real officers and to impart a
tone of French refinement to good society.
Duelling with sabres is permitted and will not be punished,
no matter what the outcome, provided that the seconds have done
their share toward an honorable settlement.
Every sabre duel will be investigated by the duelling tribunal
only afterwards.
A matamore, a braggart who seeks an easy mark and picks out
weaker opponents, may be declared as ineligible for further duel
ling by the tribunal if it can be proved that he was the offender;
if he has inflicted serious injury, he may be referred to the
regular criminal courts and sentenced according to the common
criminal code.
• • •
Pistol duelling (or the American type, if it really exists) must

be taken to the tribunal before the duel by the witnesses on
both sides; otherwise those concerned will be punished and for
feit the right ever again to appear before the duelling tribunal.
The duelling tribunal may decide on a sabre duel; or, if one
party is physically inferior, on no duel at all; or, finally, it may
give a secret verdict. Such a verdict is heard only by the two
duellers; the seconds have to withdraw. The secret verdict (for
which I shall compose secret instructions) decrees a duel in a
form no less dangerous, but useful to the state. Since only men
of honor can fight a duel, the loser in any case would be the
state, and for a long time to come it will need every able-bodied
man.
Therefore these duellers will be sent out on dangerous missions
which the state happens to require. It may be cholera vaccination,
or at other times the fighting of a national enemy. In this way the
risk of death of the duel will be retained, and we shall derive
wonderful benefit from it.
June 9
City construction:
The difficulty: a margin for expansion, and yet with an ap
pearance of being inhabited. May be solved by the construction
of garden cities.
# * •
In all local groups, plans and pictures of the homes* which we
have drawn up by our young architects (prizes).
Selection, methods of payment, scales of rates.
* • •
Prizes for fertility and good patriarchal education of children.
* • *
We immediately have unskilled labor* for hundreds of thou
sands, namely streets, highways.
A Bois de Boulogne near the capital city, or, rather, the other
way around.—
T o the Family Council and, earlier, at Glion: The R. fortune.
That is what I am talking about. What business of yours is it,
the R’s will interpose. After all, we do not worry about the Herzl
property.
Just a minutel It is my business. Every politician must regard
its increase as a public menace.
But I worry about it because it is the most frightful menace
to the Jews and because I am setting myself up as the gestor
of the Jews.
More gently, before the Family Council:
In the course of the discussion I shall have to speak about your
fortune. Will you concede me this right or shall I first explain
that, too?
The cryptogam is the plant of Jewry; it has both sexes: capital
and labor. (One sees only the capital.)
June 9
Since I want to establish garden cities, I face a dilemma: either
to build the cities in forest clearings (possibly quicker, but the
experts will tell me the objections to that), or plant trees between
the houses, whereby I would lose the advertising appeal, the
magic quality, but then I can develop the cities the way I want
to; to be sure, they would look as if they were attending a tree
nursery.
• * *
In any case, take landscape gardeners, horticultural experts

along on my expedition to take possession of the land.
• * *
On the boat and in all places, work must be done, gentlemen

of the General Staff.
* * *
June 9
Schiff’s brother-in-law, after only two weeks, is home-sick for
the Vienna coffee-houses. Consequently, I shall faithfully trans
plant Viennese cafés to the other side. With such little expedients
I shall achieve the desired illusion of the old environment.
Have an ear for such small needs. They are very important.
• * •

There are two categories of Jews: those with and those with
out locomotion.
The latter I shall dig up and transport across—they will
hardly notice it. The others, those able to move about, such as
you and I, will continue to be mobile and will be respected.
Our belonging together! Do you want me to give you an ex
ample of it?
Eh bien [all right]: Today I, a stranger, come to you and tell
you in confidence my most secret intentions.
It is possible that we shall wind up fighting each other—but
like hostile brothers—; that way it is quite possible that we shall
kill each other.
* * •
June 9
I am talking about your fortune—not because your name has
become synonymous with money, for I have no feeling for it.
I am not a money man. Haven’t got a nose for itl
• # •
The man who pointed to the cover of a teakettle lifted by

steam and said, “This is how I shall move people, animals, and
freight, and give the world a new appearance,” was derided as
a lunatic.
• • •
Well, I shall not only demonstrate the principle to you with a

teakettle, but show you the entire finished locomotive.
• * *
My analogies are too dazzling, disconcert you.

Now just imagine: if I dazzle you, from whom I want 1000
million—albeit not for myself—how I shall dazzle those whom
I am going to make wealthy, free, and happy.
June 9
For Glion: T he R ’s are to make an immediate decision, Yes or
No. I have no time to lose. It has taken me thirteen years.
Family Council: I choose an aristocracy because I need an
elastic form of government for the future. A monarchy would
lead to a revolution.
For a republic we are not virtuous enough, Montesquieu.
* • *
Family Council:
If not with you, then in opposition to you! What do I mean by
that? I am not going to call your fortune an ill-gotten one. It
would be a lie to say that.
I am not an extortioner and not a pamphleteer (but a states
man, and a Jewish one at th at).
All I shall say is: it is too big! And injurious to the people,
because private property increases faster than national prosperity.
Coming from an unprejudiced Jew, this will create a stir.
June 10
T o the German Kaiser:
If Jews emigrate, this must result in a decrease in emigration
to America. You thereby gain, or, rather, preserve, genuine Ger
man citizens, forestall a revolution which might be hard to con
tain, weaken socialism which the oppressed Jews must flock to
because they are cast out by other parties, and gain time for the
solution of social problems.
• • •
My first secretary (E. Schiff) will recruit the naturalist investi

gators—geographers, geologists, chemists, technologists, botanists,
zoologists, etc.
• * •
June 10
Political agitation which can lead to the downfall of the State
is punishable by exile or, if the individual could do harm there,
by death.
But even exile from the enchanting homeland will be a terrible
punishment.
June 10
My constant concern must be the soundness of the economy.
No dissipation, no waste. It is not a curée [quarry] for the covet
ous and the idle. It shall not become a Panama, but a Suez.
• • •
June 10
Amnesty!
All crimes committed in captivity, including those involving
property, will be forgiven politically and will not affect civil
rights (of course, the sound common sense of the population will
bar notorious swindlers from positions of honor, et au besoin fy
veillerai [and if necessary I shall see to it]). A new life shall
begin for Jews. But severe punishments for fresh crimes com
mitted over there! Crimes on the eve of departure (dirty dealings
left behind) I shall deal with only civiliter [under civil law],
through the above-mentioned privileged mortgage.
June 10
As long as possible no taxes, or at most indirect ones which do
not affect the belongings of the little man.
• • •
No luxury tax either, for I need luxury items for the market.
I shall gladly take French officers (Jews), but they must not
be Gallic chauvinists.
• • •
From the army of unskilled laborers* it will be possible to

rise through industry, intelligence, efficiency, as in the Napo
leonic army.
Anyone can become a marshal of labor. I shall frequently tell
them so, or have them told, in popular addresses.
• • •
9Io English in the original.
For special accomplishments which I notice, I shall immedi
ately promote the worker and increase his salary. This bit of
drama will have an effect on the masses.
As soon as actions d'éclat [striking deeds], which will be
watched for according to my special instructions, are reported
to me, I shall immediately reward them.
# # #
Organize the labor battalions along military lines, as far as

possible.
• • •
Service in the labor battalions leads to a pension, as in the
Army.
• * •
I must save only the badges of honor for those who risk their
lives.
Through bestowing patents of nobility I shall draw great
personal sacrifices from people.
Neither patents of nobility nor decorations must be obtainable
for money. I shall validate those acquired elsewhere prior to the
founding of the State, regardless of how they were obtained.
Later even foreign ones will be recognized only if they were
acquired in a truly meritorious manner. A Jew will not be able
to buy the title of a Portuguese Marquis and have it recognized
by us. But if he is made a nobleman by Portugal for shining
deeds (which, after all, will reflect glory on us as well), I shall
recognize him at home.
All this will have to be closely examined by the Office of
Nobility on an individual basis.
June 10
I am taking up once again the tom thread of the tradition of
our people. I am leading it to the Promised Land. Do not think
this is a fantasy. I am not an architect of castles in the air. I am
building a real house, with materials that you can see, touch,
examine. Here are the blue-prints.
* * *
Note that the next European war cannot harm our enterprise,
but only benefit it, because all Jews will transport all their be
longings across, to safety.
Cowards will want to shirk military duty in our State if it
comes to war. But just as I want to favor desertion to our side in
peacetime, I shall impede it in wartime, on account of Jewish
honor.
Let anyone who has delayed his adherence until then do his
old duty and fight, and when the war is over we shall receive
him with all honors, much greater ones than his former father-
land accorded him. In this way our fighting forces will get
experienced warriors who have faced death and will enhance
the prestige of our Army.
* • •
Incidentally, when peace is concluded we shall already have

a say as money-givers and achieve advantages of recognition
through diplomatic channels.
June to
Draw limits of freedom of the press wisely. The pillory for
slanderers, and substantial fines.
* • •
A House of Lords for the aristocracy, but not inheritable. First
there must be an examination as to merit.
I must give more thought to ways of guarding against the
absurd heirs of other countries.
Today is Hansi’s birthday. He is four years old. I sent him a
telegram to Vienna: “Love and kisses to my father-king.” That is
what my mother calls him. And I think of my dream.
• # •
The House of Lords will perhaps consist of three groups: one
chosen by the aristocracy: one named by the government (Doges);
the third elected indirectly, as in France. I have the same feel
ing as I did once in the Protestant Gymnasium [high school] at
Pest in the senior grade: that I should soon leave school. At that
time the death of my poor sister made it happen even sooner
than I had thoughtl
Now I have a presentiment that I am going to leave the
school of journalism.
• * *
By amnesty I mean onlythe restoration of honor after the

crimes have been atoned for. Fugitives from justice (Jews) we
shall extradite on a reciprocal basis.
# • •
Extradition treaties to exclude deserters in peacetime.
• • •
Literary copyright agreements! At first we shall pay, afterward
receive payment, because we shall be a nation of thinkers and
artists.
• * *
To the Family Council: The loan will perhaps not even have
to be publicly floated; this would save concessions to govern
ments in return for their permission.
Movable property will flock to us if we so much as pass the
word in confidence. We shall simply start an account book and
enter loans with no limit; and with this we shall acquire land,
make foreign loans, etc.
In addition to transportation, industry, etc., it is also a huge
financial transaction.
• • •
Come to think of it, in all this I am still the dramatist. I pick
poor people in rags off the streets, put gorgeous costumes on
them, and have them perform for the world a wonderful pageant
of my composition.
I no longer operate with individuals, but with masses: the
clergy, the army, the administration, the academy, etc., all of
them mass units to me.
* * •
To the Family Council: I must call a spade a spade. This

should not make you think that I am a rude person. But at the
moment I do not know whether I shall proceed with you or in
opposition to you. T hat is why the flourishes of courtesy might
compromise me and give my later actions the appearance of
revenge.
June 11, 1895

Labor units will march off to work like an army amidst the
sounds of a fanfare and return home the same way.
• • *
June 11, 1895

No women or children shall work in our factories. We need
a sturdy race. Needy women and children will be taken care
of by the State.
“Old maids" will be employed in kindergartens and as nurses
for the orphans of the working class, etc.
I shall organize these girls who have been passed over by
suitors into a corps of governesses for the poor. They will be
given housing by the State, enjoy due honors (just as every
gentleman treats a governess courteously), and eventually will
be pensioned. But they can rise in the ranks in the same way that
men can.
Moral conduct is a prerequisite. This makes the head of the
Personnel Department an important person. For this position
I must select a gentle, just, worldly-wise, elderly man and super
vise him constantly, for any mistakes he might make could do
a lot of harm and arouse dissatisfaction and bitterness.
But I want a happy nation.
A lot of toasts will be drunk to me. On important occasions
I shall accept them and say: I like to see a leader being honored.
T hat is necessary for his work and shows him that he enjoys
the confidence of the people (unless self-seeking is part of it).
But too much of it might do me harm. I want to be honored,
but not flattered, otherwise I shall lose the naturalness and sim
plicity of my make-up.
The ship on which my parents, wife, and children make the
crossing will also bring over all our relatives, near and distant.
No one will feel violently uprooted, for the entire soil will go
along.
A company of actors, singers, and musicians will help while
away the passage; in fact, provision will be made on every ship
for entertainment as well as instruction.
But games of chance will not be tolerated.
My officials will not be allowed to gamble at all. Such diversion
of the intellect is no longer necessary. We need, and can use,
all our intellectual resources. The love of adventure, which
finds an outlet in gambling, shall now fertilize the soil of our
new homeland.
As a young man I myself was a gambler—like Lessing, Laube,
and many others who later became respectable men after all—
but only because my craving for action had no other outlet.
This I shall at first tell the gamblers as a gentle warning.
However, anyone who does not obey I shall dismiss from my
service.
Only children and old people will be allowed to play. How
ever, the games of the children must serve their physical develop-
ment: Running and ball games, cricket for boys, tennis for girls.
The inactive games must be designed to prepare the future
development of the intellect. Drawing, painting, reading signifi
cant fairy-tales, games of construction for increasing the pleasure
in synthesis, and the like.
Old men may play cards, but not for money, because this
might tempt the onlookers and is unseemly for patriarchs. I want
to have a patriarchal spirit in families.
However, I shall permit refined card-clubs, but with no mem
bers under forty years of age and with a stiff tax on playing cards
for State revenue.
June 11
The Jews who have hitherto been in the consular service of
various powers can be taken over into our diplomatic service.
Of course, each individual will be tested for his qualifications.
There may be among them capable men who have acquired the
polish and the forms of diplomacy. But no one has an a priori
right to be appointed; the decisive factor is his usefulness to us.
But since for the time being we shall not be able to afford
them any protection, we shall not give them any ringing titles,
but call them agents, something that they can combine with
their current consular assignments. Thus they will be covered
by the respect they have at present.
We must not let our diplomatic titles, which will later attain
high prestige, be made ridiculous at the outset.
• # •
Yacht owners can become our professional seamen and pre

pare to take command of our future Navy.
• # •
Should we go to South America, which would have a lot in
its favor on account of its distance from militarized and seedy
Europe, our first state treaties will have to be with South Ameri
can republics.
We shall grant them loans in return for territorial privileges
and guarantees. One of the most important concessions they will
have to make to us is to allow us to have defensive troops.
In the beginning we shall need their permission. Gradually
we shall get strong, grant ourselves everything that we need,
and be able to defy everyone.
For the time being we must get protection from the troops of
the state that receives us. Later we shall make an independent
alliance with it.
We must have a South American and a European policy.
If we are in South America, the establishment of our State will
not come to Europe’s notice for a considerable period of time.
In South America we could at first live according to the laws,
extradition treaties, etc. of the receiving state (vis-à-vis Europe).
Our defensive troops will always comprise ten percent of the
male emigrants. In this way we shall get an Army together un
observed, but will for a long time proceed cautiously, exploiting
the enmities of the republics and preserving their friendship
through presents, bribes, loans, etc.
T he crossing is to take place by local groups and social units.
There will be first-class, second-class, and third-class ships, each
with instruction and entertainment appropriate to it.
In this way the inciting example of class differences (observed
at close proximity over many days) will be avoided.
Everyone will pay for his passage himself. I want luxury, but
not fruitless envy.
* * *
I want luxury as a patron of the arts, as goal and prize. T o see

the enjoyments of the earth and to know that they are attainable
through honest labor is a spur to great effort.
If I do not succeed in winning over the R's or the midget
millionaires, I shall publish the entire plan in book form: The
Solution of the Jewish Question, Duncker and Humblot, pub
lishers, to whom I shall give only the first five editions under the
same conditions as my Palais Bourbon. They will only get an
option on subsequent editions.
In my book The Solution etc., I shall tell about all my steps,
from Hirsch via Rothschild to the midget millionaires.
Preface: They came to Rothschild with the electric light, too.
He did not understand what it was all about.
I must eliminate all Venetian political elements from the
book.
# • •
The danger of the R. fortune will, of course, not be presented
in the manner of a pamphleteer, but with my own customary
seriousness.
All polemics will be omitted. After all, I am concerned with
the cause. And it will be of enormous benefit to the Jews that
this will be said by a Jew who is above doubt, who has never
made any deals, least of all with his pen.
J u n e ll
S. C.’s answer was due yesterday and is not here even today.
This directs my thoughts to the book. I am getting accustomed
to the idea that it will not materialize.
June 11
In the Palais Royal (while standing up):
We are bad soldiers, because we are devoid of honor, because
there is nothing for us beyond death. And yet there is no lack
of examples to show that we know how to die well (Naquet’s
speech). But we cannot become leaders, and in this the states are
right; otherwise we would be brigadier-generals everywhere
within two generations, especially since war has become an intel
lectual affair. And certainly the nations cannot admit defeat by
making the members of an unassimilated and unassimilable
group the leaders of their armies.
June 11
The worth of my plan obviously lies in the facts that I am
using only available resources, making unutilized or unutilizable
things fruitful by combining them, that I have regard for all
suffering (certainly including the hurts inflicted by Jews on
Gentiles), protect all acquired rights, take all human impulses
into account, balance world supply and world demand, use the
progress of technology, and hold tradition sacred.
Make this correction above: The prudent immediately recog
nize the safe cobble-stones.
• • *
Yes, we have become a scourge for the peoples which once

tormented us. The sins of their fathers are now visited on them.
Europe is being punished for the ghettos now. T o be sure, we are
suffering under the sufferings that we are causing. It is a scourg
ing with scorpions, live scorpions which are not to blame that
they did not become lions, tigers, or sheep. After all, in the scourg
ing the scorpions suffer most of all.
I could accept a mass request from the little Jews to lead them
out only if all the governments concerned asked me to, promised
me their sympathetic cooperation, and gave me guarantees for
the peaceful completion of the enormous task, just as I would
give them guarantees for an exodus without economic ill-effects.
(I don’t know whether I should have this printed in Roman type).
• • •
(Addendum to Teweles' letter): I must read Daniel Deronda.
Perhaps it contains ideas similar to mine. They cannot be iden
tical ones, because it took a concatenation of many specific cir
cumstances to bring my plan into being.
If we have not yet emigrated by the outbreak of the next war,
all Jews of quality must go to the front, regardless of whether they
were "fit for active service” when they reached the draft age,
whether they are still of military age, whether they are healthy
or sick. They must drag themselves to the army of their present
fatherland, and if they are on opposite sides, they must shoot
at one another.
Some may regard this as paying a debt of honor, others as
a down-payment on our future honor. But all will have to do it.
• * *
June 11
Schiff came to see me today. I asked him to substitute for
me for a few days. Was I starting a newspaper? he asked when
I dropped a few vague hints.
A newspaper! Il y a belle lurette que je n’y pense plus [I
haven’t thought of that for a long time].
True enough, I first sought the practical ideas with the found
ing of the “Neue Zeitung” in mind.
Like Saul, who went forth. . . !
* * •
June 11
Schiffs brother-in-law said the other day: Emigrate? Yes, I ’d
like to, all right. But where to? Switzerland? The first country
to make laws against the Jews!
Where to? This question made me inwardly very happy.
* • •
June it
About the assistance par le travail [public works] I had some
correspondence with Chlumecky two years ago. He did not get
the idea.
• • •
Today I dined at a brasserie [small restaurant] near the

Châtelet. I am shunning all my acquaintances. They tread on
my toes, having no idea of the world I come from; this makes
daily living terribly irritating.
• * *
Tard au danger, tard aux honneurs [late to danger, late to

honors].
Anyone who has not joined us during the first twenty years
of our existence (although he has turned thirty or more during
this period), cannot hold office nor be eligible for it.
But he can be naturalized.
• # *
A museum of technical trades.

* # *
The R ’s did not understand Jablochkow’s “candles,” but they

did understand the Guttmanns’ coal proposals. Thus they may
not comprehend the luminous side of my idea, but they will
understand the coal side of the matter.
T o the Family Council: Every day you grant financial favors
for minimal gestures of tolerance or even to governments that
do nothing for you.
Put that under your own management—and in twenty years’
time we shall be recognized by the whole world!
June 11
Hungarians will be the hussars of Judea; they could make
splendid cavalry generals.
• # *
June 11
Every worker who makes a complaint will be transferred to
another company, so that the foreman cannot take revenge. Or
the foreman will be transferred.
June 11
Daudet asked me whether I wanted to carry on my Jewish
campaign in a novel. He reminded me of Uncle Tom's Cabin.
1 told him then and there that I desired a more manly form
of announcement. At that time I was still thinking of the
Enquête [treatise] to be entitled The Situation of the Jews.
Today, the more I think about it the more it seems to me
that it would really be beneath my dignity to make my plan
palatable to the masses through love affairs and little jests, as
Bellamy did in his utopian novel.
It would be easy for me, because I am an experienced writer of
belles-lettres. Yet I must take care not to let the book become
unreadable. After all, it is to make a deep impression on the
people, on the nations.
Let it have a bit of literary fascination, then. It consists in the
free-flowing sequence of ideas as they moved through my mind
during these sunny days of the world dream in serene profusion,
with all their accidents [imperfections], as the sculptors put it
(“finger marks in the clay”).
This will also prevent leafing through this book in search of
chapter headings. Whoever wants to know what is in it will
have to read it.
• • •
The assistance par le travail, which has been so important to
me, I am going to insert somewhere—namely, in my article in
the Neue Freie Presse.
The book will be “dedicated to my parents, H err Jacob and
Frau Jeanette Herzl.”
• • •
The ship of coffins! We shall also take our dead along with us.
• • •
Much in these notes will seem ludicrous, exaggerated, crazy.

But if I had exercised self-criticism, as I do in my literary work,
my ideas would have been stunted. However, the gigantic serves
the purpose better than the dwarfed, because anyone can do the
trimming easily enough.
Artists will understand why I, otherwise of rather clear intelli
gence, have let exaggerations and dreams proliferate among my
practical, political, and legislative ideas, as green grass sprouts
among cobble-stones. I could not permit myself to be forced into
the straitjacket of sober facts. This mild intoxication has been
necessary.
Yes, artists will understand this fully. But there are so few
artists.
June 11
In the book I may bring out typographically the distinction
between the two intermingling dream worlds, by having the
fantasy printed in a different type. T hat way the initiates will
immediately see where and how the grass grows—others will
hear it grow—and the rest will recognize the solid cobble-stones.
• * #
The little parallel folds of the epidermis of an artist in bronze.

* • *
Letter to Giidemann of June i i , 1895.

Dear Doctor Giidemann:
This letter will be a surprise to you in every respect: both in
what it says and what it does not say.
I have decided to take the lead in an action on behalf of the
Jews and am asking you whether you would like to be of assist
ance to me.
Your first task would be to draw up an accurate report of
everything that you know about the present moral and political
situation of the Jews, not only in Vienna and Austria-Hungary,
but also in Germany, Russia, Rumania, etc. I don't think it
should be a report with certified statistics, because that would
take too much of your time and the report would have to be
finished in two or three days. T he exact figures and documenta
tion we can obtain at a later date. As a start I want only a general
and faithful presentation from you. T he loftier the vantage point
that you choose, the fewer the details you go into, the more suit
able it will be. Naturally you will use your own judgment in
selecting illustrations for your assertions. These, then, are the
things to be covered: vital statistics of the Jews in the above-
mentioned countries (births, marriages, deaths, listed by occupa
tion); observable trends in change of residence (e.g., from Galicia
to Lower Austria); whether and to what extent these changes of
locality were caused or impeded by anti-Semitism; a brief survey
of typical major and m inor persecutions of Jews that have come
to your attention (persecution in parliaments, newspapers, at
rallies, on the street); signs of the increase or decrease of anti-
Semitism, and in what proportion; official and unofficial anti-
Semitism; hostility toward Jews in schools, offices, closed and
open professions.
This looks as though I were asking a very exhaustive memo
randum of you. On the contrary, please put down only what
is known to you about all these matters at the moment.
It cannot be difficult for a man as skilled in words and with
the pen as you are and who has surely given this matter so much
deep thought to write this down or dictate it in a few hours.
But if you dictate it, your secretary must not find out for what
purpose it is being done.
Let me right at this point request you most earnestly to keep
our correspondence as well as all succeeding steps a complete
secret. The matter is an infinitely serious one. You can see this
from the fact that I am not telling a word even to my parents and
closest relatives. I am relying on your discretion.
Please bring me the report detailed above to Caux, overlook
ing Territet on Lake Geneva. If I may have your kind assistance,
that is where we shall meet in a week, i.e., on Tuesday, June 18th.
Why that place was chosen you will leam there. In case you are
unable to finish the entire report, you can complete it verbally
then and there. However, you will not want to come all by your
self, but with a capable, serious-minded man who can supplement
your statements from other aspects. You see, at Caux I shall need
one spiritual and one worldly Jew. My first choice was Herr Salo
Cohn who, I believe, is well known to you. I wrote him last
Thursday, June 6. His reply was due yesterday. It has not arrived
today. I cannot wait any longer.
I first wanted to make sure of his cooperation, but did not
tell him that I wanted to approach you as well—afterwards, be
cause (and I hope I was not mistaken) your assistance seemed
assured from the outset. You probably know me better from my
newspaper work than from personal acquaintance; and I imagine
that you take me as seriously as I really am.
And I may receive an answer from S. C. after I mail this letter
and before you receive it. In that case I shall ask you by tele
gram to get in touch with him.
In return I ask you to be so kind as to send me one of two
telegrams as soon as you have made your decision, if possible on
the same day you receive this letter: “Agreed” or “Sorry, impossi
ble.” Also include your present address (probably Baden?), so
that I could send you a telegram.
If S. C. does not take on the serious and great assignment with
which I wanted to honor him, we shall have to look for another
man. I leave the choice to you. I don’t want any of my relatives,
otherwise I should have asked my father, first of all. The second
gentleman should be a businessman. He, too, must take a report
to Caux, to cover the following: an approximate description of
how Jews earn a living in the above-mentioned countries; the
distribution of property (an estimate of the number of large,
medium-sized, and small fortunes—I know that this can only
be a very vague estimate, but even that will do); in what coun
tries do the Jews own a lot of immovable property; the state of
the Jewish enterprising spirit (is it increasing—and if so, at what
rate—or decreasing); the mood in business circles; the situation
of Jewish small businessmen and manufacturers (on the Franz-
Josefs-Quai, etc.)
This report, too, should not be timidly statistical, but should,
as far as possible, be rather free, lively, unconstrained, and idio
matic. It will gain by being dictated.
From the foregoing you will see what sort of man we need—
a calm, superior, unaffected man, not too young; he must, in any
case, be a respected man of self-assured bearing, because of the
tasks which he will face later on. Unfortunately I must add that
I should prefer a well-to-do man, for our property less Jews are
rather put-upon and lack bearing. But the aim which you will
find out about at Caux requires, too, the second man to have
a dignified, independent comportment. T he person you select
will presumably know me by name and will perhaps give me his
confidence. For I know well that a certain amount of confidence
is required in face of the presumptuous request to take a major
trip the purpose of which is not clearly enough stated.
Since it is absolutely impossible for me to express myself any
more clearly than this in writing, I can only pledge myself to pay
a fine if I should trifle. If you two gentlemen should find at
Caux that I have troubled you to no purpose, I shall hand you
there one thousand francs which you will be good enough to
give to your favorite charities.
And now, dear doctor, I ask you to come. A great project for
our poor, unfortunate brethren is at stake. You are a spiritual
adviser. At Caux a duty awaits you. T h at is all I can tell you.
W ith expressions of my cordial esteem, I am
Yours sincerely,
Theodor Herzl,
37, rue Cambon.
• • •
June 11
In my letter to Hirsch I wrote: “In France, at my age of
thirty-five, men are Ministers of State, and Napoleon was Em
peror.”
I now find that in my haste I formulated my meaning badly.
80 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR IIERZL
As it stands, it smacks of megalomania. I merely meant that I
too have a right to ponder political affairs and that at my age
it is possible to have the maturity associated with a statesman.
June 11
The idea of having a meeting with those two Jews at Caux on
Lake Geneva is a good one in many respects.
There they will be lifted out of their everyday, narrow, re
stricted concepts.
They will see a victory of mind over matter. And I shall be
thinking of Rousseau, who saw a social contract where I dis
covered the negotiorum gestio.
The little Jews will perhaps band together in local groups

and raise the money that the R ’s did not want to give. But will
I be able to take it after I have disclosed my entire program to
the world?
The big Jews will have frustrated the project through their
refusal; of course, they will probably be the first to suffer for
it.
• # *
Yet the publication will be of indirect benefit to the Jews.—

Many of my thoughts, such as those about duelling, suicide, sup
port of inventors, a stock exchange monopoly, traveling complaint
commissions, are good for all nations. Therefore people may
treat the Jews more gently because these suggestions were bom
of their sufferings and their spirit.
June 12, 1895

It is not enough for me to run a work project, but I must have
it conducted by a permanent commission. The head of this com
mission must have a systematic mind.
June 12
Short-sighted people will refuse when I ask them to transplant
their pension institutes, etc. T he good example must carry the
day here. There are three kinds of pension institutes that I have
in mind:
1) those with an all-Jewish membership (Hevras and the
like); they are the easiest to transplant, for they can be dug up
with all their roots.
2) those with a majority of Jewish members (an example is
the Vienna Concordia): There a general meeting may decide to
divide up the property, or the minority can be given a cash settle
ment and the rest can be transplanted as above. A very effective
move would also be to leave the immovables to the minority
(which would cost less than it appears, because this would save
a twofold transfer).
3) those with only a scattering of Jews (like an association of
civil servants). In such cases we must either waive our claims to
the sums due us (after all, we compensate all our people who
have sustained any losses, on the principle of solidarity), or, if
the statutes permit it, the pension can be made over to some
body else, or we may request that the income be forwarded
abroad.
* # •
June 12
The boat sailing to occupy the land can carry, in addition to

the officers of the Company, representatives of the Local Groups
(possibly as non-paying passengers) who may occupy sites for
their establishments over there. These representatives must have
the authorization to enter into agreements binding on their Local
Groups; and they, rather than the Company, will be responsible
to their groups for the choice of sites and the like.
June 12
The distribution of this new world will be handled equitablyl
• • •
I shall determine the time of my tour of the Local Groups
later.
This tour will take place about two months before the sailing
of the land-taking expedition, one month before it at the latest.
Of course, I shall be able to visit only the largest cities.
The method of this centralization is something still to be
considered. Shall I send my missionaries out into districts? For
this the two Schiffs would be quite suitable; this could be com
pleted in two months if Europe were divided into two or four
districts. Or shall I give lectures to a group of traveling scholars
and then spread the fellows out over the countries? Perhaps the
first plan should be adopted at the beginning, when everything
still has to be done cautiously and secretly, and the second one
later.
• * *
On my main tour I shall everywhere invite a small number

of the most respectable (not the wealthiest) men to come to
see me, make them take an oath of secrecy, and reveal to them
the plan which I am going to announce to the Family Council.
Then will follow a second, bigger meeting, the composition of
which will be suggested to me by the first group. T o this meeting
I shall announce the “outflow” plan—there is no mention in it
as yet of the State—, telling them only that we are seeking
security for our capital and new soil for our labor. But I must
take care in every country not to get involved in any “secret
society” business. Perhaps I shall call in the first confidants one
by one and have them take oaths individually.
Carefully avoid the danger of "secret societies” everywhere.
T hat is why our official propaganda must be made by the most
circumspect people. We shall cover ourselves by submitting our
“secret instructions” to the governments for their approval.
THE COMPLETE DIaiv^ - OF THEODOR HERZL 83
After all, we want to proceed with the consent of the governments,
but undisturbed by the mobs of parliament and press.
• # *
June 12
It will, incidentally, spread like wildfire. One of my dreams
during the period of uncertainty was to force Alois Lichtenstein,
Schônerer or Lueger to a duel. If I had been shot, a letter left
behind by me would have told the world that I fell a victim to
this most unjust movement. Thus my death might at least have
improved the heads and hearts of men. But if I had shot my
opponent, I wanted to make a magnificent speech before the
assize court, first expressing my regrets at “the death of an
honorable man,” like Morès who had stabbed Captain Mayer
to death. T hen I would have gone into the Jewish Question,
making a powerful, Lassalle-like speech which would have shaken
and moved the jury and inspired respect from the court, leading
to my acquittal. Thereupon the Jews would have offered to
make me a member of parliament. But I would have been obliged
to decline that, because I did not want to become a representative
of the people over the dead body of a human being.—And nowl
I find that the anti-Semites are fully within their rights.
• * •
It would be an excellent idea to call in respectable, accredited

anti-Semites as liquidators of property.
To the people they would vouch for the fact that we do not
wish to bring about the impoverishment of the countries that
we leave.
At first they must not be given large fees for this; otherwise
we shall spoil our instruments and make them despicable as
"stooges of the Jews."
Later their fees will increase, and in the end we shall have
only Gentile officials in the countries from which we have emi
grated.
The anti-Semites will become our most dependable friends,
the anti-Semitic countries our allies.
We want to emigrate as respected people.
June 12
No Jewish paperl
Jewish papersl I will induce the publishers of the biggest
Jewish papers (Neue Freie Presse, Berliner Tageblatt, Frank
furter Zeitung, etc.) to publish editions over there, as the New
York Herald does in Paris.
The transplantation of habits includes one’s favorite paper at
breakfast.
The newspapers will keep their readers, satisfy the needs
(which will soon be enormous) of those who have stayed behind,
and exchange news by telegraph. At first the overseas editions
will be the smaller ones. Then the old editions will shrink and
the new ones become big.
The Gentile editors will stay here and feel liberated and
comfortable; the Jewish ones will go overseas and become rich
and respected, taking an active part in politics; in fact, at present
the journalists are the only Jews who know anything about poli
tics.
I am the best proof of this.
Amnesty for moral misdemeanors of the press, too. All shall
start a new life. But let everyone be respectable over there from
the outset! Tribunals of honor, like those of the lawyers. The
press must be free, but let it have and preserve the priestly
honor of its opinions. In this way we shall also have the most
decent press in the world.
• * •
The insurance businessl
It will become a big department, probably requiring a ministry
of its own. We shall start with a Director of Insurance.
The capital is contained in the State (at first in the Society*).
We shall make use of all Jewish officials of private insurance
companies (that Viennese named P. who was sentenced will get
a good position); they will be State officials, of course, and can
advance to high positions.
Insurance is a tested, well-known enterprise in all its branches,
like banking, railroads, telephone, etc. Private capital no longer
has any right to make profits here, because there is no risk any
more.
The determining factor for the promotion or impediment of
a private enterprise is the element of risk. Where there is no
risk, there must be no entrepreneurial profit. On the other hand,
we shall magnanimously tolerate any untried enterprise.
* • *
Induce the Hirsch brothers to build a “Louvre” over there.

• • •
June 12
My Russian Jews, who constitute the great reservoir of un
skilled labourers,* will be organized into labor batallions.
They will be given labor ranks, as in the army, perhaps even
badges to indicate them, and advance according to their efficiency
and seniority. Everyone has a marshal’s baton in his pack. I do
not want a horde of helots who eternally remain in misery. For
workers’ pensions I shall gradually use all institutions similar
to the Tabaktrafik; these permit grading, according to local dif
ferences.
June 12
Should there be a tobacco monopoly?
Probably yes. It is the most bearable form of indirect taxation;
it is known to most people from their present countries; it makes
bigger claims on the big consumers than on the small ones; it
will give me the opportunity to start tobacco plantations (on a
franchise basis, with the penalty of cancellation in case of tax
fraud) and to give business to tobacco factories, and I shall have
state-licensed tobacco shops to give to workers as a pension.
• • #
June 12
Induce all big Jewish-owned factories, businesses, etc. to estab
lish branches over there (analogous to the overseas editions of
the newspapers). In this way they will be able gradually to trans
fer their plant and inventory as well as their business experience
to the other side.
This is the transplanting of businesses; it will immediately
produce employment, commerce, etc., and meet needs in the
usual manner.
In the transplanting of businesses, too, those left behind will
gradually pass over into the hands of Gentiles. Crises will be
prevented.
A lot of people will become wealthy in the countries that we
leave.
At our departure, people will gratefully and cordially shake
the hands of the Jews whose business acumen has arranged
everything so ingeniously. Here, too, the beginning of Jewish
honor!
• • •
Quite generally, I should like to pay all pensions in the form
of such easy occupations, if possible.
Homes for the aged and infirm are places of cruelty to the
human soul. Old people are cut off from life there, buried be
fore their time. A man’s old age becomes his prison, and that is
considered the reward for a good life. Through my tobacco-shop
pensions I shall preserve freedom for old people, too, as well as
their participation in life, giving them the comforting illusion of
usefulness, an easy occupation which will keep them from brood
ing. And when such an old person gets little treats for himself,
he need not look about timidly.
The tobacco-shops will at the same time be the exclusive out
lets for the sale of newspapers. This will increase the pensioners’
income. It will be welcome to the newspapers—and should they
ever endanger the external or internal security of the state, they
can be confiscated at these central points.
No state stamp for newspapers. But a bond for safeguarding
against wantonness, malice, baseness, irresponsibility, and prof
iteering manoeuvres.
Those newspaper owners who are known to be ethical may be
exempted from this bond. T he money can later be returned when
a newspaper has proved itself to be clean. But it can be imposed
again or even increased if the newspaper concerned is found
guilty of abusing the power of the press.
But I should like to submit this abuse of power of the press (a
new offense) to the verdict of a jury. Under no circumstances
must a paper be prosecuted on account of a hostile attitude, as
long as it does not use reprehensible methods. The question of
how to preserve a healthy freedom of the press and prevent in
solence is worthy of very serious consideration. Possibly through
courts of delegated jurors?
• • •
June is
A monopoly on hard liquor, in any event.
Some privileges, similar to those of the tobacco monopoly,
manufacture, and state-licensed shops. The latter will also serve
to fight drunkenness, just as brokerages fight the gambling mania.
For it will be possible to impose graded fines, culminating in the
revocation of the license, for encouraging drinking by giving
credit, etc.
• • •
June 12
The transition from Society* to State is a complicated prob
lem.
# In English in the original, here and p a s s im .
This will have to be recognized conclusively in the drawing
up of the Company contract and the statutes. For the Society will
have enormous profits with which the stockholders will be re
luctant to part.
From the moment at which the State comes into being the
Society will be placed under public ownership—probably in such
a way that the State acquires all shares at a stipulated price, but
leaves the Society in its present legal status, subject to British
law; for it will be some time before we ourselves shall have the
power to push through the claims of our citizens or of the State
itself.
June 12
When we occupy the land, we shall bring immediate benefits
to the state that receives us. We must expropriate gently the
private property on the estates assigned to us.
We shall try to spirit the penniless population across the
border by procuring employment for it in the transit countries,
while denying it any employment in our own country.
The property-owners will come over to our side. Both the
process of expropriation and the removal of the poor must be
carried out discreetly and circumspectly.
Let the owners of immovable property believe that they are
cheating us, selling us things for more than they are worth.
But we are not going to sell them anything back.
* * •
June 12
It goes without saying that we shall respectfully tolerate per
sons of other faiths and protect their property, their honor, and
their freedom with the harshest means of coercion. This is an
other area in which we shall set the entire old world a wonderful
example.
At first, incidentally, people will avoid us. We are in bad odor.
By the time the reshaping of world opinion in our favor has
been completed, we shall be firmly established in our country,
no longer fearing the influx of foreigners, and receiving our visi
tors with aristocratic benevolence and proud amiability.
* * *
June 12
The voluntary expropriation will be accomplished through
our secret agents. T he Company would pay excessive prices.
We shall then sell only to Jews, and all real estate will be
traded only among Jews. T o be sure, we shall not be able to do
this by declaring other sales invalid. Even if this did not run
counter to the modem world’s sense of justice, our power would
not suffice to force it through.
Therefore we must safeguard each of our sales of immovables
through an option of re-purchase on the part of the Company.
That is, if the owner wants to sell the property, we shall have
the right to buy it back at our original sale price. However, we
shall add a compensation, to be fixed by a board of experts, for
any improvements that have been made. The owner will name
an expert and we shall name one of our own. If these two cannot
agree, they will choose a disinterested third to make a decision.
This option of re-purchase will be a special privilege that can
not be revoked by a mortgage.
• • •
The Society will have a department for the granting of
mortgage credit. This will be a branch bank, nationalized, of
course, like all other subsidiary institutions “over there.”
The employees of private banks on this side will gradually
become state employees on the other side, with bigger salaries,
honors, etc.
For the voluntary expropriation we shall have to use local
sub-agents who must not know that their employer is himself
a secret agent who takes instructions from the centralized “Com
mission for Property Purchases.”
These secret purchases must be carried out simultaneously,
as upon the pressing of an electric button. Our secret agents,
who will appear over there as purchasers on their own account,
will receive the signal: Marchez [go ahead]!
Within a week all sales must have been completed. Otherwise
the prices will increase exorbitantly.
Of course, this will have to be preceded by painstaking pre
liminary research in land registers (where they exist), through
discreet inquiries and investigation of specific situations, etc.
Estate owners who are attached to their soil because of old
age, habit, etc., will be offered a complete transplantation—to
any place they wish, like our own people. This offer will be made
only when all others have been rejected.
If this offer is not accepted either, no harm will be done.
Such close attachment to the soil is found only with small
properties. Big ones are to be had for a price.
Should there be many such immovable owners in individual
areas, we shall simply leave them there and develop our com
merce in the direction of other areas which belong to us.
* # *
The secret land buyers will not be free agents, but our
employees.
They will be told in advance that any attempt to engage
directly or indirectly in land speculation on this particular
occasion will bring about their immediate dismissal with
permanent loss of honor.
But, like all our employees, they will have special privileges
in the choice of location of their houses which we shall build for
them inexpensively, making deductions from their salaries on
the principle of amortization.
June 12
Special note:
If I have to do it in book form, everything that looks like
a prospectus must be avoided.
I must suggest to the little Jews and the governments to
request it from me; but if I don’t do it d’un air absolument
détaché [with an air of absolute detachment], I shall become
ludicrous and an instrument unfit for the magnificent purpose.
June 12, 1895

As soon as we sight the new shores from the pioneering ship,
the flag of the Society (which will later become the national
flag) will be hoisted.
All will bare their heads. Let us salute our flag!
The first man ashore will carry a cheap, shoddy flag in his
hand. It will later be preserved in the National Museum.
June 12
For the future legend, have a distinctive cap designed, à la
Stanley. Wear the yellow badge while occupying the land, and
all pioneers are to receive a little yellow ribbon.
June 12
The novel. Its hero:
One of his table talks on the boat will be on the subject of
Jewish Honor.
Afterwards the little yellow ribbons will be passed out to
all those present. At that moment he may not be able to tell as
yet that it will become a decoration.
He is only distributing it as a souvenir. He has had a list
made in advance. Everyone acknowledges receipt of the little
silver mark on the yellow ribbon.
This list is preserved. It contains the first knights of Jewish
honor.
• • •
Over there the ribbon is worn from the beginning. He does

not prescribe it—“simply looks upon it with favor." Unauthor
ized persons are not allowed to wear it.
A juridical difficulty presents itself: how is the State, as yet
non-existent, to secure for itself the purchase of the Society’s
shares? Incidentally, the change-over can perhaps take place
only under moral guarantees.
June 12
Those South American republics must be obtainable for
money. We can give them annual subsidies. But only for about
twenty years, i.e., until we are strong enough to protect our
selves; otherwise this would become a tribute which would be
incompatible with our future dignity and the stoppage of which
could lead to war.
The duration of these subsidies should be determined by the
length of time indicated by our military head as sufficient for
us to become a match for all these republics together.
But at the start, before they even know that we are coming
over, we could get big concessions in return for the mere
prospect of loaning them money at one percent lessl
June 12
Discreet, delicate investigations should first be carried on
regarding the financial needs, the internal political situation,
and currents in these South American republics.
On the whole, it will be a voluntary parting with the land.
• • •
But especially forthese things do I need the Rothschilds.
And what if they refuse?
Well, then they will simply take the consequences.
* • *
Since my plan is now dependent on the Rothschilds, I

naturally think about them a lot. I only know a few of them
by sight. I know something about only two. Albert in Vienna
seems to be an industrious banker and a clear thinker. At the
same time, a court snob. I am told that someone came to him
with the idea of a Palais de Glace [Ice Palace]. He said: “Vienna
has no patronage for that,’’ and gave intelligent reasons for it.
I frequently see Alphonse, the Parisian, in the street, also
saw him at court in the Burdeau-Drumont trial, where he had
a modest, trembling appearance. He cringes in a refined way.
I last saw him at the Grand Prix and had a peculiar feeling
then. For this sorry, wobbly figure of a man possesses the
means to turn an enormous stream of happiness on humanity
—if he goes along with my plan. I followed him through the
crowd for a while and looked at him with my thoughts.
June 12
I shall write BacheT a very cordial letter of farewell. He has
been my friend; that I have felt.
* • •
Julius Bauer, the director of the National Theater, crosses
over on the same boat with my family, in order to entertain
my parents during the voyage . . . (Oh Heavens, this would
be a pretty chapter for the novel—but if it becomes reality,
who of the passengers I am now dreaming of will still be alive?)
June 12
For me these notes are not work, but only relief. I am writing
myself free of the ideas which rise like bubbles in a retort and
would finally burst the container if they found no outlet.
My God, after this confession Lombroso might consider me
mad. And my friend Nordau will conceal from me the appre
hension I cause him. But they are wrong. I know that two and
two is four.
June 12
These notes prevent me from putting earlier things in my
book.
In my clean copy I am still on my conversation with Hirsch.
But the growth of the new ideas is more important. Who
knows how soon it is going to stop?
Through it all I have the fear described by Heyse in that
wonderful little poem about the artist:
Ich bebe:
Dass ich hinfahren kônnte iiber Nacht,
Hinfahren, ehe ich dies Werk vollbracht.
[I shudder to think that I could depart over night,

depart before I have completed this work.]
Ah, once I have things in order and have deposited my papers

with the local Academy under lock and key, while I have the
book copied, the property will be secured and will be an
imperishable treasure of mankind.
Of all mankind, not merely of the Jews.
# # •
On the basis of these candid notes, some people will think
me a megalomaniac. Others will say or believe that I want to
do some business or advertise myself.
But my peers, the artists and philosophers, will understand
how genuine all this is, and they will stand up for me.
* • •
June 12
T o the architects:
Typical designs of workshops for shoemakers, tailors, carpen
ters, etc.,* these can be printed in large quantities and distributed
everywhere.
This will be publicity for emigration!
It will be a joy to work. Everyone to attain a little house of
his own, wherever possible.
A conference of architects to discuss workers’ dwellings; I
shall preside, as with the jurists’ conference.
Other mass designs for the “own house’’ of the middle class,
“Cottage” system. Distribute this also as advertising.
* * *
Rental and amortization for these houses. In the construction

industry (whether for housing, railways, roads, etc.) we will
greatly favor private enterprise by granting it sound construction
credits (which must be given careful study).
The Society will profit only through the increase in land
values. Construction is to be inexpensive, because building
increases the general value of the land.
• • •
June 12
Pawnbroker’s Office:
Name and address must be given when something is pawned.
The pawner will not be told the reason for this. T he names of
those who have pawned beds, tools, items of utter necessity will
be turned in directly to the Central Welfare Office. This office
makes equally discreet investigations and then takes whatever
action it wishes. By keeping alphabetical lists it will soon
recognize habitual pawners and swindlers.
• • •
June 12
At the present time we are stepchildren in all countries. I am
even today filled with unshakable confidence that I shall succeed.
If I had any thought of making some profit on this, I should
get a loan today with no qualms.
• • •
June 12
Am I working it out?
Nol It is working itself out in me.
It would be an obsession if it were not so rational from
beginning to end.
An earlier term for such a condition was “inspiration.”
June 12
Today the thought arises in me that I may be solving much
more than the Jewish Question.
Namely, tout bonnement [very neatly], the social question!
I don’t know, I doubt it, because in all these matters I have the
creation of new conditions in mind; and the difficulty in the
social question is precisely that everywhere men are bogged
down in ancient abuses, lengthy stagnation, and inherited oi
acquired wrong. Whereas I presuppose a virginal soil. But if
it turns out to be true, what a gift of God to the Jews!
• * *
When I say “God” I do not mean to offend the free-thinkers.
As far as I am concerned, they can use “World Spirit” or some
other term in place of this dear old wonderful abbreviation by
means of which I get across to the simple intelligences. In our
academic battle of words, we still mean one and the same thing.
In fact, in belief as well as in doubt we mean the very same
thing: that it is inexplicable!
Send a circumspect man over as housing officer even before

the sailing of the pioneering expedition. The pioneers, especially
the representatives of the Local Groups, must find things
comfortable.
The Housing Officer will later have bigger and bigger tasks
and head a department when workers arrive.
June 12
Prostitution:
There is not likely to be any immediate solution. (In any
case, a conference of politicians will have to be convened on this.
Poets will be called in because of their continual preoccupation
with love.) Long-range solutions are the following:
Patriarchal families; the encouragement of early marriages,
which, incidentally, will come about par la force des choses
[by itself], because we shall give employment to great num
bers of young men, pay them well, and thus give them an early
opportunity to establish households of their own. Then, too,
in the early stages of our settlement they will want to have a
house, because there will as yet be no big-city entertainments,
no easy attractions, and no market of females.
• • •
Also, we shall give salary allowances to married men and

mass-produce inexpensive wedding outfits for different classes
“as premiums for industry, efficiency, etc.” Our purpose in
this will be the encouragement of marriage.
* • •
Allowances for children.

• • *
June 12
We Jews are a vain people. We supply the biggest quota of
the snobs of “good” society. An aristocratic sponger can get
whatever he wants from the bankers if he dines at their homes
where others can see him.
But I believe we are vain only because we have no access to
honor. Once we have regained our honor, we shall not be vain,
but ambitious. Good, clever Montesquieu with his ressorts [com
petences].
• • *
I shall probably make enemies of the big Jews. Well, this is

going to be apparent from the attacks or the silence of the servile
part of the press.
June 12
If we move into a region where there are wild animals to
which the Jews are not accustomed—big snakes, etc.—I shall
use the natives, prior to giving them employment in the transit
countries, for the extermination of these animals. High premiums
for snake skins, etc., as well as their spawn.
• # *
June 12
I shall inform my unskilled* laborers from Russia that they
can advance and later at least get tobacco shops and the like (if
they are not fitted to become officers of the labor batallions).
Therefore they will properly use the rest of the seven-hour
day for self-improvement in workers’ and trade schools.
For this, again, I shall need a new corps of educators: the
trade instructors. A workman can become such an instructor,
too.
• • •
The Seven-Hour Dayl

Of course, work will be carried on not just during seven hours
of a day, but during fourteen.
Two shifts or four? This will depend on the proximity of
homes and schools. For if I make the workers travel long
distances twice a day, I shall do them great harm.
• * •
June 12
In the Palais Royal, amidst the strains of military music, to
my subordinates who want to flatter me:
One must not praise me because one must not censure me
either. For I am the Leader. I am saying this not only on account
of discipline, but also because my mind must remain sound
# In English in the original.
and simple if I am to carry it through. I shall recognize by the
quality of your obedience and the warmth of your enthusiasm
to what extent I can count on you.
• • •
What an example I am to the poor, aspiring Jews, such as

I used to be myself!
If my object had been money, I should never have been able
to come face to face with the biggest financial power on earth,
the Rothschilds, the way Iam going to do.
• • *
Even if Giidemann fails me, I shall send Baron Jacobs to the

Palestine Rothschild—Edmond, I think—and have him arrange
an interview for me.
* • *
I shall be reproached with practising state socialism—no

reproach, even if it were true, provided the State aims at the
right things. T hat is, not the advantage of one group or caste,
but the gradual ascent of everyone to the distant lofty goals of
mankind.
But only the narrow-minded and the malevolent can overlook
the fact that I want to make the individual free, great, rich, and
happy.
• • •
I merely eliminate the entrepreneur’s profit on safe under

takings.
• • •
I owe to Drumont a great deal of the present freedom of my

concepts, because he is an artist.
I did not want to write another utopian novel. All this is
true, reasonable, possible.
Why should I not tell it straightforwardly?
• * *
Should not the dowries of wealthy girls be taxed?

The proceeds could be used to provide for penniless "old
maids,” just as there must always be a moral adjustment between
the joys of some and the sorrows of others, by means of taxation.
(A good thing in France is the amusement tax which benefits
the assistance publique [public welfare]. We shall have one too.)
Actually, the Jews are already observing this principle, on
a small scale and in the haphazard, fatuous manner of all "philan
thropy” up to now. At big weddings a lot of money is donated
to the poor.
But I want not only to bring this under firm, sound regula
tions, but also to call on the hard-hearted people who do not
remember the needy.—Certainly I don't have to spare the
matrimonial fortune-hunters. (In this connection it is a droll
thought that the tax can also be slapped on the father-in-law.)
I shall prevent or punish tax fraud by invalidating fake
contracts, giving big rewards to informers, imposing heavy fines,
and making the swindler permanently ineligible to be elected
to office, to receive a decoration, or to be raised to the nobility.
* • *
June 14, 1895

Today a severe headache.—In order to divert the blood from
my head, today I will start learning to ride a bicycle. Otherwise
I shall not be able to carry the task through.
• • •
June 14
The moral blessings and physical bliss of labor.
Yesterday I dined with a wealthy Viennese bachelor, a useless
playboy. He groaned about the anti-Semites, about the blood-
libel. I got him to talk. T hat way I confirmed my opinion of
the temper of the rich. For a moment I even took this man
seriously. I asked him if he was prepared to do something for
the Jewish cause. He seemed to suspect a financial sacrifice and
drawled, “Naw!” I hastened to rectify this misconception and
said: “For instance, a journey to Constantinople?” “No,” he
said, “I am no good at such things. I am too lazy.” Yes indeed!
It will be a long time before I arouse, before I shake, the Jews
out of the indolence of their prison life.
June 14
The Promised Land, where it is all right for us to have
hooked noses, black or red beards, and bandy legs without being
despised for these things alone. Where at last we can live as
free men on our own soil and die in peace in our own home
land. Where we, too, can expect honor as a reward for great
deeds; where we shall live at peace with all the world, which
we shall have freed through our own freedom, enriched by
our wealth, and made greater by our greatness.
So that the derisive cry "Jew!” may become an honorable
appellation, like “German,” “Englishman,” “Frenchman”—in
short, like that of all civilized peoples. So that by means of our
State we can educate our people for tasks which still lie beyond
our horizon. For God would not have preserved our people for
so long if we did not have another role to play in the history
of mankind.
• • t
The flag occurs to me. Perhaps a white flag with seven gold
stars. And the white field will signify our new, clean life. Just
as the stars are the working hours. Under the banner of labor
we shall enter the Promised Land.
It is a great good fortune for me and will gild my parents’
old age and be to the lasting honor of my descendants that I
have devised this great project.
# * *
June 14
Giidemann telegraphs me today:
“Unable to make trip. Salo at North Cape. Letter follows.
Going to Baden Sunday afternoon. Giidemann.”
Oh yes, it will be hard to get the Jews interested in it. But
get them I shall. I feel a gigantic strength for the glorious task
gathering in me. A man grows with greater purposesl*
# # *
I should gain greater glory if I moved to the Promised Land
only with the poor and the wretched and made a proud and
respected people out of them. But I shall renounce this glory,
just as I should be ready to recede into the background entirely.
The only thing is that a master builder must, as long as he is
alive, supervise the building himself, no matter how great the
worry, the toil, and the responsibility.
* • •
Our entire youth, all those who are now between twenty and
thirty years of age, will abandon their vague socialistic leanings
and turn to me. They will go forth as itinerant preachers to
their own families and into the world—without my having to
urge them.
For the land is to be theirsl
June 15, 1895

T he non-Jewish expropriates over there will, after the pur
chase has been made, be given the choice between payment
# Translator's Note: This is a line, slightly misquoted, from Friedrich Schiller's
Prologue to his Wallensteins Lager. ,
in cash or in shares (according to the face value). No outwitting,
only self-protection.
After all, through us the world shall be acquainted with some
thing that has not been considered possible in 2000 years:
Jewish honor.
* # •
To the Family Council:

Your older men will assist us with their advice as to finances,
banking, railroads, and politics, perform diplomatic services
for us, etc.
Your sons, and I would want you to have as many of them
as possible, will be in positions of leadership in the army, the
diplomatic corps, etc., according to their abilities—but strictly
according to their abilities—, govern provinces, etc.!
With your daughters you will reward our best officers, our
finest artists and most brilliant officials. Or continue to marry
them off in Europe, as the Americans do, something that I con
sider rather useful. T he main thing is that your money be
scattered far and wide.
June 15
Today I am an isolated and lonely man, tomorrow perhaps
the intellectual leader of hundreds of thousands—in any case,
the discoverer and proclairaer of a mighty idea.
• • *
To the midget millionaires I shall send my representatives:

Schiff, Goldmann, Wolf Schulmann.
I shall ask the millionaires who still have Jewishness in their
hearts to meet with a rabbi who will read my address to them.
The rabbis who do not want to come along will be shunted
aside. There is no stopping the procession.
But the rabbis will be pillars of my organization and I shall
honor them for it. They will arouse the people, instruct them
on the boats, and enlighten them on the other side. As a reward
they will be formed into a fine, proud hierarchy which, to be
sure, will always remain subordinated to the State.
• • •
While I have been writing, and especially when I have seen

in my mind's eye the solemn, festive mood on the boats and the
arrival, the gala reception on the other side, I have often wept
over the misfortunes of my people.
But if I am to lead my people, I must not show any tears.
T he leader must have an impassive face.
June 15
I do not believe there is a mania for speculation among our
people. These people are good providers. And a solicitous pater
familias [family man] approaches the stock exchange with
trepidation.
But what other place is there for him to go under present
conditions?
* # #
June 16, 1895

During these days I have more than once been afraid I was
losing my mind. This is how tempestuously the trains of thought
have raced through my soul.
A lifetime will not suffice to carry it all out.
But I shall leave behind a spiritual legacy. T o whom? To
all men.
I believe I shall be named among the greatest benefactors
of mankind.
Or is this belief already megalomania?
June 16
I must, above all, keep myself under control.
As Kant noted down for himself: No more thoughts about
Johann.
My Johann is the Jewish Question. I must be able to summon
it and dismiss it.
* • •
June 16
No one ever thought of looking for the Promised Land where
it actually is—and yet it lies so near.
This is where it is: within ourselves!
I am not misleading anyone. Everyone can satisfy himself
that I am telling the truth. For everyone will take across, in
himself, a piece of the Promised Land—one in his head, another
one in his hands, a third in his savings. The Promised Land is
where we carry itl
• • •
I believe that for me life has ended and world history has
begun.
• • •
June 16
At first we shall only work on and for ourselves in all secrecy.
But the Jewish State will become something remarkable.
The land of the seven-hour working day will be not only a
model country for social experiments and a treasure-house for
works of art, but a miracle country in all civilization. It will
be a destination for the civilized world which will come to
visit us the way it now visits Lourdes, Mecca, Sadagora. Do you
at last understand me? But I shall be at my strongest in the
third stage. T here I shall have the whole world on my side—
Jews, Christians, the common people, the middle class, aristocrats,
the clergy of all denominations, kings and emperors!
Sadagora.
No pressure will be exerted on anyone’s conscience; the
subtle suasions of civilization will have an effect on all.
• # *
I shall take in the pieds crottés [men with filth on their shoes]
outside the stock exchange, all lost and wrecked existences,
and give them a new lifel These will be our best co-workers.
* * *
June 16
Goethe, Goethe!
For three hours 1 tramped around the Bois in order to walk
off the pangs of new trains of thought. It grew worse and worse.
Now I am sitting at Pousset’s, writing them down and feeling
relieved. It is true that I am also drinking beer.
The Jewish State is a world necessity.
They will pray for me in the synagogues. But in the churches
as well.
If you force me into opposition to you, I shall in the second
stage—which I do not quite believe in, although it is certainly
possible—gather about me all medium and smaller millionaires.
A second formidable Jewish financial force will march up. For
in the initial period, when I have no use as yet for the fully
deposited billion, I shall have to engage in banking transactions.
I have no more aversion to banking, if the cause requires it,
than I have to transportation, construction, etc.
But will Europe bear both you and us?
The earth is already trembling here.
• * •
One of the major battles I shall have to fight will be against

the self-mockery of the Jews.
This readiness to scoff represents, at bottom, the feeble
attempt of prisoners to look like free men. T hat is why this
mockery actually touches me.
# * •
June 16
As soon as we have established ourselves and all diplomatic
moves and land purchases have been completed, I shall give my
speech (with the changes desired by the R ’s) to the Neue Freie
Presse, because I discovered this thing as their correspondent.
I want the Neue Freie Presse to make extracts available to the
other papers, including the anti-Semitic ones. To the Berliner
Tageblatt as well.
* * *
June 16
A more beautiful Sadagoral
One of the things, perhaps the main thing, that we shall
have learned from the civilized nations will be tolerance.
They did have the good will to emancipate us. It no longer
worked, in the old surroundings.
The Stock-Exchange Monopoly will probably be the first

thing in which Europe will imitate us. And that will push the
vacillating, cowardly Jews my way. They will follow us a bit
late.
In this, too, the procession will ride over the reluctant.
• * •
June 15
Family Council:
You see that we are not hoodwinking anybody. Nor are we
doing violence to anyone—except to ourselves, our habits, our
evil inclinations, and our faults. But he who wants to do great
things must first conquer himself.
June 15
Anyone who cares to wear a kaftan may continue to do so
unmolested.
We shall only observe the principles of modern hygiene, for
the well-being of all.
Insert: T o the Family Council:
Through amicable expropriation the State will be able to
acquire factories, etc., which Ministers of Finance never dared
to think about.
# # #
Insert:
Shares for the expropriated. Right of repurchase on the part
of the Society.
* * #
June 16
Schiff was here today and teased me, saying that I looked as
if I had invented the dirigible airship.
—Hm, perhaps I didl I thought to myself, and kept silent.
June 16, 1895

Second letter to Giidemann.
Your letter made amends for the impression which your
telegram gave me. It had made me think, a bit angrily: Just
try to help the Jewsl Which, to be sure, did not stop me from
proceeding vigorously with the project itself, just as I shall,
heedless of everything, march on to my goal I Anyone who wants
to help me is most welcome; he will be doing nothing for me,
everything for himself. I shall pass over those who are recalcitrant
or indifferent.
Thus even the first impact of your telegram did not dismay
me, but only annoyed me. The next moment I said to myself:
I probably did not make it sufficiently clear to him how des
perately serious things are. My plan is actually as serious as
the situation of the Jews itself, and I feel that the Jews in their
torpor do not realize this seriousness clearly enough.
I further said to myself: the man does not know me, that is,
knows me only very slightly; we have exchanged a few unim
portant phrases or jokes, and in the newspaper he reads articles
of the lightest kind from my pen. But your letter appeased me.
It is written in a tone that pleases me, the kind that I need
for my purpose. I can see that you will be the right kind of
helper to me, one of my helpers, for I shall need many.
You are surprised at my warm interest in “our cause.” At
the moment you cannot even suspect the degree of heat which
this interest has reached. Of course, I did not have it before. I
was indifferent to my Jewishness; let us say that it was beneath
the level of my awareness. But just as anti-Semitism forces the
half-hearted, cowardly, and self-seeking Jews into the arms of
Christianity, it powerfully forced my Jewishness to the surface.
This has nothing to do with affected religiosity. Despite all my
piety for the faith of our fathers I am not a bigot and shall never
be one.
That I am not planning anything contrary to religion, but
just the opposite, is shown by the fact that I want to work with
the rabbis, with all rabbis.
I called you and the businessman to Caux for two reasons.
First, because I wanted to take both of you out of your ac
customed surroundings and place you in the lofty freedom of
the mountains where everyday life fades away, where a glacier
railway would offer you visible proof of the extent to which
the human inventive faculty has already conquered Nature, and
this would have put you in a sufficiently serious and yet uncon
strained mood for my unusual message.
The second reason was that for weeks I have toiled over
written work and shall have to continue to toil for an indefinite
period of time, and thus desired a respite of two or three days
from the enormous work which I would not have abandoned
thereby, because I must not abandon it any longer.
I should have given you a verbal explanation of everything,
observed the impression it made on you, dispelled your doubts,
and constantly appealed from one to the other. For on those
points, spiritual or secular, where one of you might not have
understood me, the other disinterested man would have certified
that I was proceeding constantly on the basis of solid fact.
Your companion need not have been a wealthy man or a
philanthropist, for my project is dependent neither on the rich
nor on the charitable. It would really be bad if it were. The
only requirement was that he be an independent Jew.
You two were intended to be my first helpers. Since I cannot
have you right away, I do not need the other man either.
I should immediately have approached other men if, as I have
already said, I had not recognized from the contents of your
letter that you are the right helper after all. I should have
found others; and if not, I should simply have gone by myself.
For I have the solution of the Jewish Question. I know it sounds
mad; but in the initial period people will often think me mad
until they realize with deep emotion the truth of all I have been
saying. I have found the solution, and it no longer belongs to
me; it belongs to the world.
As I have said, you two would have been my first assistants,
or, more correctly, my messengers, for the time being. Your first
joint mission would have been to Albert Rothschild to whom
you would have given my message, and again the spiritual man
would have been supported by the worldly man in the clarifica
tion of questionable points. Albert Rothschild would have taken
the matter before his family council, and they would have asked
me to appear there and give them a talk about my project.
Let me hasten to clear up a misconception that may arise in
your mind. I am as little dependent on the Rothschilds’ coopera
tion as I am on that of the other wealthy Jews. But the special
character of my plan involves the necessity of notifying the
Rothschilds.
Once you know the plan, you will see why.
Today I cannot tell you what it consists of. I would mutilate
my thoughts if I sought to crowd them into a letter.
For weeks I have been writing from morning to midnight just
to get the main features down on paper. It would be torture if
it were not such bliss. I am the first one to be made happy by the
solution. T hat is my reward, and it shall be my only reward.
How did I discover it? I do not know. Probably because I
pondered it all the time and felt so unhappy about anti-Semitism.
Thirteen years is my estimate of the period during which this
idea took shape in my mind. For my first notes date from 1882,
the year in which I read Diihring’s book. Now that everything
is so clear in my mind I marvel at how close to it I frequently
was and how often I passed by the solution. I consider it a great
good fortune that I have found it. It will gild the old age of my
parents and be the lasting honor of my descendants.
I confess to you that I have tears in my eyes as I write this; but
I shall carry it through with all rigor.
Perhaps you still believe that I am daydreaming. You will
change your mind when you know everything. For my solution
is a strictly scientific one, and this you must not take for academic
socialism or congressional twaddle.
Enough of this! I am going to write down the address which
I was going to make here before the Rothschild Family Council.
It is a very long speech and yet it contains only the main features.
On this stationery and with this close handwriting it amounts
to sixty-eight pages so far, and I am not nearly finished yet. It
will take you a few hours to read it off. For your first mission,
dear Doctor Gtidemann, will be to read this speech to Albert
Rothschild. Don’t give it to him to read; you read it to him.
I believe that he will, as a matter of course, have enough re
spect for you and confidence in you to listen to you for as long
as you deem necessary. You will, of course, have read the speech
beforehand and will tell him in advance what decision his family
will be faced with.
According to a newspaper report I have read, Albert Rothschild
is on his country estate at Gaming-Waidhofen. Let me know by
telegram if you are ready to go there.
Since you were going to come to Caux if I had given you an
indication of what it was all about, you will certainly make that
short trip to Gaming. Then I request you to ask Albert Rothschild
by letter when he can receive you without interruption. He must
make himself free for a whole day. He will be just as deeply
moved and just as happy as you are, because I have been told
that he is a serious, good Jew. He will immediately come to
Paris to see me. You see, for the time being I have to stay here
because of the discussion with all the Rothschilds.
After receipt of my letter, you send me a telegram and write
him immediately. I hope to finish my address the day after
tomorrow. Then it will take me at least three days to make a clean
copy.
So the speech will be sent off from here on Saturday and be
in your hands on Monday. You can have your meeting with
Rothschild at Gaming on Tuesday, the 25th, or Wednesday, the
26th.
All the rest is contained in the speech. But even now you can
indicate to Albert Rothschild in the same serious tone which you,
as a Bible expert, surely sense in my letter that a most important
matter of Jewish life is involved. I shall make the greatest effort
to finish it quickly. I shall not put up with a genteelly dilatory
treatment of the matter. The Jews are waiting.
Everything must be done immediately! That, too, is part of my
program.
I could probably have saved myself the delay of this corre
spondence, etc., if I had procured an introduction to some mem
ber of the Rothschild family here, which would have been an
easy matter. But I have valid reasons, which you will learn, for
not entering into any personal contact with the Rothschilds be
fore they have voiced their agreement in principle. And they will
not have much time to deliberate, either.
Now I greet you in trusting admiration as my first associate.
Yours,
Th. Herzl.
Third letter to Giidemann.
June 17,1895
I sent you a registered letter today. It is possible that it will
be delivered in Baden at a time when you are out walking in
the fields toward Soos where in my youth I also used to take
philosophical walks by myself, or across the meadow to the
Kramerhiitte where it must be such a lovely early summer now.
When you come home you might learn that someone attempted
to deliver a registered letter to you. You are expecting the letter
which I told you of in my telegram and you are a bit impatient,
though not very much as yet, because, after all, you do not know
yet. Perhaps you will go to the Weikersdorf post office or even
the one in Baden. I don’t know whether I have already aroused
your interest, nor do I know from which post office registered
letters are delivered there. Perhaps you will sit down and wait for
the postman to return. Or you haven’t been out at all and re
ceived my first letter promptly; in that case this one will strike
you as superfluous, peculiar, long-winded.
Why do I write you a separate letter, then?
Because in the main letter there is, as yet without further de
tails, the sentence: “I have the solution of the Jewish Question.’’
And I can see the worried expression with which you are mutter
ing into your fine patriarch’s beard: "Completely cracked! His
poor family 1”
No, I am not cracked, neither completely nor partially, not
cracked at all.
And that is why I am sending you these lines in addition to
that letter, as a sign that I never lose sight of the actual situation
and take into account the smallest things just as accurately as
the biggest ones.
Oh yes, even in my most exalted expositions I shall, here and
there, have to mention casually, as though accidentally, that two
times two is four, two times three is six, and 1 7 X 7 = 1 1 9 - And
I shall say that I quite distinctly remember what you or some
body else said to me, or must have thought about me, at some
earlier point in my life—just so people will see that I still have
my wits about me rather nicely.
A task in which things of this sort have to be faced is not a
comfortable one—but great things are not done with comfort.
Again, my most cordial greetings.
Sincerely yours,
Th. Herzl
37 rue Cambon.
* • •
June 17, 1895
Schiff says: It is something that a man tried to do in the last
century. Sabbatail
Well, in the last century it was impossible. Now it is possible
—because we have machines.
* * •
Telegram to Doctor Giidemann, Baden near Vienna.

“Must request you return unopened my non-registered letter
sent yesterday. One of friends involved whose consent had like
wise been presupposed raises absolute objections. Must comply.”
June 18, 1895

Gardens of the Tuileries:
I was overstrained with thought. So I came here and re
cuperated by looking at the statues.
Outdoor art is the source of much happiness. The bowl-
shaped green lawn with the charming “Runners” of Coustou
(1712) should be copied without delay.
• • •
June 18,1895
Have been to the same place again with Schiff. He “cured”
me. For I accept the negative part of his observations, namely,
that through this undertaking I would make myself “either
ridiculous or tragic.” It’s that business of Jewish mockery. The
negative part I do accept—and thereby differ from Don Quixote.
The positive side (talk about socialism, face slapping, etc.) I
reject—and herein differ from Sancho Panza.
* * •
Fourth letter to Baron Hirsch.

June 18
Dear Sir:
My last letter requires a postscript. Here it is: I have given
the matter up. Why? My plan would be more likely to be
wrecked by the opposition of the poor Jews than that of the rich.
You told me as much on that Pentecost morning, it is true.
But I was in no position to believe you, for you had not let me
finish what I had to say.
But recently I expounded my entire plan to a sensible friend
(who is not a financier). I softened him completely, he swam
in tears; I convinced his reason and wrung his heart.
Then he slowly got control of himself and said to me:
“Through this undertaking you will make yourself either ridicu
lous or tragic.” Becoming a tragic figure would not scare me; as
for ridicule, it would ruin not me but the cause. The worst that
people could say about me is that I am a poet. This is why I am
giving the matter up.
For the present there is no helping the Jews yet. If someone
were to show them the Promised Land, they would scoff at him.
For they are demoralized.
Still, I know where that land lies; within ourselves! In our
capital, in our labor, and in the peculiar combination of the
two which I have devised. But we shall have to sink still lower,
we shall have to be even more insulted, spat upon, mocked,
whipped, plundered, and slain before we are ripe for this idea.
For the time being we shall have to endure affronts in high
society where we try to push our way, an economic squeeze among
the middle classes, and the most frightful misery in the lower
classes.
We are still not desperate enough. T hat is why a rescuer would
be greeted with laughter. Laughter? No, only with smiles; people
no longer have the strength to laugh.
There is a wall—namely, the demoralization of the Jews. I
know that beyond it lie freedom and greatness.
But I cannot break through this wall, not with my head alone.
Therefore I am giving it up.
I merely repeat once more: the only way out is to weld all
the smaller Jewish bankers into a second formidable financial
power, fight the Rothschilds, pull them with us or pull them
down—and then over and across.
If we meet again sometime, soon or late, and you ask me how
this can be done without plunging Europe into the most horrible
stock-market crisis, how anti-Semitism everywhere can, by this
very expedient, be brought to an immediate standstill, I shall give
you the explanation.
As a practical proposition, I am done with the matter. But I
hold on to the theory of it and cherish it. Maybe this goes to
show that I too am only a demoralized Jew. A Gentile would go
through thick and thin for an idea of such power.
What would you have me do? I don’t care to look like a Don
Quixote.
But the petty solutions—your 20,000 Argentinians, or the
conversion of the Jews to socialism—I will not accept. For I am
no Sancho Panza either, but
Yours respectfully,
Dr. Th. Herzl
June 19, 1895
Schiff was here today, brought me the reçus [receipts], and then
we did some figuring. It was a great relief to me to find that I
was doing addition more rapidly and more accurately than he was.
It took him a long time and he kept making fresh mistakes. So
badly had he upset me yesterday!
* • •
June 19
I found an escape from the mental torment into which Schiff’s
anguished opposition had plunged me.
I am turning to Bismarck.
He is big enough to understand me or cure me.
* • *
Letter to Bismarck. June 19, 1895

Your Highness: (Highness everywhere!)
Perhaps one or another of my writings has had the good for
tune to come to Your Highness’ attention, possibly my essays
about French parliamentarianism which appeared in the literary
section of the Neue Freie Presse under the titles “Election
Sketches from France” and “The Palais Bourbon.”
On the basis of this questionable and meagre authority I am
asking Your Highness to receive me for a political discourse.
I am not trying to obtain an interview by cunning in this man
ner. Your Highness has occasionally granted such a favor to a
journalist, and an editor of my paper in Vienna has been among
those who have received the distinction of being admitted to
you. But I have nothing of the sort in mind. If desired, I shall
pledge my word of honor that I shall not publish anything about
this discussion in newspapers, precious though it may be for
my memory.
And about what subject do I want to make the political dis
course? About the Jewish Question. I am a Jew and therefore
qualified ad causant [on the subject].
I may remind Your Highness that you once spoke with an
other Jew also without mandatory authority, a man named Las-
salle, about matters not exclusively Jewish.
What do I have to say on the Jewish Question? Actually it is
very hard for me to utter the word. For if I do, the first impulse
of every rational human being must be to send me to the observa
tion room—Department for Inventors of Dirigible Balloons.
Well, how shall I preface it? Perhaps this way: two times two
is four, two times three is six, 1 7 x 7 = 1 1 9 » unless I am mistaken.
I have five fingers on each hand. And I am writing with violet
ink. And now I shall finally risk it:
I believe I have found the solution to the Jewish Question.
Not a solution, but the solution, the only one.
It is a very voluminous, complicated plan. After completing
it, I have told it to two Jews here, one very wealthy and one poor;
the latter is a cultured person.
I can truthfully say that the rich man did not think me crazy.
Or was it only out of tact that he treated me as if I still seemed
sane to him? At any rate, he went into the theoretical possibility
and finally said only, “You won’t get the rich Jews for it; they are
no good.” (I implore Your Highness not to reveal this family
secret.)
But on the poor Jew it had a different effect. He sobbed bit
terly. At first I thought, without being astonished at it, that I
had overwhelmed his reason and wrung his heart. No! His sobs
were not those of a Jew, but of a friend. He was worried about
me. I had to cheer him up, swear to him that I was firmly con
vinced that two times two was still four and that I did not foresee
the time when two parallel lines could converge.
He said, “By this proposal you will make yourself ridiculous
—■or tragic!”
I finally promised him everything he asked: that I would use
the plan only for a novel in which the tragic or comic hero is
only on paper. In this way I succeeded in raising my shattered
friend up again.
Being a tragic figure would not daunt me, nor would even the
most terrible ridicule frighten me. But even though I have the
right to stake my person for my idea, be it crazy or sound, I still
have to limit the sacrifice to my person; and if 1 got the reputa
tion of being insane, that would no longer be the case. I have
parents and a wife who would grieve profoundly, as well as
children whose entire future could be spoiled if people con
sidered me a crazy do-gooder.
In this quandary—whose morality is clear, I believe—I am
turning to Your Highness. Allow me to present my plan to youl
If worst comes to worst, it will be a utopian novel of a kind of
which many have been written from Thomas More to Bellamy.
A Utopia is the more amusing the farther it strays from the ra
tional world.
I dare to promise that in any case I shall bring with me a new
Utopia and therefore an entertaining one. I am enclosing with
this letter a leading article on "Public Works” which I published
in the Neue Freie Presse two years ago. I am sending it to you
not as a noteworthy literary achievement, but because the prin
ciple of public works is one of the many pillars on which my
edifice rests.
When I studied all these institutions here two years ago and
wrote about them, I did not know that later they would serve
me for the solution of the Jewish Question. Yet I should have
to preface my talk with this essay. Therefore I ask you to take
note of it for the time being. After all, it will reflect the fact
that I am not a Social Democrat.
It will be an easy matter for Your Highness to make inquiries
in Hamburg, Berlin, or Vienna whether I have hitherto been
considered a sensible man and whether it would be all right to
admit me to a room— bien que ça n’engagerait pas l’avenir
[that would not commit the future]. But the way I imagine
Prince Bismarck, you will not need to make any inquiries after
you have finished reading this letter. Anyone who reads the
faces and the guts of men the way you do will also understand
the soul of something written.
I can really not turn to a lesser person. Shall I go to a psychia
trist and say to him: “Tell me frankly, is this still the reasoning
of a sane person?” In order to judge this he would have to have
sociological, juridical, and commercial information of all kinds,
which a medical man does not have even in the land of the
sous-vétérinaires [assistant veterinarians].
Shall I ask individuals, Christians or Jews? Such an inquiry
would gradually produce the very thing that I want to avoid.
No, it must be the last court of appeal right away. Only the
man who has stitched a torn Germany together with his iron
needle in such a wonderful way that it no longer looks patched
up, only he is big enough to tell me once and for all whether my
plan is a truly saving idea or an ingenious fantasy.
If it is but a novel, I shall have enjoyed the favor of providing
some diversion for Your Highness and at the same time gratify
ing my old longing to commune with you for a moment—a long
ing which I should never have dared to express without such a
momentous occasion.
But if it is true, if I am right, then the day on which I come
to Friedrichsruh will go down in history. Who will still dare to
call my plan a pretty dream after the greatest living empire
builder has stamped his approval on it? And for you, Your High
ness, it will be a participation in the solution of a question which
is tormenting not merely the Jews, but all of Europe—a participa
tion which is in moral, national, and political harmony with all
the proud accomplishments of your glorious life.
The Jewish Question is a dragged-out piece of the Middle
Ages with which the civilized nations cannot cope, even with
the best will in the world, in a manner different from that
planned by me. They have tried it through emancipation, but
it came too late. It does no good to declare abruptly in the Legal
Gazette: “Starting tomorrow, all men will be equal.”
This sort of thing is believed only by beerhall politicians and
their higher colleagues, the classroom theorists and drivelling
fools in Clubs. And the last-named lack even the best part of
those less learned exercises, the beer!
Would it not have been better to let the Jews rise to emanci-
pation gradually and during this ascent assimilate them, gently
or vigorously, depending on circumstances? Perhaps! How? One
could have passed them through the filter of mixed marriages
and ensured a new generation of Christians. But it would have
been necessary to put emancipation after assimilation, not the
other way around; that was bad thinking. Bur in any case, it is
too late for this, too.
Just try to rescind the legal equality of the Jews. (Only their
legal equality exists, anyway. What a misunderstood doctrine for
the men from the beerhall!) What would be the consequences of
that? Immediately all Jews, not only the poor ones as hitherto,
but the rich ones as well, would join the Socialist Party with all
their resources. They would plunge to their moneybags the way
a Roman plunged unto his sword.
Crowd the Jews out of the country by force and you will have
the most serious economic upheavals. In fact, even a revolution
directed exclusively against the Jews—if such a thing were con
ceivable—would bring no relief to the lower strata even if it
were successful. Movable property has become more intangible
than ever. It immediately sinks into the ground, and into the
ground of foreign countries at that.
But I do not want to talk of things that are impossible or for
which it is too late, but of timely ones. At worst it might be too
early for them—for I won’t believe in the fantastic nature of
my ideas before I hear it from your mouth.
If my plan is only premature, I shall put it at the disposal
of the German government. It will be used if it is considered
sound.
As a planner I must reckon with all eventualities, including the
one that Your Highness will not answer my letter or will decline
my visit.
Then my plan will be a fantasy. For I cannot demonstrate the
feasibility of my solution any more clearly than, in this letter,
I have demonstrated the justification for my desire to present
the solution to Your Highness.
In that case, too, my mind will be at ease. Then I shall simply
have dreamed, like the Utopians from Chancellor Thomas More
to Bellamy.
I beg Your Highness to accept this assurance of my profound
reverence and admiration.
Dr. Theodor Herzl
Paris Correspondent of the Neue Freie Presse
June 20, 1895

A hat parable (a kind of “Tale of the Three Rings”), or
Belief, Doubt, Philosophy resolved in “the Inexplicable.”
I take my headgear from my head and show it to people.
What is it?
“A chapeau," says one.
“No, a hat," yells another.
“He’s wrong! It’s a capello,” says a third.
“You fools, it’s a sombrero ” cries the fourth.
“A kalap " the fifth.
“Scoundrels! Es ist ein H ut!"
And so everyone uses a different word—there are countless
ones; and yet these are only the general words, which in turn
break down into generic terms like “cap,” “helmet,” “bonnet,”
etc.
And people are irritated at one another because they use dif
ferent words for the same thing.
I agree with everyone, and everyone is indeed right. It is a hat,
a chapeau, a capello. I tell everyone in his own language; other
wise he would not understand me. But I want to be understood,
now and in the future, and I make my greatest concessions in
the terms that I use.
I don't fight over words. I have no time for that.
What do you mean to say by your “faith”? And you, by your
“doubt”? Is it not simply that it cannot be explained by reason?
Nous sommes d'accord [We are in agreement]. You may squab
ble among yourselves—but not with me.
I do say—that it cannot be explained rationally!
Let everyone get from this what he will. Do I appear to be
evasive? Not at all.
For after I have talked to everyone in his own language, I
take the floor for a general, clear explanation, and say, “Is this
an object which serves to protect my head against drafts, rain,
and sunshine?”
They all cry, “It isl”
“Does it serve me to greet my friends, and do I also take it off
before a flag?”
“Yes, yes!”
And I can close with a pleasantry: “Do I also take it off when
I join a social gathering?” As a matter of politeness—that is, be
cause we have agreed to consider this polite. Everyone has his
own specific hat and should not annoy others because its shape
is different.
I can thus conciliate people by explaining to them the meaning
and purpose of a thing.
June 20
What if Bismarck had felt constrained to say, in his Frankfurt
period: I will unite these states, which are incapable of small
sacrifices, by forcing them to make great ones. I will make them
brothers through the bloodiest brawls with one another. And
since I cannot get them to agree upon a Kaiser within the coun
try, I shall take them out of the country.
And because I cannot find a German city in which all would
convene without objection, I shall take them to a small French
provincial town where long-forgotten French kings once erected
a castle.
What would people have said to that? In the i86o’s, 70’s, 8o’s,
and 90’s! T hat is, if he had not carried it through!
June 20
Taverne Royale, over a cassoulet [stew].
I believe that if an acquaintance of mine were to invent a
dirigible airship, I would box his ears. It would really be an
awful insult to me. Why was it he and not I? If it were a stranger,
I wouldn’t mind.
With things that are above personal considerations, their con
nection with a person is offensive.
* * #
June 20
Faults of Democracy:
One gets only the disadvantages of its insistence on publicity.
This publicity brings about the loss of that respect which is
necessary for government. All the world finds out that the men
who govern us are merely human beings too—and in so many
cases laughable, narrow persons. Thus I lost my "respect” in
Paris. On the other hand, only average types should be allowed to
run the government. The geniuses and prodigies are necessary for
the creation of things, but harmful to existing things, whether
they replace them by something greater or expand them to the
point of madness. They cannot leave the world the way they
found it; they would be their own ruin if they were not able
to destroy something, no matter whether bad or good.
The existing order, one that is to be preserved, must be gov
erned only by mediocre people. The geniuses understand the
past, they divine the future—but they are in a hurry to abolish
the present, which the healthy ones among them also under
stand perfectly.
Something impels them to leave their mark. They are afraid of
passing on before anyone notices that they have been here.
For government, however, we need ordinary men because they
alone appreciate all the ordinary needs of mankind: food, drink,
sleep, etc.
A prodigy pays no attention to these needs—in himself or
in others.
And this is the difference between a healthy and an unhealthy
genius. The unhealthy genius ignores ordinary needs because he
does not understand them. The healthy genius ignores them de
spite the fact that he understands theml
Moreover, the light of publicity which Democracy offers is
only something false and fictitious. Behind its glare things do
take place which later emerge as scandals, such as the Panama
affair and the like.
June 20
Taverne Royale.
After my déjeuner the two Marmoreks came to my table. I
got them to talk. W ithout suspecting it, they confirmed what I
wanted. T he architect described the virulent state of anti-
Semitism in Vienna. Things were getting worse and worse. He
thought there was some relief in the fact that the City Council
had been suspended. I explained to him the nature of such a
suspension: it was a suspension of the Constitution. And after
that? Either the Constitution is allowed to function normally
again—in which case the common variety of anti-Semites will
return with a lot of noise; and stronger than everl Or the Con
stitution is suspended “for good.” This would be done with a
furtive loving glance in the direction of the anti-Semites, and
they will get the point, or it will be explained to them if neces
sary. The Constitution will be abolished, equal rights for the
Jews will be chucked out—and afterwards a special Constitu
tional Assembly will be magnanimously granted.
• • •
Marmorek, the medical scientist, said: There will be no other

course left but to assign us a state of our own! (This is the
clever fellow who does research to find a serum and kills strepto
cocci.)
I was inwardly delighted.
I need such supporters at this point. This is how greatly
Schiff demoralized me with his agitation and his tears.
I see now that he lacks understanding, for all his integrity and
loyalty. Yet I owe him a great debt of gratitude. First, for his
unmistakably great friendship; secondly, for dissuading me from
the insufficient Güdemann, and thus making me hit upon the
Bismarck idea—without his being aware of it.
Bismarck is now the touchstone and cornerstone of the project.
* # •
June 21, 1895

Democracy is political nonsense which can only be decided
upon by a mob in the excitement of a revolution.
* # •
June 22, 1895

I must introduce educational considerations into the census.
The franchise can be qualified as follows: literacy required to
vote for delegates to the Constitutional Assembly, advanced edu
cation for the election of higher representatives, etc. Thus I can
make levels of representation out of educational levels. To be
eligible for election by one level, a candidate must himself hold
the franchise of the next higher level.
• * *
The community defrays expenditures out of direct assessments

(autonomy). A grievance court for the protection of individuals
against the community.
The community is liable through assessments for obligations
incurred in the auctioning of land.
• * *
Institutions of learning will be established in provincial cities,

on the pattern of the German universities. A student may not
be an active member of a uniformed association for more than
one year. Students have no business in the capital city.
June 22
Being asleep on the job will disqualify a judge; habitual rude
ness, an official. (An accès de mauvaise humeur [a touch of ill
humor] in people must be viewed leniently.)
June 22
How can I make suicide something dishonorable? It will be
easy with attempted suicide: insane asylum, involving loss of all
civil and personal rights. Harder if death results. Burial in a
separate place, after the body has been used for scientific pur
poses, will not suffice. There must be legal consequences as well.
The last will and testament of the suicide (provided it can be es
tablished that he made it with suicide in mind) will be declared
invalid as the work of a lunatic. His letters and posthumous
writings must not be published.
His funeral must take place at night.
• • •
June 22
Sometimes one hears it said: this man has been driven mad
by the Jewish Question; another by Jewish exploitation; a third,
by socialism; a fourth, by religion; a fifth, by doubt, and so on.
No, these people were already mad. The only thing is that
their hitherto imperceptible madness or colorless wandering
wits have taken on the hue of some fashionable trend, just as
jets of steam in a stage production may be tinted red, yellow,
blue, etc.
Such a couleur à la mode [fashionable color] for suicide is
anarchism. I can no longer arrest the anarchist idea. So I must
seize suicide by the throat.
Who was greater, Napoleon or Bismarck? Napoleon.
But his greatness was an inharmonious one. Napoleon was the
sick superman, Bismarck is the healthy one.
June 22
After completing my letter to Bismarck I thought of a funny
story that I could have used regarding precedents for an inter
view.
One day I asked an Austrian diplomat to get me an interview
with Casimir-Périer— en ces temps éloignés piésident de la
République [in those illustrious times president of the Republic].
The diplomat groaned: T hat will not be possible. There is no
precedent for it!
That man would have been extremely embarrassed if someone
had asked him to invent gunpowder. There was no precedent
for it.
But I beg of you, Your Highness, never to tell this to an
Austrian diplomat. No matter which one you tell it to, there is
a chance that he will feel offended.
# # *
June 22
But will Bismarck understand me?
Napoleon did not understand the steamboat—and he was
younger and thus more accessible to new ideas.
* * *
June 22
Today, incidentally, I have regained my spiritual equilibrium
which I lost when Schiff had rocked the boat.*
In this respect I am really like the errand boy who has drawn
the grand prize in the lottery and an hour later says cold
bloodedly: "Pooh! What are a hundred thousand guilders?”
An inventor need not inevitably go mad. A man loses his mind
only while questing or through the tremendous shock of dis
covery—as when gold first flashes before the alchemist’s eyes,
# Translator's Note: Herzl uses the word Schiffsstoss, a pun on the name of his
friend. (Schiff means boat.)
when a steam engine begins to work, or a balloon suddenly
shows itself to be dirigible.
Inventions that are trouvailles [finds] are more conducive to
madness than systematic discoveries, because they arc so fortui
tous, especially in the final, decisive leap. A Pasteur does not go
mad, and his successors, who may make quite original discoveries,
may be plain jackasses.
Right now I even believe that the implementation of my
plan will find me tranquil. I used to be afraid of it.
Provided that I convince Bismarck. If I do not, or if he won’t
even see me—well, then the whole thing will have been a novel.
Oh, an immortal one!
That too is something.
• * *
[The following notes, which form the conclusion of Book I, are

entitled “Address to the Rothschilds” in the copy prepared by
Herzl’s father.]
June 13
To the Family Council.
I should first like to enlighten you on the special character
of our conversation. It will create a permanent relationship be
tween you and me. Henceforth I must be your friend or your
foe forever. The force of an idea resides in the fact that there
is no escape from it.
You will think: we have invited a bad visitor.
But it would not have changed anything in the situation if
you had not sent for me. In that case I merely would not have
had the personal égards [consideration] to which I feel obliged
now.
At first, to be sure, I thought that I could carry on my project
only in opposition to you. That is why I first went to Baron
Hirsch. Ohl I did not tell him that I was an adversary of the
Rothschilds. It may well be that this would have been a more
powerful inducement to him than anything else. But I conduct
things on an impersonal plane. All I said to him was: tous les
juifs ont plus [all the Jews have more]. For I wanted to . . .
(there follows an account). Hirsch did not let me finish.
Actually, he does not know my plan. In the end he said only:
we shall talk some more. I am ready, I replied, but I am not
going to wait for you. Perhaps he will come to me, like so many
others, when my plan is a living reality. For one has many friends
when one does not need them.
I shall go on. It occurred to me: Wait! What makes you think
that you cannot do it with the Rothschilds? And that is why I
am here. For the moment, it is de bonne politique [good policy]
and perhaps it will be de bonne guerre [good military strategy].
Now I must beg your permission to speak about your fortune.
If it were small, like mine, I should have no right to do so. But
its size has made it a matter of public concern.
I don’t know whether it is underestimated or overestimated.
With a fortune of this size it is no longer a matter of what is
visible or tangible in the way of gold, silver, securities, houses,
estates, factories, and concerns of all kinds. It is no longer a
matter of the material resources, even much less in your case
than with a state bank. Because, if a bank can secure coverage
with two-thirds, one-half, even one-third, perhaps one-tenth or
less will suffice for you. Your credit is enormous, monstrous,
amounts to many billions. I do not say ten, twenty, or fifty bil
lions. Incalculable amounts are involved, and they cannot be
expressed in figures.
And that is where the danger lies! The danger for you, for the
countries in which you are established, for the entire world.
Your fortune—and by this I mean resources plus credit—is
like a tower. This tower continues to grow; you continue to
build, you must continue—and that is the sinister part of it. And
because you cannot change the laws of nature, because you re
main subject to them, either the tower must one day collapse by
itself, destroying everything around it, or it will be demolished
by force. In any event, an enormous convulsion, a world crisis.
I bring you your salvation—not by razing the tower, but by
giving it a broader foundation, one designed to last, as well as
a harmonious conclusion. For a tower must have a limit. At the
top I will place a light which will cast a wide beam. I shall make
it into the highest and safest tower, an Eiffel Tower with a
magnificent electric lantern.
It goes without saying that it has not been my purpose to
meddle with your interests. Your private affairs are none of my
business. I don’t want to make any business deals with you, 1 am
not in your service and never will be.
But I want to place myself at the service of all Jews.
After all, every person, and most of all, every Jew, is entitled
to take an interest in the jeopardized Jewish cause, provided that
he does it as an honest man with the best of intentions and con
science. The future will then bring him either approval of his
actions or condemnation for the harm he may have done.
Improvement is out of the question because of the afore
mentioned cogent reasons. If someone were to ask me how I know
this, I should tell him that I also know where a stone rolling down
an incline finally arrives—namely, at the very bottom. Only ig
noramuses or madmen do not take the laws of nature into ac
count.
Therefore we must finally end up at the bottom, rock bottom.
What appearance this will have, what form this will take, I can
not surmise. Will it be a revolutionary expropriation from be
low or a reactionary confiscation from above? Will they chase us
away? Will they kill us?
I have a fair idea that it will take all these forms, and others.
In one of the countries, probably France, there will come a
social revolution whose first victims will needs be the big
bankers and the Jews.
Anyone who has, like myself, lived in this country for a few
years as a disinterested and detached observer can no longer have
any doubts about this.
In Russia there will simply be a confiscation from above. In
Germany they will make emergency laws as soon as the Kaiser can
no longer manage the Reichstag. In Austria people will let them
132 THE COMPLETE DIAKir,o THEODOR HERZL
selves be intimidated by the Viennese rabble and deliver up
the Jews. There, you see, the mob can achieve anything once it
rears up. It does not know this yet, but the leaders will teach it.
So they will chase us out of these countries, and in the countries
where we take refuge they will kill us.
Is there no salvation?
Oh yes, gentlemen, there is one, one that has existed before.
It will be necessary to repeat a very old, very famous, very proven
maneuver, albeit in a different, modern, more refined form. All
the resources of the present may be used for this simple, easily
understood purpose.
This simple old maneuver is the exodus from Mitzraim
[Egypt]-
I have intentionally prefaced my address with this brief critical
part, although everything in it was already known to you, and
at the risk of boring you. My main aim was to convince you that
I am thinking along the same rational lines as you do, that I view
things with the same calm eyes as you. I may have delineated
rather sharply a few dangers and complexities with which you do
not concern yourselves frequently or willingly. But in any case,
everything has been true, simple, and sensible.
Do not, then, consider me a visionary. I shall now proceed to
develop the business aspects of the matter which will give you
a chance to observe closely whether I am talking sense or non
sense.
The only possible, final, and successful solution of the Jewish
Question requires a billion francs. This billion will be worth
three in twenty years—three billion exactly, as you will see
later.
But before I present my plan to you, I will tell you in two
sentences the principle that it is based upon. This will help you
understand everything more easily. 1. We shall solve the Jewish
Question by either safeguarding or liquidating the fortune of
the wealthy Jews. 2. If we cannot do it with the help of the
wealthy Jews, we shall do it in spite of them.
This is not a threat. We do not threaten any more than we
beg. This will become clear to you at a later point.
The plan is as follows:
As soon as the Society of Jews* has constituted itself, we shall
call a conference of a number of Jewish geographers to deter
mine, with the help of these scholars, who as Jews are loyally
devoted to us, where we are going to emigrate. For I shall now
tell you everything about the “Promised Land” except its loca
tion. That is a purely scientific question. We must have regard
for geological, climatic, in short, natural factors of all kinds with
full circumspection and with consideration of the latest research.
Once we have agreed on the continent and the country, we
shall begin to take diplomatic steps with the utmost delicacy.
So as not to operate with wholly vague concepts, I shall take Ar
gentina as an example. For a time I had Palestine in mind. This
would have in its favor the facts that it is the unforgotten ances
tral seat of our people, that its very name would constitute a
program, and that it would powerfully attract the lower masses.
But most Jews are no longer Orientals and have become accus
tomed to very different regions; also, it would be hard to carry
out there my system of transportation, which will follow later.
Then, too, Europe would still be too close to it, and in the first
quarter-century of our existence we shall have to have peace
from Europe and its martial and social entanglements, if we
are to prosper.
But on principle I am neither against Palestine nor for Ar
gentina. We merely have to have a varied climate for the Jews
who are used to colder or to warmer regions. On account of our
future world trade we have to be located on the sea, and for our
large-scale mechanized agriculture we must have wide areas at
our disposal. T he scientists will be given a chance to provide us
with information. T he decision will be made by our Administra
tive Council.
I can tell you right now that due to technical progress we shall
* In EnglUh in the original, here and passim.
be able to occupy a country, build cities, and found a civilization
much more successfully than could be done in antiquity—indeed,
as recently as a hundred years ago. The railroads have made us
independent of the course of the rivers, and thanks to electricity
we can settle in the mountains. At the outset, factories will be
located in the mountains where cheap water power is available,
the accumulation of masses of workers is impossible, and the
working population can live and thrive more happily in the
health-giving air. In this way, too, we shall prepare for the obvi
ously coming development which will divide the forces of nature
for small-scale industry and make them available to the indi
vidual.
As soon as we have determined the country that is to be occu
pied, we shall send out trusted and skillful negotiators who are
to conclude treaties with the present authorities and the neighbor
ing states covering our reception, transit, and guarantees for
internal and external peace.
I am assuming that we shall go to Argentina. In that case we
shall negotiate with the South American republics.
I shall now tell you the main features of our policy. Our goal
must be to acquire the country we occupy as an independent one
immediately after we declare ourselves a State. For this reason
we shall probably grant financial advantages to the receiving
country, although they must not take the form of a tribute. This
would be incompatible with our future dignity. The subsequent
cessation of payments could embroil us in an unnecessary war.
In any case, it would damage our good reputation in the eyes
of the world. We want to proceed legally and be good neighbors
to everyone, if we are left in peace.
The financial emoluments that we give the South Americans
need not be in cash, of course. Even the procuring of loans on
favorable terms would make them grateful and disposed to make
major concessions. It would be a good investment for the reason
that we would divert streams of wealth to South America. For
the neighboring states will have enormous indirect advantages
in addition to the direct ones. Through us and with us, an un-
precedented commercial prosperity will come to South America.
The countries adjacent to ours cannot help becoming rich. This
will, of course, be adequately explained to them during the nego
tiations.
While we are establishing these diplomatic connections over
there, we shall have other tasks in Europe. A great deal of what
I am here presenting successively will take place simultaneously.
The Society of Jews will start operations by making treaties of
removal with the governments. Only with Russia will there be
a specific treaty of this kind; in the other countries involved,
free movement is guaranteed by law. But we want to work hand
in hand with the governments everywhere. We wish to, and
shall, part as good friends. Great things are accomplished not
with hatred and vengefulness, but only with Olympian friendli
ness.
Russia will undoubtedly allow our people to move away. Baron
Hirsch is permitted to recruit even men subject to military
service; when they come back, to be sure, they are treated as
deserters. T hat will be all right with us. Surely we shall be granted
at least the same concessions. After all, we shall take not only
young and vigorous people, but the old, the sick, women and
children as well (I shall tell you later what I shall do with these
categories).
The moment may conceivably come in which the Russian
government begins to view the departure of so many people
with displeasure. At that point your credit policy will have to
come to the rescue. How often in recent times have you put your
financial power at Russia’s disposal?! And I ask you: what for?
Just consider what unused political power lies dormant in your
granting of credit. In short, if we proceed purposefully, it will
be an easy matter to keep the Russian government in a good
mood, until our last man has gone.
The treaties of removal will take a different form in other
countries. T he individuals’ freedom to move about is of no use
to us. Here, too, we shall of course have to strive to procure the
release of men liable for military duty, and under the same
harsh conditions as in Russia. In Germany, they don’t like to
have Jews in the army, anyway; and the people who want to
remove the Jews from the army are certainly right from their
point of view.
But what about the free removal of property? In its present
form, movable property is easier to get out than ever. But what
about immovables?
In the beginning, before our movement becomes a universal
one, the first Jews who go with us will find it easy to sell their
immovables. Gradually various contrarieties will appear. At first
these emigrants will force one another’s prices down. Without our
aid, all sorts of business crises would occur in the countries af
fected by the departure of the Jews, crises whose form and extent
could not even be calculated. Finally the population would be
disconcerted and enraged, and it would hold the remaining Jews
responsible. They might resort to legal chicanery, but certainly
to the administrative kind.
The Jews who don’t go with us could fare badly. We
could, to be sure, leave them to their fate, since they were too
cowardly or too mean to join us.
But what we have in mind is a project of justice and charity.
We want to have mercy even on the contemptible. For are we
not offering the solution? And a solution is only what satisfies
all.
Now, gentlemen, we come to a commercial key point of the
plan.
You have already suspected that the Society will be piloting us
to our State. But we are still a long way from that point.
(This is the point at which to make an interpolation; for, as
I have already said, many activities which I have described in
succession will in reality take place simultaneously.)
We left our diplomatic negotiators in South America where
they were concluding treaties of occupation with the states. These
treaties are now completed, and we are assured of the land that
we are going to occupy.
There can be no doubting that this operation is a legal one.
But it is not scrupulous. We know about the increase in value
which the seller does not suspect. For that reason we shall,
after the transaction has been completed, give him a choice
between a cash payment and a compensation in shares at the
nominal value. If he thinks the whole thing a fraud— tant pis
pour lui [so much the worse for him]. In any case, we shall have
nothing to reproach ourselves for.
The building material will have been taken care of by our
geologists when they were looking for sites for our cities.
Our principle of construction will be that we ourselves shall
undertake the building of workers’ dwellings (and by this I
mean the dwellings of all manual laborers). I am certainly not
thinking of the sad-looking workers’ barracks in European cities,
nor of the paltry shacks which are lined up around factories.
Our workmen’s houses must have a uniform appearance too,
to be sure—because we can build cheaply only if we mass-
produce uniform building materials—, but these individual
houses with their little gardens shall everywhere be combined
into beautiful collective units.
A normal working day will consist of seven hours. This does
not mean that only for seven hours each day will trees be felled,
earth dug, rocks carted—in short, a hundred chores done. No,
work will be going on for fourteen hours. But the workers
will relieve one another after shifts of three and a half hours
each. The organization will be quite military, with ranks,
advancement, and retirement. You will hear later where I shall
get the pensions from.
A healthy man can do a lot of concentrated work in three
and a half hours. After resting for an equal period of time,
a period which he will devote to his relaxation, his family, his
guided self-improvement, he will be quite alert again. Such
laborers can work wonders.
The seven-hour working dayl I choose the number seven
because it is connected with age-old associations of the Jewish
people and because it makes possible fourteen general working
hours; you can't get more into a day. Moreover, it is my
conviction that the seven-hour day is something entirely feasible
(Jules Guesde speaks of five hours). In this, the Society will
gather a store of new experiences from which the other peoples
of the earth will benefit as well.
(Widows, too, are taken care of in my somewhat complicated
welfare system.)
We shall raise the children right from the start the way we
need them. I shan’t go into this now.
As for assistance par le travail [public works]:
This assistance consists in every needy person being given
unskilled labor* some light, non-specialized work, as, e.g.,
splitting wood, making magotins [kindling wood] such as is
used to start the fire in kitchen stoves in Paris households. It
is a sort of prison labor before the crime, i.e., one that is not
dishonorable.
No one will have to resort to crime from necessity any longer,
if he is willing to work. No more suicides must be committed
out of hunger. As it is, suicides are one of the worst stigmata
of a civilization in which tidbits are thrown to the dogs from
the tables of the rich.
T he public-works system thus gives employment to everyone.
Does it have a market for its products? It does not, at least not
an adequate one. This is a flaw in the existing structure.
This assistance always operates at a loss. It is prepared for
one, of course. After all, it is a charitable institution. T he alms
constitutes the difference between the cost of production and
the selling price. Instead of giving a beggar two sous, the
assistance gives him work on which it loses two sous.
But a beggar who has become a skilled worker will make
l franc 50 centimes. Instead of 10 centimes, 150I Do you know
what this means? It means increasing the benefaction fifteen
fold, making 15 billion out of 1 billion. T he assistance, to be
sure, loses the 10 centimes. However, you will not lose the
billion, but triple it.
All this will be done according to a big plan which is set
from the start.
I left the main theme of this presentation at the construction
of workers’ dwellings under State auspices.
Now I go back to other categories of homes. We shall have
the architects of the Society build homes for the petty bourgeois,
too, either for barter or for money. We shall have the architects
make drafts of about too types of houses and reproduce them.
These pretty designs will also serve as part of our publicity.
Every house will have its fixed price; the quality of the execution
will be guaranteed by the Society, which does not wish to make
a profit on the construction of homes. And where will the houses
be constructed? I shall tell you this when I speak of the Local
Groups and the pioneering expedition.
Since we will not make a profit on construction work, but
only on the land, we shall welcome it if many free-lance archi
tects build on private commissions. This will enhance the value
of our other land-holdings, and bring luxury into the land,
and we need luxury for various purposes, especially art, industry,
and, finally, to make up for the decline of the large fortunes.
Yes, the rich Jews who at present must timidly conceal their
treasures and give their uneasy parties behind drawn curtains
will be able to enjoy them freely over there.
If our emigration is accomplished with your participation,
capital will be rehabilitated among us on the other side, for it
will have shown its usefulness in an unparalleled project.
In this area of my plan, too, you could do us great services
with your credit.
In this instance, it is drawing-room credit. If you begin to
build your castles, at which people in Europe are already look
ing askance, over there and if you stimulate your syndicate
members to do likewise, it will soon become fashionable among
the wealthy Jews to settle in sumptuous houses on the other
side. Il y a là un mouvement à créer [there is a movement to be
created]. And that is such an easy matter. You simply tell
good friends who will pass the word on: “Want some good
advice? Build over there.” You see, this really is good advice.
In this manner the art treasures of the Jews will gradually
find their way across. You know best how great these treasures
already are. Perhaps this will be the point at which the govern
ments will first interfere, if we do not have your help in this
project, that is, the benefit of diplomatic assistance, and must
establish contact with the Jewish people through publicity. The
kind of action that the governments would have to take has
already been shown in Italy. May I remind you of the prohibi
tion to export works of art.
However, it would be very injurious to the movement if the
governments hit upon the idea of extending this ingenious
prohibition to other pieces of tangible property as well. The
little Jews would be least affected by this— et pour cause [and
with reason]; the bigger ones would be hit harder and harder,
and you, gentlemen, would be hit the latest and the hardest.
Do not overlook the legal nature of this export prohibition.
It is the partial deprivation of the right to dispose of an object;
one quality of the object, its exportability, is confiscated.
To me even this seems like a bad thing. And once confiscation
starts, where is it going to stop?
Let us not provoke this; but can we prevent it if it occurs
in the course of our movement? You will see from our entire
proposal that we are not bent on harming you—on the contrary!
We are showing you the way, making you suggestions as to
how this huge movement can be led gently, without upsets. It
will come into being—you probably surmise that much, gentle
men; and it will be to your advantage to go along with ta. If
you do not, we could not bother about the liquidation of your
European business interests. We liquidate only the fixed assets
and businesses of the people who have gone with us by a certain
date—let us say, within the first decade. For we shall have to
withdraw from Europe. We can stay here no longer. And we
shall be allowed to leave without molestation only if we don’t
do much shilly-shallying.
We can and will liquidate all those who desire it as quickly
as possible. All except you, because it will be utterly impossible.
For after the Jews have emigrated, Europe could not stand
the additional shock of your liquidation.
June 14
Address to the Family:
The movement will be bom the moment I impart my idea
to the world. You are rich enough, gentlemen, to further this
plan; you are not rich enough to prevent it. T he reason is
remarkably simple: I cannot be bought.
Yes, I would be sincerely sorry if you did not go along with
me and thus suffered harm. For your refusal would not be due
to wickedness or narrow-mindedness—you are known to be
loyal adherents of despised Judaism; you would be refusing
because you did not see the correctness of my assertions, or be
cause I did a bad job of explaining my plan. In that case I shall
go to the depths with my solicitation. If the Society of Jews
cannot be formed through aristocrats of money, it will be formed
through democrats of money. Among them, as I told you in the
beginning, the anxiety is greater; consequently their desire to
draw a free breath will be greater. If then a few Jews and their
possessions perish in the movement, I shall have no further
responsibility. I have given a clear enough warning: The
procession is under wayl
But is this not in contradiction to my earlier statement that
the peaceful exodus of all Jews should be secured? It is not,
for we can protect only those Jews who go along with us, who
entrust themselves to us. Those in the procession will not be
stepped on. In regard to them we can assume guarantees vis-à-vis
the governments and nations and receive in return their pro
tection by the states and by public opinion.
You, gentlemen, are too big for us to take you under our
protection at a later date. This is not due to rancune [rancor],
nor because we shall in the meantime have arrived at opposite
ends and shall have to have it out in many areas; on the con
trary, we shall give you a brotherly reception over there if one
day you come in search of protection and peace. To be sure,
we shall have to take some safety measures against your dangerous
wealth.
If you do not give me your support, you will inflict great
damage on my plan. For the most delicate, the most secret, the
diplomatic aspects become impossible if I have to conduct things
in public.
I could not deal then with the South American republics the
way I am planning to, could not expropriate things so inex
pensively, would have a thousand difficulties attendant upon
publicity.
With your aid it will be a splendid business (oh, but not for
me); with the help of the midget millionaires a doubtful one;
with that of the small Jews a bad one which could possibly not
be brought to fruition and could end with a scandal (as in
Panama).
“I hold you responsible for it”—this might be something you
would smile at.
No, I shall say: You will suffer for it if the project, as a
popular one, fails. And if it succeeds we shall let in all the
Jews except the Rothschilds.
And that is not such a matter of indifference to you as it may
seem today. For even after our departure your fortune will
continue to grow in an alarming manner, and all the hatred
which hitherto has been spread over countless Jewish heads will
be concentrated on just a few—namely, yours.
These few heads will not be firmly attached, least of all in
France.
Gentlemen! The only conceivable form the voluntary liquida
tion of the Rothschild fortune could take is the one about which
I have been talking to you for so long: the emigration of the
Jews.
Well, in what form will the Society of Jews (whether it has
an aristocratic or a democratic complexion) give guarantees that
there will be no impoverishment or economic crises in the
countries we have left?
I have already told you that we want to let respectable anti-
Semites participate in our project, respecting their independence
which is valuable to us—as a sort of people’s control authority.
But the state, too, has fiscal interests which could be damaged.
It loses a class of tax payers which enjoys little civic respect,
but is highly valued financially. We must offer the state some
compensation for this. We are giving it an indirect one by leav
ing behind our businesses which Jewish astuteness and diligence
have fashioned, by letting our Gentile fellow citizens move into
the positions that we have abandoned, thus making it possible
for masses to rise to prosperity in a manner unprecedented in
such scope and peacefulness. On a smaller scale, the French
Revolution produced something similar, but there the blood
had to flow in streams under the guillotine, in all provinces
of the country and on the battlefields of Europe, and inherited
and acquired rights had to be violated into the bargain. And
this only served to feather the nests of the shrewd buyers of
national property.
Another indirect advantage the states will have is the tremen
dous growth of their export trade. Since over there we shall
be dependent on European products for a long time to come,
it will be essential for us to import them. And in this, too, my
system of Local Groups (more about which soon) will create
an equitable adjustment. T he customary requirements will
be met by the customary places for a long time. But the
greatest indirect advantage, one that may not immediately be
appreciated in its full import, is the social alleviation. Social
discontent will be put at rest for some time, perhaps twenty
years, possibly even longer. As for the social question, gentle
men, I consider it a merely technological question. Steam power
has gathered men around the machines in factories where they
are squeezed together and make one another unhappy. Pro
duction is enormous, indiscriminate, unplanned, and every
144 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR I1F.RZL
moment brings about serious crises which ruin the workers along
with the management. Steam, then, has crowded people to
gether; I believe that the exploitation of electricity will disperse
them again to happier places of work. T hat is something I can
not predict. But in any case, the technical inventors, the true
benefactors of mankind, will go on working in those twenty
years, and, I hope, invent such wonderful things as before—no,
ever more wonderful ones.
As for us, we shall utilize and improve upon all innovations
over there; and just as we shall institute the seven-hour working
day as an experiment for the good of all mankind, we shall lead
the way in all philanthropic pursuits and be a new country of
experimentation, a model country.
But the states will hardly content themselves with indirect
benefits. They will want direct payments. In this we must lend
the governments and parliaments a helping hand. It is perhaps
one of the noblest aims of this plan that the modern civilized
nations are to be spared the shame of making special laws against
a people that is already unfortunate. In order to spare the
governments an emigration tax on the Jews, the Society will
assume all responsibility. Our headquarters will be in London,
because in matters of civil law we must be under the protection
of a great nation which is not anti-Semitic at present. But if
we receive official and semi-official support we shall everywhere
provide a broad base for taxation, what is called surface in
France. We shall everywhere found taxable subsidiary and
branch institutions. Moreover, we shall provide the advantage
of a double transfer of fixed property, which means double
fees. Even where it acts only as an agent for immovables, the
Society will assume the temporary appearance of a buyer. Thus,
even when we do not wish to be the owners, we shall for a
moment be entered as buyers in the land register.
This, of course, is purely a matter of bookkeeping. In each
individual place it will have to be investigated and decided how
far we can go in this without endangering the existence of our
undertaking. We shall have to have frank discussions with the
Ministers of Finance about it. They will clearly see our good
intentions and will everywhere grant us those special considera
tions which we demonstrably need for the successful completion
of our historic project.
Another direct contribution which we shall make is in the
field of freight and passenger transportation. In the case of state
railroads this is immediately obvious. In the case of private
railroads we shall get special rates, like every major shipping
agent. We must, of course, transport our people and their
belongings as cheaply as possible, because everybody pays his
own way across. For middle-class people we shall have the Cook
System, and for the poor classes, travel at special reduced rates.
For the freight we have our experienced agents. We could
make a big profit on passenger and freight discounts. But in
this area, too, our principle must be merely to break even.
We must not make any more profits in Europe. Therefore we
shall divide the discount between our emigrants (fare reduction)
and the states (providing surface through the establishment
of shipping agencies and freight-insurance companies).
It will not be necessary to establish new moving agencies
everywhere. In many places the moving business is in the hands
of Jews. These companies will be the first we will need and
the first we will liquidate. T h eir present owners will either
enter our service or freely establish themselves over there. After
all, receiving agents will be needed at the point of debarkation;
and since this is an excellent business and people not only may,
but should, immediately make money on the other side, it is
evident that there will be no shortage of enterprising spirits
in this field.
We ourselves will undertake the management of the boats, and
at the same time we shall encourage Jewish ship-owners. At first
we shall buy the boats (and through secret and simultaneous
purchases, similar to the centralized system of land purchase
which will have been developed earlier, we shall prevent price
increases); later, and as soon as possible, we shall build our
own ships over there. We shall encourage the shipbuilding of
free-lance entrepreneurs through various benefits (inexpensive
material from our forests and blast furnaces). T he labor supply
will be handled by our Central Employment Office.
In the beginning we shall have little or rather unrewarding
cargo on the return trips of our boats (except, perhaps, from
Chile, Argentina, and Brazil). Our scientific assistants, who
will be the first to go across on the pioneering ship, will have
to give their immediate attention to this point as well. We shall
look for raw materials and take them to Europe; this will be
the beginning of our export trade. Gradually we shall produce
industrial goods, at first for the poor among our emigrants.
Clothes, underwear, shoes, etc., will be mass-produced, for in
the European ports of embarkation our poor people will be
given new clothes. This will not be a gift to them, because we
have no intention of humiliating them. T h eir old things will
merely be exchanged for new ones. We do not care if we lose
anything on this; we shall put it down as a business loss. The
completely destitute will be our debtors for their clothes, and
over there they will pay by working overtime; we shall exempt
them from this for good conduct.
There shall be something symbolic about these very clothes:
You are starting a new life nowl And we shall see to it that on the
boats a serious and festive mood is maintained through prayers,
popular lectures, information regarding the purpose of the
undertaking, hygienic advice for the new places of residence,
and directions for their future labors. For the Promised Land
is the land of labor. On the other side, each ship will be given
a festive reception by the heads of our government. Without
fatuous jubilation, for the Promised Land will yet have to be
won. But right from the outset these poor people shall see that
they are at home there.
As you can imagine, our clothing industry for emigrants will
not be aimless in its production. Through a centralized network
of agencies—which constitute our political administration, as
opposed to the autonomous Local Groups—we shall always
know in time the number of emigrants, their day of arrival, and
their requirements, and we shall make provision for them. In
this systematic management of an industry there are the faint
beginnings of an attempt to avoid production crises. This is
how we shall proceed in all areas where the Society appears as
an industrialist. But on no account do we want to crush private
enterprise with our superior power. We shall be collectivists
only in those instances where the enormous difficulties of the
task require it. In general, we want to cherish and protect the
individual and his rights. Private property as the economic
basis of independence shall have free and respected development
among us. After all, we shall allow our very first unskilled
laborers to acquire private property. Moreover, you have already
seen in several examples (the free building contractor, the
free shipowner, the free shipping agent) how we want to en
courage the enterprising spirit. In industry we shall favor the
entrepreneur in various ways. Protective tariff or free trade are
not principles, but matters of usefulness. At first we shall, in
any case, be free-traders. Later the requirements of our policy
will decide.
But there are other ways in which we can aid industry, and
we shall use them. We have the allotment of cheap raw materials
under our control and can regulate their supply through sluices,
like the flow of water. This will become important later for the
prevention of crises. And then we shall establish an institution
of permanent and increasing value: an Office of Industrial
Statistics, with public announcements.
Thus the enterprising spirit will be stimulated in a salutary
way. Risky desultoriness will be avoided. The establishment
of new industries will be announced promptly, so that any
entrepreneurs who six months later might have the idea of
going into a certain industry will not build their way into a
crisis, into misery. Since the purpose of a new establishment
will have to be reported to our Industrial Police, the outlook
for new ventures will be available to anyone at any time, just
as the land registers make available information about the
property situation.
Finally, we are offering entrepreneurs a centralized labor
pool. An employer applies to the Central Employment Office
which charges him only a fee required for its operating expenses
(office rent, salaries, postage, and telegram charges). T he em
ployer sends a telegram: Require tomorrow 500 unskilled
laborers for three days (or three weeks or three months). The
next day the 500 men requested arrive at his agricultural or
industrial establishment. Our Central Employment Office col
lects them from various places where they may happen to become
available. The migration of laborers in search of work* will
be improved along military lines and changed from a crude
procedure into a meaningful institution. We shall, of course,
supply no slave labor, but only seven-hour laborers who will
keep their—that is, our—organization and retain their seniority
as regards rank, advancement, and pensions even when they
change their location. A free entrepreneur may get his workers
from somewhere else if he wants to; but 1 doubt if he will be
able to.
We shall thwart the importation of non-Jewish slave labor
through some sort of boycott of uncooperative industrialists,
through making their commercial activity more difficult, denying
them raw materials, and the like. So people will have to take our
seven-hour-a-day workers. You see, gentlemen, how we are almost
painlessly approaching the regular seven-hour working day.
It is evident that what applies to the unskilled laborers will
be even easier to accomplish with more skilled labor. The
part-time workers in the factories may be brought under the
same regulations. There is no need for me to go into detail on
this.
As for the independent artisans, the small master craftsmen,
we want to foster them with a view to the future progress of
technology, give them technological information even if they
are no longer young, and make water power and electricity
available to them. These independent workers, too, shall be
•Translator’s Note: Herzl uses the term Sachsen gangerei, referring to laborers
from the eastern part of Prussia who tried to find work in the Saxon lands.
sought out by our Central Employment Office. A Local Group
will apply to this office: we need so-and-so-many carpenters, lock
smiths, glaziers, etc. T he Central Office will make this public
and the people will come forward. They and their families will
move to the place where they are needed and remain there,
not crushed by random competition. A permanent, good home
will have come into being for them.
This brings me to the Local Groups. So far I have only shown
how the emigration may be accomplished without an economic
upheaval. But in such a mass migration many strong emotions
are involved. There are old customs and memories which bind
all of us to certain places. We have cradles and we have graves,
and you know what graves mean to Jewish hearts. The cradles
we shall take along; in them there slumbers our future, rosy
and smiling. O ur beloved graves we must leave behind. I think
this is what we covetous people will find it hardest to part with,
but it will have to be.
Even now, economic distress, political pressure, and social
hatred frequently remove us from our places of residence and
our graves. Even at present the Jews constantly move from
one country to another. There is even a strong overseas move
ment, to the United States, where we are not liked either.
Where will people want us so long as we have no homeland
of our own? But we will give the Jews a homeland—not by
uprooting them forcibly from their earth, but by carefully
digging them up with all their roots and transplanting them
into a better soil. Just as we want to create new economic and
political conditions, we intend to keep sacred all the emotional
attachments to the past.
I am only touching on this briefly. On this point, more than
on any other part of my plan, there is great danger that you
will consider it overly romantic. And yet even this is as clear
in my mind as everything else.
Our people are to emigrate in groups of families and friends.
But no one will be forced to join any group departing from his
present locality. Everyone may go the way he wants to. After
all, everyone is paying his own way, in whatever class of railroad
and ship he chooses. But I should always like to use trains and
boats that have only one class. On such long trips the poor are
bothered by differences in wealth. And even though we are
not taking our people across for entertainment, we still do not
wish to spoil their good humor on the way. No one will travel
under conditions of hardship; everything in the way of elegant
comfort will be available. People will make arrangements far
in advance; after all, it will be years before the movement by
homogeneous property classes gets rolling. T he well-to-do will
form traveling parties. All personal connections will be taken
along. As you know, with the exception of the wealthiest, Jews
have almost no social relations with Gentiles. A Jew who does
not happen to support a few dinner-table parasites, spongers,
and Gentile flunkeys does not know any Gentiles at all.
Therefore, those of average means will make prolonged and
careful preparations for departure. Every locality will form a
group. In the large cities there will be several district groups
which will communicate by means of elected representatives.
There is nothing obligatory about this division into districts;
it is actually intended only as an aid to those less well-to-do, so
that no discomfort or homesickness will arise during the trip.
Everyone is free to travel alone or to attach himself to whatever
Local Group he prefers. The conditions will be the same for
all members of each class. If a traveling party is large enough,
the Society will give it a special train and thereafter a special
boat. In transit and on the other side, the Central Housing
Office, headed by the Director of Housing, will have provided
suitable housing (Cook System). On the boats, entertainment
and instruction will be provided, this time not according to
property classes, but according to educational levels. Jewish
actors, singers, and musicians, as well as Jewish professors and
teachers will, after all, go along too. They will all be given
assignments, which they will soon have guessed anyway. We
shall make a special appeal for the participation of our clergy
men. Each group will have its Rabbi who is traveling with his
congregation. You can see how naturally all these groups fall
into place. A Local Group will have a Rabbi as its nucleus;
there will be as many such groups as there are Rabbis. T he
Rabbis will be the first to understand us and become enthusiastic
over our cause, and they will impart their enthusiasm to the
others from their pulpits. Imagine with what fervor our old
saying “Next year in the Promised Land!” will be spoken
henceforth. T here is no need to call any special assemblies with
a lot of blather. This propaganda will be included in the religious
service, and properly so. We recognize our historic identity
only by the faith of our fathers, because we have long since
inextinguishably absorbed the languages of various nationalities.
I shall return to this point later when I speak of the Constitution
of our State.
The Rabbis will then regularly receive the advices of the
Society and announce and interpret them to their congregations.
Israel will pray for us and for itself.
The Local Groups will appoint small committees of repre
sentatives under the chairmanship of the Rabbis. These com
mittees will discuss and decide all practical issues in accordance
with local needs. W hat will be done with the charitable institu
tions I shall explain later.
The Local Groups will elect their representatives who will
go across with the pioneer ship in order to select sites for
towns. In all our activities we shall aim at a gentle transplanta
tion, and the preservation of all legitimate claims.
Later the Local Groups will have plans of the towns. Our
people will know beforehand where they are going, in what
towns and in what houses they will live. I have already mentioned
the building plans and clear illustrations which will be dis
tributed among the Local Groups.
Just as strict centralization will be the principle of our
administration, the principle for the Local Groups will be full
autonomy. Only in this way can the transplanting be accom
plished painlessly.
I am not imagining all this to be easier than it actually is;
on the other hand, you must not imagine it to be harder.
The middle classes will automatically be drawn along by our
movement. Some will have their sons on the other side, as
officials of the Society, judges, lawyers, physicians, architects,
railroad engineers, bridge-builders, etc. Others will have
daughters married to our workers. These will all be good
matches, for those who come with us will rise high, especially
the pioneers who will be rewarded for their devotion, and also
because the positions which do not lend themselves to any
actions d’éclat [striking deeds] will be governed strictly according
to seniority rather than influence.
Then one of our unmarried people will send for his fiancée,
another for his parents, brothers, and sisters. In a new civiliza
tion, people marry young. This can only benefit general morality,
and we shall have sturdy offspring—not those delicate children
of fathers who have married late, having already spent their
energies in life’s struggles. It is evident that especially the poorest
will go with us. The already existing Emigrants’ Committees in
various cities will accept our leadership. Since they were founded
by well-meaning men who have a heart for their poor brethren,
there is no doubt that they will readily submit to our higher
purpose, our higher institutions. If they do not, we shall forget
about the envious ones. But I don’t think there will be any such
people. It would be pitiful; and they would incur disgrace as
surely as we shall gladly honor them if they join forces with us.
June 15
Address to the Family:
Any person of discernment must see the development clearly
even now. But no great exertion will be necessary to stimulate
the migration movement. The anti-Semites are already taking
care of this for us. As soon as our institution becomes known, the
anti-Semites will agitate for the Society in the government, in
parliament, at rallies, and in the papers. Good for the Jews who
are going with us! Woe to them who will let themselves be forced
out only by brutal arguments.
But our exodus must and will be a voluntary one. Anyone who
appreciates the phenomena of acquisition and entertainment—
panent et circenses [bread and circuses]—must also realize how
right I am.
Let me explain to you these phenomena which I learned to
understand myself only in Paris.
How can I direct a multitude to a particular spot without
giving them a command? Baron Hirsch, a man who is concerned
about Jewry, but whose attempts I consider a failure, says: “I
shall pay these people to go there.” T hat is dead wrong, and all
the money in the world cannot pay for it.
By contrast, I say: I am not going to pay them; I am going
to make them pay. Only, I shall offer them something.
Let us say that Hirsch and I want to assemble a crowd of
people on the plain of Longchamps on a hot Sunday afternoon.
By promising them 10 francs each, Hirsch will, for 200,000
francs, bring out 20,000 perspiring, miserable people, who will
curse him for having inflicted this drudgery on them. I, on the
other hand, shall offer the 200,000 francs as a prize for the swiftest
race horse; and then I shall put up barriers to keep the people off
the Longchamp course. Those who want to get in have to pay:
1 franc, 5 francs, 20 francs.
The upshot will be that I get half a million people out there;
the President of the Republic will drive up à la Daumont; and
the people will have a good time entertaining one another. Most
of them will find the exercise in the open air a pleasure in spite of
the heat and the dust. And for my 200,000 francs I shall have
taken in a million in admissions and betting taxes.
I can get those same people out there again any time I want to,
but Hirsch cannot, not at any price.
Let me show you the same phenomenon in an economic situa
tion. T ry to get someone to shout this out in the streets of a city:
Whoever is willing to stand all day long, in the bitter cold of
winter or the burning heat of summer, in an iron hall exposed
on all sides and there to accost every passer-by and offer him junk,
or fish, or fruit, will receive two florins, or four francs, or any
thing you please.
How many people would you get to go to that hall? If hunger
drove them there, how many days would they stand it? And if
they did hold out, how much eagerness would they display in try
ing to persuade the passers-by to purchase fruit, fish, or junk?
I shall go about it in a different way. In places where trade
is active—and these places I shall discover all the more easily
because I myself shall channel trade in any direction I please
—there I shall build large halls and call them markets. I could
make these halls worse, more unhealthy than those I have men
tioned, and yet people would flock to them. But I shall make
them better and more beautiful, put my whole good will into
them. And the people, to whom I have promised nothing, be
cause I cannot promise them anything without deceiving them,
these good, enterprising people will create an atmosphere of fun
and do a thriving business. They will tirelessly harangue the
buyers. They will stand on their feet and hardly notice their
fatigue. Every day they will not only rush to be the first on the
job, but will form unions, combines, all sorts of things, just so
they can continue this gainful employment undisturbed. And
even if it turns out at the end of the day that all their honest
work has netted them only a guilder-and-a-half, or three francs,
or whatever, they will still look hopefully to the next day which
may be better for them. I shall have given them hope.
You would like to know where I am going to get the demand
which I need for the markets. Do I really need to tell you that?
Did I not demonstrate that the assistance par le travail will pro
duce a fifteenfold return? One million will produce 15 millions
and one billion, 15 billions.
Well, you may wonder if this is just as true on a large scale
as it is on a small one. After all, capital yields a return diminishing
in inverse ratio to its own growth. That is true of inactive capital,
capital that has gone into hiding, but not of the active kind.
In fact, that kind of capital yields a tremendously increasing re
turn in large amounts. The social question is contained in this.
Is what I am saying true? You be your own witnesses, gentlemen.
Why are you managing so many industries? Why do you send
men to work underground and bring up coal amidst terrible
dangers and for meager wages? I cannot imagine this to be pleas
ant, even for the mine owners. For I do not believe, and do not
pretend to believe, that capitalists are heartless. I am not an
agitator, b u ta peacemaker.
Do I need to illustrate the phenomenon of masses and the
ways of attracting them to any desired spot by discussing religious
pilgrimages, too?
This speech may have to be published, and I do not wish to
offend anyone’s religious sensibilities by words which could be
misinterpreted.
Let me just mention in passing what the pilgrimage to Mecca
means in the Mohammedan world, Lourdes and the Holy Mantle
at Treves to the Catholics, and so many other places from which
people return home comforted by their faith.
So, over there we will build a more beautiful Sadagora for
the Wonder Rabbi. After all, our clergymen will be the first to
understand us and go with us.
We shall let everyone find salvation over there in his own
way. T hat includes, and very particularly, our beloved free
thinkers, our immortal army which is conquering more and more
new territory for mankind.
No more force will be applied against anyone than is necessary
for the preservation of the State and public order. And the force
necessary will not be arbitrarily determined by whatever person
or persons happen to be in authority at a given time, but will
reside in iron-clad laws.
I have mentioned commerce and the markets. Are we not going
to have too many tradesmen? We are not. At present, large-scale
or small-scale trade does attract most of our people who want to
make a living. But do you think that a peddler who covers a
territory with a heavy pack on his back is happy? I think that by
means of the seven-hour day we shall be able to make workmen
out of all these men; they are such decent, misunderstood, un
happy people, and are perhaps suffering most of all right now.
From the very beginning we shall concern ourselves with training
them to be workmen. In this we shall be aided by the advance
ment of the unskilled laborers and their eventual pensioning off.
For the pension will consist in something that may seem like
paradise to today’s peddlers during their disheartened tramping
through the villages: a tobacco-shop, a liquor store. I shall get
back to this in a moment.
The small businesses will be operated only by women, I think.
You can see how this will relieve the pressure for women’s rights.
Women can easily take care of such businesses in addition to their
household chores, even if they are pregnant, and can also super
vise their girls and small boys. The bigger boys we shall take, for
we can use them all.
But what about dealings in money? After all, that seems to
be one of the main problems. At present we are unfortunately a
people of stock-market speculators. Is everybody going to rush to
the stock-exchange right away? Ah, or are we by any chance not
going to have that useful, indispensable institution at all? You
may begin to laugh at me. Be patient, gentlemen 1
In the first place, I do not believe that our people are crazy
about the stock-exchange. I have often had a deep and sympa
thetic insight into the situation of the little stock-traders. I think
they would rather do anything than run to the stock-exchange.
A Jew, especially one of small means, is an excellent pater fami
lias, and it is with trepidation that he goes out every day to
“grab a percentage,’’ because he can be commercially disgraced,
i.e., made incapable of earning a living, in the twinkling of an
eye, through some maneouvre of the big boys or some political
development that may break suddenly. Then he spends years or
even the rest of his life outside the stock-exchange, which is tragic
rather than comic. And yet for him there is no other place to go,
no other way to earn a living. Even our educated people cannot
get in anywhere; what use could be made of these poor people?
We, however, are going to use them according to their skill, with
out any prejudice; after all, they are our own. We shall make new
men out of them. Yes, a new life starts for all, with the experience
of the past and without the onus of past sins. Out of the present
refuse of human society we shall make respectable, happy men,
just as beautiful aniline dyes are now made out of factory refuse
that once went to waste.
Believe me, these little stock-traders will serve us gratefully
and loyally wherever we place them, unless they prefer to become
free-lance contractors of jobs and transactions of all kinds. If
they want to become small agricultural industrialists, they will
get credit in the form of machinery and can make our land
arable as leaseholders.
On a larger scale, the same goes for the ordinary stock-holders.
They will become manufacturers, building contractors, etc., be
cause they have capital or credit. Impartial observers like our
selves know that a real stock-exchange deal is not child’s play,
requiring, as it does, the calculation of many factors, powers of
observation, quick judgment—in short, many things that can and
will be put to far better use. T he only thing is that Jews cannot
get out of the stock-exchange. In fact, the present political situa
tion forces more and more Jews into it; all our unemployed peo
ple of average education must either starve or go to the stock-
exchange. On the other hand, the moneyed Jews are driven to
pure speculation by the persecution of capital by the Socialists
and anti-Semites. They administer their property at the stock-
exchange. And the big ones—yourselves, the biggest ones, in
cluded—are forced to do likewise. This makes the great fortunes
grow frighteningly. At least, that is what everybody thinks, and
it probably is so.
Well, we will set all these forces free. We shall channel them
our way and have gold mines in our country. I am not speaking
of the mines that might be discovered in the new soil over there;
that would be a foolish illusion. I am speaking of the certain
gold mines, the full extent of which is well known and which we
ourselves shall take across with us in the form of labor, capital,
and the happy union of both.
By now you will see what I am driving at: the Promised Land
is within ourselvesl No one has ever looked for it there.
Gentlemen! I am trying very hard not to present things in
too tempting a manner. If my words have a beautiful ring, this
is due to my subject. But you are certainly not peasants and will
not regard this alone as cause for mistrust.
My psychological explanations and predictions why over there
our people will not be stock-traders may not satisfy you or my
subsequent worldwide audience.
My aim has been to show first the beautiful and the free as
pects. These are the front walls of the building. But rest assured
that my edifice has steel girders inside.
You see, we are going to close the stock-exchanges right after
we have set them up! In other words, we shall institute a stock-
exchange monopoly. Yes, all dealings in money will be national
ized. At first I had only the re-education of our people in mind.
But the more this plan grew and matured within me, the more
the ways in which I found the stock-exchange monopoly right.
This will also give us control over the mania for gambling with
out eradicating sound speculation. Above all, we shall manage
our State credits independently of private financiers. Further
more, we shall get resources for pensioning our higher officials
and taking care of their widows and orphans. How does this as
pect of it work? Very simply. It involves large, divisible tobacco-
shops (un quart d’agent de change [a petty stockbroker]).
These non-inheritable agencies will be conducted by sworn lessees
who are members of a disciplinary association. These licensed
agents will guarantee us that their clients are not professional
gamblers. That will be hard to establish; it is more of a moral
question and we shall have to operate with indefinite standards,
like the term “economic ruin” in the Austrian Usury Law.
In a comparable manner, we shall control alcoholism among
our unskilled* laborers by means of the truck system. Let me here
mention the fact that we shall also establish a liquor monopoly.
In addition to the profits on the manufacture, this will give us
a large number of small retail outlets for pensioners and widows.
Small outlets, I say, because as a rule our people are not drinkers.
They are not, at present, but physical labor might make them
drink; a state must take preventive measures. And this is the
place to speak of the tobacco monopoly, the last form of indirect
taxation for the time being. If at a later date we need more and
bigger sources of revenue, this will have been caused by our
needs, i.e., our standard of living. But once we are established
we can find whatever forces are required.
The tobacco monopoly has several points in its favor: most
Jews are familiar with it from their present locations; it enables
us to exact bigger amounts from bigger consumers; it gives us any
number of small pensions in the form of tobacco-shops. T he
last-named will at the same time be the exclusive vending places
for newspapers; there they will be available to the public, and to
the government, if need be.
This is all I have to say about the stock-exchange monopoly.
Of all the fine institutions which we shall create over there,
this will probably be the first to be copied by Europe.
Right now, of course, it would be a tremendous hardship if
we were barred from the stock-exchanges. Where should the un
fortunate Jewish brokers turn? But once we start migrating, this
will suddenly be a great boon to the Jews, and at the same time
the states will create great resources for themselves and get control
of speculation with government credits, as we shall do in our
State. Over there we shall offer rich fields to industrious traders
and enterprising capitalists. Let the gamblers, the dissolute fel
lows, stay in Monte Carlo. If they follow us uninvited, we shall
tame them, just as we keep mutinous elements among our un
skilled laborers in check through our protective troops.
It will be said that we make people unhappy by our measures.
I deny this most categorically. A wound that old cannot be healed
by moaning and groaning; it has to be cauterized. And who will
dare deny the moral power of labor? By this I certainly do not
mean only manual labor, but brain work as well. The latter
undoubtedly includes speculation, provided it is not gambling.
The moral aspects of work have long since been recognized in
penal legislation. We have seen them operating in an incom
parably nobler fashion, before the crime, in the assistance par le
travail.
Let me briefly tell you a touching story which I came across
in an account of the gold fields of Witwatersrand. A man came to
the Rand one day, settled down, tried several things, not includ
ing gold mining, finally opened an ice factory that prospered,
and soon earned general respect for his decency. Years later he
was suddenly arrested. It seems that as a banker in Frankfurt
he had perpetrated fraud, then had escaped and started a new life
here under an assumed name. When he was taken away as a
prisoner, the most respected people of Johannesburg turned up
at the station and gave him a cordial “Farewell—until we meet
again.” For he was going to return.
There is a lot in this story. First, it says that I am right. And
after all, our unfortunate stock-market operators are no criminals.
They are conscientious, struggling, decent heads of families. Of
course, there are crooks among them. Where aren’t there any?
In what distinguished office or profession do you not find them?
How many gamblers are there in the Clubs?!
But even if they were criminals, which they are not, we would
still take them along. We shall take the real criminals along as
well—after they have served their term, you understand. For in
Europe everything must be liquidated in an honorable manner.
Then, a new life!
We shall also take along the sick and the aged; do I even have
to mention this? The charitable institutions of the Jews will be
freely transplanted with the Local Groups. Endowed institutions
will remain with their original Local Group over there. The
buildings should not be sold, in my opinion, but donated to
needy Gentiles in the cities concerned. Over there we shall give
the Local Groups credit for this by not charging them for build
ing sites when the land is distributed and giving them special con
sideration in construction. Also, it shall be credited in the
auctioning off of the local community.
I shall speak in a moment about the distribution and auction
ing off of the land. I am trying to present everything as succinctly
as possible.
Over there we shall from the very beginning put the charitable
institutions in a centralized system, and I have already worked
it out. If you believe me implicitly, I shall spare you an elabora
tion of this now.
Private philanthropy must cease, because it is haphazard. Those
unable to work will all be provided for by the State and the free
Charity Headquarters. Beggars will not be tolerated. Anyone
who refuses to choose his own occupation will go to the Work-
house.
You see how we pull some along and let others tag after us,
how the third kind is swept along, and the fourth pushed after us.
If the stock-exchange monopoly is instituted after we have left,
it will hasten all vacillators after us, overseas, where they may no
longer find the best berths.
You see, gentlemen, how cog meshes with cog, how I slowly
build a great iron machine out of familiar components that you
can touch with your own hands. I shall also show you the coals
with which I shall make fire, and the water which I shall turn
into steam.
T hen there will be a whistle that will mean: Get aboard, or
out of the way!
I have already mentioned some of the Jewish State’s forms
of revenue. It will have still others. Any kind of undertaking
that has already been completely investigated, like railroads and
insurance of all kinds known up to now, will be nationalized.
All Jews who have been serving as officials of such institutions
in Europe will freely transfer into the service of our State, re
ceiving positions at least as good and, besides, chances for
advancement, etc., which at present a Jew does not have even
in a private institution. Certain industries we shall manage our
selves, even at the risk of running them less cheaply than private
interests. Mines, particularly, will be operated only by the State,
because even with a seven-hour day mine workers should not
be subject to an entrepreneur’s parsimony. T he State will not
economize on safety measures. But there is no striking against
it. It represents no private interests. On the other hand, the vary
ing difficulty of kinds of work will be compensated for by a scale
of pensions. The man who has worked harder will get his tobacco-
shop sooner.
The State will collect certain taxes not for its own benefit, but
as an informal equalization between poverty and wealth. We
cannot remove economic differences. Even if we were visionaries
enough to attempt this, they would immediately arise anew. But
we can establish a moral connection between the joys of some
and the sorrows of others. The amusement tax (as in France) will
benefit the hospitals. The dowry tax will be used to take care
of indigent girls whom men have forgotten to marry because the
girls have no money. Many wealthy Jews are doing this sort of
thing now, but haphazardly, like everything else. Nor shall this
become the prey of chance mendicancy. We shall have no beggars.
As for preventing cheating on dowry taxes, I have got that worked
out, too.
I have already said that we are going to nationalize all dealing
in money, with the exception of the issuing bank. I think the
Bank of France is a good model. T he stability of the currency
can be guaranteed better by a private issuing bank. But its em
ployees resemble state employees anyway.
As for harmonizing the private issuing bank with the State
Bank, with all the proper precautions and policies, our financial
geniuses, of whom there is no lack, will know more about this
than I do.
I am going to concern myself only with fundamentals. The
nationalization of the money-exchange will be designed to edu
cate the people in our State, something that will be necessary
in the early stages. There will be neither small nor big bankers
any more. Those with capital must and will shrewdly invest it
in other enterprises. Let the little ones, the hole-and-corner
usurers and speculation agents, enter State service. There they
will be subject to a sound code of discipline, and they need not
be placed in a Ministry, but can also be in branch offices, like
manager of Postal Savings, etc.
You are quite aware, gentlemen, that I am not talking non
sense about the state centralization of the money-exchange. And
it is also common knowledge where and how the states even
now engage in financial deals with themselves, either in the open
(savings banks) or under cover, by entering into silent partner
ship with the issuing bank.
But if that were not so, what would your World House be?
I do not believe that our State or any other state will ever have
a bigger money-exchange. You know, then, that the large-scale
money-exchange not only can stand centralization, but actually
thrives on it. By going from one of your windows to the next,
I can collect a claim in London and pay a debt in Naples. I can
even save myself this little trip, you can take care of it for me.
And wherever centralization does not already exist, it is widely
sought. For larger financial transactions the banks stand to
gether in groups and form those evil financial cartels which have
not yet been recognized in their full harmfulness. And you are
right in the midst of everything! On vous voit trop, messieurs
[One sees too much of you, gentlemen]! I know, of course, that
you do not come in uninvited, that people seek you out, that
you wait to be asked.
And that is your curse! People can no longer do without you.
You are forced to become richer and richer, whether you want
to or not. You have lost control of your fortune, you are drifting
on this stream of gold and no longer know where you are going!
I don’t know whether all governments already realize what
an international menace your World House constitutes. W ithout
you no wars can be waged, and if peace is to be concluded, people
are all the more dependent on you. For the year 1895 the military
expenses of the five Great Powers have been estimated at four
billion francs, and their actual peacetime military strength at
s,800,ooo men. And these military forces, which are unparalleled
in history, you command financially, regardless of the conflicting
desires of the nations!
Who has given you the right to do this? What universal human
ideal are you serving? And who are you, anyway? A handful of
bankers, now more than ever “Schutzjuden,” who are occasionally
invited to court—with what repugnance you can imagine, if you
are not shown it. For you are nowhere given full rights or even
regarded as regular citizens. And you who are in a position to
tighten the belts of almost three million soldiers, you and your
cash-boxes have to be anxiously guarded everywhere, from the
people who, to be sure, do not know everything yet.
And your accursed wealth is still growing. Everywhere it in
creases more rapidly than the national wealth of the countries
in which you reside. Therefore this increase takes place only at
the expense of the national prosperity, even though you your
selves may be the most decent persons in the world.
For that reason, the Jewish State from the outset will not toler
ate your alarming wealth, which would stifle our economic and
political freedom. Not even if you go with us! Do you understand
that, gentlemen? And how do we intend to keep you from getting
richer over there when we should like to make everyone richer?
Do we by any chance have special legislation against you in mind?
What ingratitude, if you help us, or what nonsense! Gentlemen,
if you do not go with us, we shall probably have to outlaw you.
We shall not admit you to our country, just as in France the pre
tenders, all of them scions of famous French families, are barred
from the country.
But if you do go with us, we shall enrich you one last time
more. And we shall make you big beyond the dreams of the
modest founder of your House and even of his proudest grand
children.
We shall make you richer by tripling your contribution, the
billion with which we started. The Jewish State will be given
the right to redeem the shares of the Society within twenty years
at three times their face value. These are the three billions ex
actly of which I spoke earlier.
We shall make you big, because we shall take our first elected
ruler from your House. T hat is the shining beacon which we
shall place atop the finished Eiffel Tower of your fortune. In
history it will seem as though that had been the object of the
entire edifice.
Just a few words about the Constitution. A principality with
an elected head. We shall choose a quiet, modest, sensible man
who will not think that he is our master. We shall impose suffi
cient restrictions on him in our Constitution anyway. For we
shall be free men and have no one over us but the Almighty
God.
Alas, many of our brethren cannot even imagine in their dreams
what it means to be a free manl
We shall not found a hereditary principality. We cannot make
ourselves ridiculous in the eyes of the world. It would look like
something bought, like some dubious marquisate. In order to
prevent for all time subtle pressure from those in power, the
second prince will not be a Rothschild, and never will a son be
allowed to succeed his hither. Any Jew can become our prince,
with the exception of the author of this plan. Otherwise the
Jews would say that he did everything for his own benefit. And
if you examine it closely, even the first Prince Rothschild will
not have attained this high position because of his money.
As you will soon see, we are not dependent on your money.
But by giving us your contribution you will perform a moral act.
You will be subjecting yourself to the National Ideal, helping
us to carry out the enormous undertaking without a fight, and
sparing the whole civilized world the severest upheavals. For this
you shall be rewarded and the world will not deride it.
T o make them comprehensible to the people, ideas of this
kind must be presented in the simple and moving form of sym
bols. T hat is why we shall all be in glittering gala dress when we
march to the Temple to crown the Prince. Only one man in our
166 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HER7X
midst will wear the shabby garb of shame of a medieval Jew,
including the pointed Jew’s hat and the Yellow Badge, and that
very man will be our Prince. Only in the Temple shall we put a
princely cloak about his shoulders and a crown on his head.
The meaning of this will be: T o us you are but a poor Jew;
you shall never forget what we have endured and take care not
to expose us to fresh dangers. But in the eyes of the world you
are our Prince; as such you shall be resplendent and represent
us with distinction.
Oh, now you will again think that I am telling you a tale. You
are touched and shaken, and yet feel like mocking. Am I speak
ing of the impossible? In what way is my plan unrealistic? The
Temple? I am going to build it wherever I please. Our gala dress?
We shall be rich and free enough to wear it. The crowds? Them
I shall draw wherever I want. The wondrous garb of the Prince?
You must have been moved when I described it, and if you were
not, tant pis pour vous [so much the worse for you]! Other na
tions also see old costumes in such festive processions and do not
regard them as masquerades, but as meaningful remembrances of
the past.
And why do I, who am talking to, and counting on, business
men, dwell so long on this kind of description?
Because the intangible element of popular enthusiasm, surg
ing like steam out of boiling water, is the power with which I
run the great machinel
All right, and now to the as yet unsolved question of what will
be done with your fortune if you come with us.
It is extremely simple. Your wealth consists of two parts: of
the actual funds, which we shall even increase by two billion
(within twenty years the Jewish State will redeem the shares at
three times their face value), and of your credit.
The funds you keep. We shall then no longer be afraid of
this wealth, great though it is. A large part of it will remain in
Europe, but it will no longer be active. Your castles, palaces, all
luxury establishments may remain; you can use them for future
visits to Europe, when members of your family return on pleasure
trips or represent us as diplomats. The natural disintegration of
great fortunes will set in: through marriages, ramification of the
lineage, and wastefulness. Then, too, over there you will set a
good example to the rich by starting beautiful art collections,
erecting fine buildings, and making gorgeous gardens. We will
subtly entice the intellectually backward to culture. As
for the main part of your fortune, the dangerous international
power of your credit, we shall take it over for the benefit of our
Society of Jews.
We shall liquidate the Rothschilds in the same way that we
liquidate the smallest shipping agent or shopkeeper. This means
that the Society will absorb the House of Rothschild.
This, too, will happen in the most natural way in the world.
For the time being, all your employees will remain where they
are, and you yourselves will remain at the helm everywhere—
until such time as you, the present-day Rothschilds, will be used
in our State, as directors of our financial system or as other gov
ernment officials, as governors of provinces or as our diplomatic
representatives to foreign powers. Through your connections with
the European aristocracy you will be well suited for the diplo
matic service. T hat way you will not need to tear yourselves away
from your accustomed surroundings either.
We shall not give you any titles that might sound ridiculous in
the beginning. You will simply be the representatives of the Jews
in this place or that. Even now you occasionally identify your
selves as representatives of the Jews when, upon the conclusion
of a loan, you beg for a bit of protection for the local Jews.
Once the time has come when other nations consider it expedi
ent, and us worthy enough, to send ambassadors to us, we shall
gladly return this compliment.
When the other Jews, those of moderate wealth, who are now
Consuls-General and the like, join us, we shall make them
our representatives in their present localities until such time as
we summon them.
We shall recognize the present noblemen among the Jews if
they bring proof to our free Office of Nobility by a certain date.
This office will see to it that no overly grotesque nobility is
smuggled in. For certain exalted purposes of our policy we need
a State nobility, just as we shall have one single decoration
(along the lines of the légion d’honneur [legion of honor]). This
decoration will be called “Jewish honor” ! It will consist of a
yellow badge, and so we shall make our new honor out of our
old disgrace. Our best men, and only they, will be allowed to
wear it, which will bring it the respect of the entire world. It
will not be available for money. Otherwise it would no longer
be a reward for our people whom we shall sometimes ask to
give their lives, or who will offer their lives to us. In the heredi
tary nobility we give the reward after death, that is, we bestow
it on the descendants. With our decoration we shall place the
reward in the middle of life, and the nation will immediately rec
ognize its oustanding men.
Our sons! Just as I have frequently and tenderly thought of
my little boy, who is only 4 years old now, during the drawing
up of this plan, you, too, will be thinking of your sons. I wish
you numerous and able ones; we shall need all of our boys. Right
now the future of your sons is one of your big worries—will you
admit this? Will you again make bankers out of them, or loafers,
simple-minded sportsmen? They will not be allowed to give any
orders anywhere, in the government or in the army; you realize
that, don’t you? No one will turn the real command over to you
in addition to the financial one.
But things will be different in our State. If your sons have the
ability, they can become anything, just like any other Jew. But
only if they have ability. Nobility and private property will be
hereditary in our State, but offices will not be. Otherwise we
should be ruined. That must be prevented at all costs.
What will our Constitution be like? It will be neither a
monarchic nor a democratic one. I am a staunch advocate of
monarchic institutions because they favor a stable policy and
the interests of a historically illustrious family, one bom and
educated to rule—interests that are bound up with the préserva-
tion of the state. But our history has been interrupted too long for
us to attempt to resume this institution.
I am against democracy because it is extreme in its approval
and disapproval, tends to idle parliamentary babble, and pro
duces that base class of men, the professional politicians. Nor are
the present-day nations really suited to the democratic form of
government; and I believe they will become less and less suited
to it. For democracy presupposes a very simple morality, and
our morality is becoming ever more complex with the advance
of commerce and civilization. Le ressort d’une démocratie est la
vertu [the concern of a democracy is virtue], said wise Montes
quieu. And where will you find this virtue—political virtue, I
mean? I have no faith in the political virtue of our people, be
cause we are no different from the rest of modem men and
because freedom will at first make our heads swell. Government
by referendum does not make sense, in my opinion, because in
politics there are no simple questions which can be answered
merely by Yes or No. The masses are more prone even than
parliaments to be misled by every kind of heresy and lend a
willing ear to every ranting demagogue. As you know, the Swiss
people, which is famous for its love of freedom and now subsists
on its tourist trade, was the first to pass special legislation against
the Jews. Neither internal nor external policy can be formulated
in popular assembly. I could not even explain the protective tariff
or free trade to the people, let alone some currency problem or
international treaty, and least of all those sensible principles of
popular education which must be our prime concern.
Politics must work from the top down. This does not mean
that we shall put anyone in bondage, for we shall let every capable
Jew rise, and everyone will want to rise. Can you imagine what
a powerful upward surge is bound to move through our people?
Every individual will think he is only raising himself, and yet
the entire community will be raised. We shall bind this rise in
moral forms which will be useful to the State and further the
National Ideal.
Therefore I am thinking of an “aristocratic republic,” as
Montesquieu termed it. This would also be in keeping with the
ambitious spirit of our people which has now degenerated into
fatuous vanity. Many of the institutions of Venice come to mind»
but we shall avoid all the features that caused the ruin of that
city. We shall learn from the commercial mistakes of others, just
as we shall leam from our own. Our people, to whom we are
presenting the new country, will also gratefully accept the new
Constitution that we give it. But wherever opposition may ap
pear, we shall break it down. Everywhere we shall try it with
friendly persuasion, but if need be we shall push it through by
brute force.
I am not going into detail on the public institutions. Take
my word for it: I understand the State. We shall also have a
grand council of State jurists. We shall impose extensive but firm
limits on public opinion, especially in the beginning. You can
imagine that I as a journalist am concerned about the freedom
and honor of my profession. But we certainly cannot permit our
work to be disturbed by obtuse or malicious individuals.
(Here I wish to insert incidemment [incidentally] something
that will show how easily we can transplant many of our customs.
The newspapers which are now being hawked as Jewish sheets—
and rightly so, I believe—will have editions over there, like the
Paris edition of the New York Herald. The news will be ex
changed between both sides by cable. After all, we shall remain
in contact with our old homelands. Gradually the demand for
newspapers will increase, the colonial editions will gTow, the
Jewish editors will move overseas, leaving the Gentile ones by
themselves. Little by little and imperceptibly, the Jewish papers
will turn into Gentile papers, until the overseas editions are as
independent as the European ones. It is an amusing thought in
this serious plan that many a government will be willing to help
us for that reason alone.)
Let me just add a few remarks about other public institutions.
Someone may think that our lack of a common language would
present difficulties. After all, we cannot converse in Hebrew.
Who among us knows enough Hebrew to ask for a railroad ticket
in this language? We have no such people. But it is really a very
simple matter. Everyone retains his own language. I am a Ger
man-speaking Jew from Hungary and can never be anything but
a German. At present I am not recognized as a German. But that
will come once we are over there. And so let everyone keep his ac
quired nationality and speak the language which has become the
beloved homeland of his thoughts. Switzerland offers visible proof
that a federated state of different nationalities can exist.
I believe that German will be our principal language. I draw
this conclusion from our most widespread jargon, “Judeo-Ger-
man.” But over there we shall wean ourselves from this ghetto
language, too, which used to be the stealthy tongue of prisoners.
Our teachers will see to that.
Actually, the only thing by which we still recognize our kinship
is the faith of our fathers. Shall we, then, end up by having a
theocracy? No! Faith unites us, science makes us free. Therefore
we shall permit no theocratic velleities on the part of our clergy
to arise. We shall know how to restrict them to their temples,
just as we shall restrict our professional soldiers to their barracks.
The army and the clergy shall be honored to the extent that their
noble functions require and deserve it. But they will have no
privileged voice in the State which confers distinction upon them
and pays them, otherwise they would cause us trouble externally
and internally. Every man will be as free and unrestricted in his
belief or unbelief as he is in his nationality. And should it hap
pen later that men of other creeds and other nationalities come
to live among us, we shall accord them honorable protection. We
have learned tolerance in Europe. I am not saying this sar
castically. Present-day anti-Semitism can only in a very few places
be taken for the old religious intolerance. For the most part it
is a movement among civilized nations whereby they try to
exorcize a ghost from out of their own past.
I believe that by now it must be clear from every aspect: a
Jewish State is a world necessity!
And that is why it will come into being—with you, gentle
men, or in opposition to you! Sooner or later it would arise,
par la force des choses [of necessity], even without this proposal.
They cannot throw us into the sea, at least not all of us, nor burn
us alive. After all, there are societies for the prevention of cruelty
to animals everywhere. What, then? They would finally have to
find us some piece of land on the globe—a world ghetto, if you
please.
Thus my plan does not invent a need; it only demonstrates one
and shows at the same time how things can be accomplished to
everyone’s satisfaction without upheaval, struggle, or suffering.
That is why it is the solution.
We shall found the new Jewish State in a respectable manner.
After all, we have in mind our future honor in the eyes of the
world.
For that reason all obligations in our old places of residence
must be scrupulously fulfilled. We shall grant cheap passage and
settlement benefits only to those who produce an official certifi
cate saying “Affairs left in good order.” Every private claim orig
inating in the abandoned countries will be heard more readily in
the Jewish State than anywhere else. We shall not even wait for
reciprocity, but act purely for the sake of our own honor. Thus
our claims will later get more consideration from law courts
than may now be the case in some places.
It is self-evident, from the foregoing remarks, that we shall
extradite the Jewish criminals more readily than any other state,
until the time comes when we can enforce our penal code on the
same principles as all other civilized nations. For the time being
we shall admit Jewish criminals only after they have paid all
penalties, but then we shall receive them without any restriction.
The criminals among our people shall start a new life, too. The
only exception will be made in the case of deserters. Deserters
in wartime we shall not let in. If they try to take refuge in our
State, we shall arrest them immediately and extradite them. Any
one who remains in his old home until war breaks out must stay
there until the war is over, and of course he must fight like any
other man who can carry a rifle. But after the war we shall re
ceive them gladly and with great honors, for they will have fought
for Jewish honor.
However, they will have to let us take and keep peacetime
deserters. Otherwise we shall not be able to start out.
We shall need all hands that are able to work. As it is, we
must allow for the loss of half a generation as far as physical labor
is concerned. Only in fifteen years, I imagine, will our boys be
fully grown and suffice for all the physical work that needs to be
done. Until then we shall have to import many products. The
atrophied arms of the generation that is already withering are
not of much use now. We shall give these people occupations,
certainly, but it will be work that is no hardship on them. We
shall make them supervisors, mailmen, retailers, etc. We are not
going to put them in homes for the aged. These homes are one of
the most cruel forms of charity which our fatuous good nature
has devised. In a home for the aged an old person dies of shame
and grief. Actually, he is buried alive there. But we will leave
even those on the lowest level of intelligence the comforting
illusion of usefulness till the end of their lives.
In this way we shall seek for all ages, for all walks of life, the
physical happiness and moral blessings of work. Thus our people
will regain their skill in the land of the seven-hour working day.
Gentlemen 1 I cannot sketch this plan in concentric circles and
straight lines. I must draw it like a map with its zigzag of moun
tains and waters. This is why I come to speak only now of the
event which will be one of the first to take place, the actual occu
pation of the land.
When peoples migrated in historic times, they let themselves
be carried, pulled, propelled by world accident. Like swarms of
locusts they settled somewhere in their aimless wanderings. In
historic times, after all, people did not know the earth yet.
T he new migration of the Jews must take place according to
scientific principles.
As recently as some forty years ago, gold digging was carried
on in a curiously naive manner. How adventurous things were in
California! There a rumor made the desperadoes come running
from all over the world; they looted the earth, stole the gold from
one another, and then gambled it away in an equally predatory
manner. But todayl Look at gold digging in present-day Trans
vaal. Gold mining is no longer run by romantic rogues, but by
sober-minded geologists and engineers. Ingenious machines sepa
rate the gold from auriferous rock. Little is left to chance.
And so the new Jewish land must be explored and exploited
with all modem aids.
As soon as our geographers have decided on the location and
the international and private purchase contracts have been con
cluded, a ship will sail to take possession of the land.
This ship will carry administrative officials, technicians of all
kinds, and delegates of the Local Groups.
These pioneers will have three tasks: first, the exact scientific
investigation of all natural properties of the land; second, the
establishment of a tightly centralized administration; third, the
distribution of the land. These three tasks overlap and are to be
expanded rationally to fit the purpose which is already sufficiently
known.
Only one thing has not been clarified yet, namely, the way
in which the land will be occupied according to Local Groups.
An indispensable condition will be a variegated climate. We
must give our people roughly the same climate to which they are
accustomed in their old places of residence. After this general di
vision comes the specific one.
In America the occupation of a newly opened territory still takes
place in a rather naive manner. The settlers gather by the border
and at the appointed hour rush forward simultaneously and
forcibly.
We shall not do it that way. The locations in our provinces
will be auctioned off—not for money, but for achievements. It
will have been established according to the general configuration
of the land which roads, water-regulation systems, bridges, etc.,
are necessary for commerce. This will be organized by provinces.
Within each province the sites of towns will be auctioned off in
a similar manner. The Local Groups will take the responsibility
for carrying this out in an orderly fashion, and will defray the
•costs from local assessments. After all, we shall be able to know
in advance whether or not they are undertaking too great a sacri
fice. T he bigger communities will get more elbow-room for their
activities. Greater sacrifices will be rewarded by certain conces
sions. Universities or various technological research institutes and
those institutions that do not have to be in the capital will be
systematically spread over the country. We do not want to have
a hypertrophic capital.
The proper development of what is taken over will be guaran
teed us by the interest of the purchaser himself, and, if need be,
by the local taxes which we may collect as dues. For, just as we
cannot and do not want to abolish differences among individuals,
differences among the Local Groups will continue. Everything
will fall into place in a natural way; all acquired rights will be
protected, all new developments will get sufficient elbow-room.
All these things will have been made clear to our people. Just
as we will not take others by surprise or cheat them, we shall
not deceive ourselves either.
Everything will be arranged systematically in advance. Even
on the ship that sails to occupy the land everyone will know his
assignment quite clearly—the scholars, the technicians, the offi
cers and officials, and finally and principally, the authorized rep
resentatives of the Local Groups.
But when the new land first comes in sight, our new flag will
be raised on the staff. At present we do not have any. I am think
ing of a white flag with seven gold stars. The white field signifies
our new, clean life, and the seven stars, our desire to start this
new life under the banner of labor.
This is the way it can and will be if you go with us, gentlemen.
And what if you do not feel like it, if you feel happy enough in
your present situation—does that mean that the whole thing will
be cancelled by your smile of rejection? It does notl
We would be poor people indeed if we came to you begging
for a billion.
If you are not willing, the matter will go to the second level, to
176 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HF.RZL
the Jews of moderate wealth. We shall send a few copies of the
plan to the main centers of Jewish wealth, and bring it to the
attention of the medium millionaires. Money-raising will then
take a different form. All the medium-sized Jewish banks must
be organized into a second, formidable financial power against
the top bankers in the name of the National Ideal. The task is
to sweep you along or pull you down—and then, across. In the
latter case, to be sure, I will have nothing to do with the execu
tion. I will not be a party to money matters.
And yet, for the time being, it will only amount to a money
matter, for the billion would have to be deposited in full—there
is no starting otherwise—and since this money would be used
only gradually, all sorts of banking and loan transactions would
be made in the first years. There is also a possibility that in this
way the original purpose would gradually be forgotten. The
moderately wealthy Jews would have found a new, big business,
and the emigration of the Jews would be bogged down.
The notion of raising money in this way is certainly not fan
tastic—that you know. Several attempts have been made to mar
shal the Catholic money against you. No one has ever thought
that you could also be fought with Jewish money. And this is
how you might be beaten.
But what commercial crises all this would produce! How the
countries in which these financial battles took place would suffer!
How anti-Semitism would necessarily gain ground in the process!
This, then, is not agreeable to me. I am mentioning it only
because it lies within the logical development of my thought,
because this danger may induce you to go along with us, and be
cause, after all, the Jews of moderate wealth have a right to be
given ample notice.
I do not know whether the medium-sized banks will take the
matter up. Maybe they will.
In any case, even if those of moderate wealth refuse, this will
not finish the matter. No! Then it will begin in earnest, for I
shall take it to the Jewish people and the whole world. I shall
publish this Address, including all the steps I have taken in the
matter and all the reactions that I have received. I know full well
to what I should then be exposing myself. People will ridicule
me and say that I want to become King of the Jews. They will
try to hold me up to contempt and say that I was only interested
in making a business deal. Of course, I have never made such a
deal, least of all with my pen—but after all, that proves nothing
about the future.
Then my peers, the philosophers and artists all over the world,
will take me under their protection. For they know that certain
words come only to a man who means them sincerely.
And the people will believe me. Not only among the poor
Jews, but among all peoples, there will arise a feeling of Tage
against you who are able to bring this relief to the world and
refuse to do so.
I believe that my book will have readers. The people will be
lieve my words—and the governments no less. In the synagogues
there will be prayers for the success of this plan—and in the
churches as well I T he little people and the middle classes and the
nobility and the clergy and kings and emperors will warm to the
cause. It is a relief from an old pressure under which all have suf
fered.
No, Messieurs Rothschild, you are not necessary for all that.
Do you know who is going to raise the share capital of the Society
of Jews? T he Gentilesl
Perhaps even the poor, very small Jews. For them the billion
will be divided into tiny parts. T o be sure, in such a case I could
not participate in the execution either—not only because it
would again be a money matter, but especially because even this
money would not be sufficient for the many purposes for which
we could have used your world-wide credit.
I do not want to lead the poor people into penury. In this case
the migration of the Jews could be accomplished only with the
express, definite aid of the governments concerned. People would
have to give us a helping hand with everything, procure the
requisite and adequate land for us, give us all possible concessions
on the transportation—in short, everything that is indispensable
for carrying this out soundly.
The governments—by now I am no longer talking to you,
gentlemen, but out the window—the governments will soon
realize the full scope of what the solution of the Jewish Question
will bring them.
Earlier, I spoke about direct and indirect advantages of our
exodus. These were only the smallest. Yes, we shall produce con
siderable fiscal income by moving away. Yes, we shall patronize
the railroads, give work to the movers, pay double fees, take care
of all our debts, let appropriate numbers of people move into
the lucrative positions that we give up, and where the state
wishes to take over our industries and institutions, we shall give
it the right of first refusal.
These individual voluntary expropriations and nationaliza
tions can and must be something considerable. Yet they are not
the most important benefit which the states and their citizens
will derive from the emigration of the Jews. T he most important
benefit is something else. What?
Have you not been thinking all the time: they certainly can
not let us move away with all our money. After all, at present
they still have a bit of power over us and can occasionally tighten
the leash. Is this, then, the weak point in my system? I think, on
the contrary, that it is the strongest.
In the first place, movable property in its most important cur
rent form, shares payable to the bearer, can never be regarded
as being in the country. These shares can no longer be got at.
The Paris commune tried it from below, and we know with
what result. No one tries to do it from above. In the second
place—and this is the enormous point which everyone must see—
we shall free the world’s credit system of us, for the moment we
move out, the states will nationalize their credit. Through the
stock-exchange monopoly, which they will hasten to copy from
us, they will get control of the pernicious juggling with the
state’s credit. Perhaps they will even completely nationalize the
money market; otherwise one would have to fear that the civi
lized peoples will Judaize themselves after we are gone.
We shall be in a position to show how this nationalization can
be carried out. Transitional forms are easy to find. The states
can found banking organizations which will take over from the
Society of Jews the incomplete transactions which the Society
will have taken over from individuals. The Society itself can do
this organizing for the states and turn over to them those trans
actions that have been completed. In fact, the whole Society can
eventually be split in two parts—the neo-Jewish part, which will
go to our State, and the old Jewish, i.e., European one, which
belongs to the states. T he form and scope of the settlement would
be a subject for negotiation with the individual governments.
So, you see, we by no means take the world credit-market with
us—oh, how happy and strong our national spirit will be once
we are rid of it!—rather, by our departure we shall organize
the national credit of the states. T hat will be our greatest gift; it
cannot be regarded as an emigration tax, because we shall do it
voluntarily. As a matter of fact, in this plan we do everything
voluntarily and in keeping with our honor!
Well, what is going to happen with the nations financially less
stable? Are they not going to be controlled by the distant Jewish
financial power?
Not any more than the others. Our credit will continue to be
at their disposal if they seek it—but they will no longer be de
pendent on us exclusively. The governments will have their own
foreign financial policy. They will get together in alliances. There
will be a concordance of all political resources.
Whether the governments shall communicate with one another
through financial ambassadors, or in a less formal, even a very
informal manner, is really only a small detail. The important
thing is that internally and externally the State will get control
over its finances and will no longer be dependent on international
groups and stock cartels. I look at everything through the eyes of
the State, for ourselves as well as for others.
T he State must exist!
Will there be Jews who will consider me a traitor to the cause
of the Jews because I say all this?
I shall immediately enlighten and calm them. I am not rep
resenting and defending the bad Jewish cause, but I believe I
am performing a service to the good Jewish cause by making
these thoughts public.
But their publication will not even harm the selfish and preda
tory swindlers among the Jews.
For, all this can only be carried out with the free consent of
the majority of Jews. It can be done against the will of individ
uals, even against groups of those now most powerful, but cer
tainly not by the State against all Jews.
The emancipation of the Jews, which I consider just as much
a failure on political grounds as I approve of it enthusiastically
and gratefully for human reasons, came too late. It was no longer
possible to emancipate us by legislation and in our old places of
residence.
Nevertheless, the legal equality of the Jews, where it exists, can
no longer be abolished. Not only because it would run counter
to modem sensibilities—Good Lord, necessity knows no law—
but also because that would immediately drive all Jews, poor and
rich alike, into the arms of the revolutionary parties.
Therefore, no effective measures can actually be taken against
us. And yet, anti-Semitism increases among the nations every
day, every hour, and must continue to grow, because the causes
have not been and cannot be removed.
The causa remota [indirect cause] is the loss of our assimilabil-
ity which dates from the Middle Ages.
The causa proxima [immediate cause] is our overproduction
of average minds who cannot sink and cannot rise—that is, can
not do so in a healthy way. At the bottom we are forced into
becoming proletarian revolutionaries, constituting the petty of
ficers of all revolutionary parties. And, at the same time, our
frightful financial power grows at the top.
That is how it is. That is how things really are. I am not ex
aggerating and not denying anything. What I am saying is the
simple truth.
And this is why my outline contains the solution. Do I hear
somebody saying: Well, if such a thing were possible, would it
not have been done before?
It was not possible before. It is now. As recently as a hundred
or fifty years ago it would have been a fantasy. Today it is all a
reality.
You, gentlemen, know best what can be done with money; how
rapidly and safely we now speed in huge steamers across formerly
uncharted seas. We have built safe railways up into a world of
mountains which we previously scaled on foot and with trepida
tion. A hundred thousand brains are constantly thinking of ways
to wrest all Nature’s secrets from her. And what one man discovers
belongs to the whole world an hour later. It is possible!
And it will happen in a wondrous way: the plain people who
do not know these truths as you do, gentlemen, especially the
simple souls, will have the greatest belief in me. They have the
age-old hope of the Promised Land within them!
And it is real: no fairy tale, no deception! Anyone can find
out for himself, for everyone will take across a piece of the Prom
ised Land: one his brain, another his brawn, a third his belong
ings.
No doubt about it: it is the Promised Land, where it is all right
for us to have hooked noses, black or red beards, and bandy legs
without being despised for these things alone. Where at last we
can live as free men on our own soil and die in peace in our own
homeland. Where we, too, can expect honor as a reward for great
deeds; where we shall live at peace with all the world, which we
shall have freed through our own freedom, enriched by our
wealth, and made greater by our greatness.
So that the derisive cry “Jew!” may become an honorable
appellation, like “German,” “Englishman,” “Frenchman”—in
short, like the name of any civilized nation. So that by means
of our State we can educate our people for tasks which still lie
beyond our horizon.
June 17
Now it might seem as though this were a long-drawn-out pro
ject. I keep speaking of months, years, decades. In the meantime,
in a thousand places the Jews are being teased, insulted, scolded,
whipped, plundered, and slain.
No, gentlemen, it is the immediate solution. I shall stop anti-
Semitism instantly all over the world. It is the making of
peace.
For, after we have taken all initial steps with the greatest dis
patch and discretion; after we have secured our independence as
a State through treaties under public law, and the land through
purchases under civil law; after we have acquired cables and
boats and made contracts on customs and special rates—in short,
after we have done everything that is necessary to carry out our
plan inexpensively, we shall make our entire program public.
This will be done in the pages of the Neue Freie Presse. For
I have a debt of gratitude to this paper to discharge. It sent me
to Paris and gave me the means and the opportunity of acquiring
much of the knowledge that is now in the service of the cause.
Therefore, any literary aspect of my announcement shall be the
property of this paper.
On the next morning, a message will fly out into the whole
world: Peace 1
Peace to the Jews, victory to the Gentiles.
We must make peace because we can no longer fight, because
later we should have to surrender under less favorable conditions.
The anti-Semites will have carried the day. Let them have this
satisfaction, for we too shall be happy. They will have turned
out to be right because they are right. They could not have let
themselves be subjugated by us in the army, in government, in
all of commerce, as thanks for generously having let us out of the
ghetto. Let us never forget this magnanimous deed of the civilized
nations.
By liberating them from us we shall also relieve them of the
atavistic pressure of the Middle Ages which they have been under
in the Jewish Question without recognizing it. They are not to
blame for the sins of their fathers.
Forgiveness, peace, reconciliation for the whole world. And the
relief will come instantly. T he middle classes will immediately
be drained of our overproduction of average minds which will
flow into our first organizations and constitute our first officers,
officials, jurists, physicians, and technicians of all kinds.
And so the matter will proceed with dispatch and yet without
upheavals. There will be prayers in the synagogues for the suc
cess of our wonderful project. But in the churches as welll
The governments will give us their friendly assistance be
cause we relieve them of the danger of a revolution which would
start with the Jews—and stop who knows where!
The nations will breathe a sigh of happy relief. But so shall
we, we especially! We shall depart as respected friends.
And so we shall move out to the Promised Land, the Land of
the Seven Hours, the land which God has promised us in His in
scrutable goodness, under the bright banner which we shall fash
ion for ourselves.
Book Two
June 23
With my letter to Bismarck this development of my thought
which has been growing in me has logically entered a new stage.
I am starting a new book. I don’t know how much space the
previous notes will occupy; I am not in the mood now to make a
clean copy of them.
June 24
Today Bismarck has my letter. Will he take me for a gentle fool
or a raving one? Will he reply?
June 25
Dined with Fürth. I told him of my meeting with Hirsch. I
thought he would hear of it in any case, and therefore I wanted
to supply some authentic notes on my letters, intended to be
passed along. I especially regret that third letter. When shall I
break myself of the habit of writing imprudent letters?
Incidentally, Fürth told me that I had judged and treated
Hirsch correctly.
He also confirmed my assumption that Hirsch had arranged
for the two secretaries to be there as witnesses that my visit actu
ally took place.
Then we went to the circus.
I said: There is one man who would understand my plan
(which I did not disclose to Fürth, although he seemed to guess
its approximate nature). T hat is the German Kaiser.
Fürth: Draw up a memorandum for him. Then find a reliable
man to transmit it. Perhaps my cousin von Kaiser, the director
of the Colonial Office.
I : He is your cousin? Baptized?
Fürth: Yes. He coached Herbert Bismarck for his assessor’s
examination and in that way became acquainted with the old
187
man who said he could use him if he had himself baptized.
Kaiser did it, perhaps partly because he wanted to marry his
present wife, a Catholic. First he became State Attorney at Strass-
burg, then he was promoted and finally appointed director of the
Colonial Office. When Bismarck had a falling out with the Kaiser,
von Kaiser went over to the latter. He always has access to him.
I: Then he would probably be the right man. But being a
convert, will he want to have anything to do with the Jewish
cause?
Fürth, with a shrug: Maybe. (After all, F. has also been con
verted.)
June 26
Today Bismarck’s reply is due. It has not come.
I wonder if he has even received my letter. If there are “black
cabinets” on either side of the border, the letter will have been
opened once or perhaps even twice. T he postal censors actually
had an invitation in my final remark that I was prepared to re
ceive no answer at all. They could simply have thrown my letter
away.
Here is a droll idea: if you want to be sure to get some message
into the hands of the government, you only have to put it into
such a letter with a conspicuous address.
June 27
No answer from Bismarck. I am already convinced that I shall
receive none. I thought of having Feldmann inquire at the Ham
burger Nachrichten whether Bismarck has received my letter.
But Feldmann would at some later date tell this as an anecdote
about me. I no longer care whether Bismarck has received my
letter or not. If he has— tant pis [too bad].
I am now thinking of Schoen. He could deliver ray memoran
dum to the Kaiser. But come to think of it, isn’t Schoen on va
cation?
June 27
In the Chamber of Deputies I casually asked Wolff whether
Schoen was here. No, he is in Bavaria, on vacation until August
15-
I thought of asking Schoen through Wolff whether he would
see me between trains.
Decided later to write Schoen directly. The fewer know about
it, the better.
Schoen, by the way, will know me and lend me a willing ear.
Possibly look for some other German diplomat to do this. It
will not be hard.
June 27
Addendum to the plan.
Those who die during the passage will not be thrown into the
water. This would be a deterrent to immigrants and a ghastly
image to the people. Corpses will be safely embalmed and buried
on the other side.
June 28
Before I approach Schoen it will be helpful to notify Albert
Rothschild. This way, I believe, I shall get back to my original
thought in better style. And I shall be covered against the re
proach of having acted without, i.e. against, the Jews.
• • •
Letter to Albert Rothschild:

Dear Sir:
I shall come to the point without preliminaries.
I have composed a memorandum about the Jewish Question
for the German Kaiser. A reliable man (a diplomat) will deliver
it to him. It is not a fatuous and querulous complaint. Even if
he wanted to, the Kaiser could not do anything against anti-
Semitism, as I understand the movement. Rather, my memoran
dum contains a comprehensive plan for self-help on the part of
Jews of all countries. If the Kaiser sends for me after reading my
memorandum, I can pursue the matter with him as an independ
ent man because I am not under his political jurisdiction. From
the outset there cannot be any doubt that I do not want any fa
vors or special treatment from him or anyone else. And therefore
I hope that this alert and vigorous ruler will understand me. My
memorandum will bear only my signature and I shall have the
exclusive responsibility for it. But since I am taking up the cause
of the Jews, I owe them some proof of my good intentions, and
for this purpose I need a few reputable and independent persons
as references. Note: references, not guarantors or principals. Ac
tually, individuals would not even be entitled to give me an
assignment which, incidentally, I do not need.
Would you care to be one of the references? I am having some
trouble finding serviceable men. Since I have been concerned
with the cause I have already had quite bad experiences. Some
times I have been utterly fed up. We have such twisted, crushed,
money-worshipping people who are therefore booted around
even more than they deserve. But even these miserable qualities
fill me with pity, in the final analysis; they are products of pro
longed pressure.
Let me immediately dispel one doubt that might arise in your
mind. My memorandum does not contain even the slightest trace
of a violation of duty or of reverence toward our sovereign. I am
simply trying to get at anti-Semitism where it originated and still
has its center: in Germany. I consider the Jewish Question an
extremely serious matter. Anyone who thinks that agitation
against the Jews is a passing fad is seriously mistaken. For pro
found reasons it is bound to get worse and worse, until the in
evitable revolution comes.
Some Jews, of course, think that the danger is no longer there
when they close their eyes.
Let me recapitulate. My memorandum will be delivered to the
Kaiser at the end of July or the beginning of August. In the lat
ter part of July I shall come to Austria. If you would like to
know what is in the document, I shall read it to you. We can
arrange a meeting for this purpose. I am prepared to come to you
for half a day. You will certainly make sure that we are undis
turbed. But if you should be traveling at that time, I would like
it even better if I could meet you on your travels somewhere—
I don't care where.
If you feel no desire to become acquainted with my memoran
dum, it will be quite sufficient for you to return this letter to me.
I shall not regard it as an insult, because I am expressly asking
you to.
In any case, I know that I am dealing with a gentleman. And
when I now ask you to treat my letter in complete confidence and
not tell a soul about the matter, it is just as if I had told it to you
verbally and immediately sworn you to secrecy.
It may not be superfluous to remark that no one on my news
paper has any knowledge of the matter. I am doing this alone and
independently.
Respectfully yours,
Dr. Theodor Herzl,
36 rue Cambon.
* * •
June 28
In the Chamber I spoke with the Communard Leo Franckel.
Fine face, mediocre mind, a sectarian’s pride. He boasted of the
prisons in which he has “languished.”
I explained to him why I am against the democracies.
“So you are a disciple of Nietzsche?” he said.
I: “Not at all. Nietzsche is a madman. But one can only govern
aristocratically. In the community I am in favor of the widest
autonomy. Parish-pump politics are sufficiently—in fact, best—
understood around the parish pump. However, the state and its
needs cannot be comprehended by the people.”
Franckel: “How are you going to establish this aristocratic gov
ernment?”
I : “There are all kinds of ways. Here is just one example, from
which you need not generalize. The French Academy constitutes
an elective aristocracy.”
We then spoke about social theories. I said that I was in favor
of nationalizing banking, insurance, railroads, and everything
that has already been tested, where there no longer is any risk
that would justify entrepreneurial profits.
Franckel: “That way everything can be arranged collectivistic-
ally.”
I: "By no means. The individual must not be done away with.”
Here, obviously, is the flaw in the thinking of the Socialists:
they say, “everything.”
I say: what has been adequately worked out!
June 28
On the Champs Elysées.
Moritz Wahrmann’s son rode past. Looks vigorous but bored.
Such fellows, with their unused vitality, would be splendid ma
terial for us. It would be easy to fill them with enthusiasm for
the cause. And how beautiful is my scheme in which such Leo
Franckels and young Wahrmanns would find room for their de
velopment.
June 28
Champs Elysées.
Poverty: when you wear your winter clothes in summer.
July 4
Albert R’s reply, which was due today, has not come. Fortu
nately I did not degrade myself by excessive courtesy in my letter.
The memorandum to the Kaiser is being given its final form.
In this, too, I shall take care to maintain my dignity.
Ju*y 4
Now the novel is again very much in my thoughts, because my
plan will probably strike everyone as fiction.
When I am at Aussee, I shall request two months’ leave with
out pay and write the novel there in September and October.
July 4
In the novel I shall include everything that I am sorry to have
written to Hirsch and that he may have laughingly shown around.
My revenge will be a generous one: I am going to make a likeable
character out of him. (I do like him, after all.) I shall glorify his
stock market coups. He had made them without suspecting that
they will benefit the cause which he as yet does not know about.
Thus his figure will acquire a vague grandeur. Then there will
be a good reversal. The Baron has misunderstood the office of
“sovereign.” He thought that he was to become not only Presi
dent of the Company, but also Chief of State. T hat cannot be.
No matter how great his contributions to the cause, he cannot
become Chief of State. At that point the hero hits upon an in
genious solution. He says to the Baron when they are about to
be recognized under international law: “All right, now both of
us will retire. If we want to become part of history, we must do
all this unselfishly. Henceforth we shall be merely observers. I
shall so arrange it that you are offered the sovereignty—but you
must immediately refuse it.” The Baron does not see the need
for this, but the hero gives him to understand, in no uncertain
terms, that this is the way it has to be. And if he did not first
pledge himself in writing to reject the honor, he would not even
be offered it; in fact, the hero would ruin him completely if he
did not comply.
At first the Baron flies into a rage; then he realizes that the
hero is right, throws his arms about his neck, and tearfully kisses
him.
Then, at the coronation, the two give a symbolic spectacle of
selflessness, and the one who has not been truly selfless outdoes
the other in manifestations of modesty.
July 5
Strange: While I was writing the above, Hirsch’s letter, which
I no longer expected, was on its way to me. It arrived last night.
82 Piccadilly, W.
July 3, 1895
Dr. Herzl, Paris.*
I am in receipt of your letter to which this is a somewhat tardy
reply. However, an answer was not urgent. When I return to
Paris, which, I may add parenthetically, will not be for several
months, I shall be delighted to see you, although without any
change in the ideas which I have already expressed.
Very sincerely yours,
M. de Hirsch.
My reply to Hirsch:
Paris, July 5, 1895
Dear Sir:
I was greatly annoyed that you did not reply at once to the
letter I wrote you after our conversation. T h at is why I informed
you two weeks later that I had given the matter up. But after
receiving your letter yesterday I should like to tell you how my
decision is to be understood. I shall still try to do something for
the Jews, but not with them. If I ventured to believe that some
one would understand my resolute ideas, it was you. From other
Jews I can expect even less. T he decline of our once-vigorous
race is revealed most clearly in our political lethargy. People
would deride me or suspect me of making God knows what busi
ness deals with the cause. I should have to pass through a swamp
of disgust—and I am not ready to make this sacrifice for the
Jews. They are incapable of understanding that a man can act
out of other motives than money, that a man can refuse to sub
mit to money without being a revolutionary. It follows that the
last step, and perhaps even the most effective, that I shall take
* In French in the original.
will be to place the matter before the exalted personage I spoke
to you about. He is said to be an anti-Semite, but this does not
bother me. I have found an approach to him. Somebody is going
to hand him my memorandum. If he then sends for me, the con
versation could be interesting. Unless he expressly enjoins se
crecy, and if anything at all in the conversation can be passed on,
I shall tell it to you as soon as chance brings us together again. It
is not likely to be in Paris, for I have had my fill of this city and
have prevailed upon the publishers of my newspaper to transfer
me to Vienna. Our conversation would have no value anyway be
yond the pleasure of an exchange of ideas. You stick to your views,
and I with equal stubbornness, to mine. You believe that you can
export poor Jews, the way you are doing it. I say that you are
only creating new markets for anti-Semitism. Nous ne nous com
prendrons jamais [we shall never understand each other]. For the
rest I do not regret having made contact with you. I found it
most interesting to make your acquaintance.
One more thing: I should like to clarify something that may
have struck you. I emphasized in every letter that this matter is
not a business to me. C’est qu’il est horriblement compromettant
d’écrire aux gens riches [The point is that it is terribly compro
mising to write to rich people]. I am well aware that a gentleman
carefully guards or destroys the letters written to him in confi
dence. But the malice of things may bring it about that such a
piece of paper falls into other hands; and if anything worries me
it is the thought that in the course of my efforts I could lose as
much as a shred of my good reputation.
Therefore, keep my memory untarnished.
Respectfully yours,
Dr. Herzl.
July 5
Dined yesterday with little Wolff. He has been called up for
military drill. I listened once again to his tales of the Dragoon-
Guards. He doesn’t consider anti-Semitism so bad. The upper-
class Prussians, he says, are not anti-Semites at all; they feel just
as superior to the middle-class Gentiles as they do to the Jews.
Thus Wolff does not notice that the upper-class people he ad
mires only substitute one kind of contempt for another. He is
satisfied to be thrown in the same pot with the middle-class Gen
tiles and to be despised along with them. He finds it quite natural
that he will not get an officer’s commission although he got the
highest marks on the examinations.
By the way, if there is one thing I should like to be, it is a mem
ber of the old Prussian nobility.
July 6
Yesterday with Nordau, over a glass of beer. Also discussed the
Jewish question, of course. Never before had I been in such per
fect tune with Nordau. Each took the words right out of the
other’s mouth. I never had such a strong feeling that we belonged
together. This has nothing to do with religion. He even said that
there was no such thing as a Jewish dogma. But we are of one
race. Fiirth was also present, and I noticed a certain gene [em
barrassment] in his manner. I think he felt ashamed of having
had himself baptized when he saw and heard our strong profes
sion of adherence to Judaism. Another point on which Nordau
and I agreed was that only anti-Semitism had made Jews of us.
Nordau said: “What is the tragedy of Jewry? T hat this most
conservative of peoples, which yearns to be rooted in some soil,
has had no home for the last two thousand years.”
We agreed on every point, so that I already thought that the
same ideas had led him to the same plan. But he comes to a dif
ferent conclusion: “The Jews,” he says, “will be compelled by
anti-Semitism to destroy among all peoples the idea of a father-
land.” Or, I secretly thought to myself, to create a fatherland of
their own.
Fiirth said: “It is not good for the Jews to develop such a
strong nationalist feeling within themselves. This will only in
tensify the persecutions.”
July 7, 1895
Why has Hirsch suddenly written me again? I have two expla
nations for it.
Either Fiirth casually mentioned in a letter to him that I was
preparing a memorandum for the Kaiser.
Or—and this seems more likely to me—my last letter, in
which I wrote "Pull Rothschild with us or pull him down—and
then over and across!” really struck home.
He instructed his secretary to write me after exactly two weeks
—so that the matter would not appear urgent. Actually, I have
been much on his mind.
And if he has any nose for such things he must certainly sense
what I am bringing him.
After all, we two are natures such as emerge at the beginning
of a new era—he is the condottiere of money, I am the condot
tiere of the intellect.
If this man goes along with me, we can really usher in a new
era.
July 8
Lunched yesterday with Schiff at Ville d’Avray. We visited
Gambetta’s house. The most remarkable thing was the death
mask. I don’t really like Gambetta; he looks as though he were
a relative of mine.
Afterwards wre went to the restaurant Au bord de l'Etang by
the pond. Nine tables were occupied; at three of them I recog
nized Viennese Jews. T hat proves something.
Schiff told me that his brother-in-law had been insulted by an
anti-Semite on leaving the train at Kitzbiihel; as a result of that,
so his mother-in-law had written, he was upset and hurt.
And this sort of thing is repeated in a thousand places every
day—yet people fail to draw any conclusion from it.
I didn’t want to go into the matter further with Schiff, for he
doesn’t understand me.
No answers either from Hirsch or from Rothschild. Hirsch may
198 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF TH EO D O R HERZL
be stalling again. But on the part of the other man, it’s just bald,
vile arrogance. Must be repaid in kind at the first opportunity.
JulY 9
“If I were a prince or a legislator I would not waste my time
telling what ought to be done; I would do it, or keep silent.” *
(Rousseau, Contrat Social, Book One)
JulY 9
There is a novel by Ludwig Storch, The Star of Jacob (Der
Jakobsstern), which deals with Sabbatai Zvi.
July to
Businessmen are best suited for conducting political affairs.
But a man seldom gets rich—and wealth is the freedom of busi
nessmen—without having soiled himself.
In order to be able to call on them for political services, never
theless, some sort of investigation of the way they have made their
fortune would have to be instituted, on a voluntary basis. This
would have to be done not by jealous peers, but by a political
tribunal of honor composed of independent men from all walks of
civil life. Often a man in public life finds it necessary, as it were,
to permit examination of his books afterwards.
If he does this at the start of his political activity, we shall have,
in addition to his business sense, the near-certainty of his decent
character. At the same time it will be ascertained what he was
worth prior to his public service. If, subsequently, demagogues
or intriguers throw suspicion on him, he can proudly point to
his financial status.
Of course, I am not thinking of this in terms of a law, but as
a gradual moral institution. At first this idea will be carried out
by a few reputable businessmen, then it will become more and
more firmly established usage, and will finally be embodied in
legislation when enough time has elapsed for the young mer
chants to set this as a goal for themselves.
After about twenty years it can become law.
July 10
I consider money an excellent means of political evaluation,
provided the morality of its acquisition can be established. But
only then; for otherwise a financial standard would be absurd
and repugnant.
Anyone who has earned a lot of money honestly must be a very
capable man, a clever speculator, a practical inventor, an indus
trious, thrifty person—all qualities eminently useful for guiding
the state.
Habitual speculation with stock would be grounds for disquali
fication. On the other hand, occasional stock deals are nothing
dishonorable. Naturally, it is hard to draw the line—therefore, a
tribunal of honor in each case. The person being investigated
must, at any rate, take an oath of manifestation (under penalty
of perjury). After all, no one will be forced to become a political
figure. T hat way we shall keep the shady politicians* off our
necks, and politics will become the goal of our cleanest and most
capable men.
July 10
Types for my novel, which is to contain real people:
The “dog in the manger” (a village fiddler, a fake aesthete)
Gamel Moishe (extremely likeable)
The “forgotten” girl (include only one, but teach readers to
understand them all through her; possibly have someone devise
the dowry tax while returning from her funeral. For the excellent
girl has missed her “natural calling” and died from it. But what
a splendid mother she would have made! I shall call her Pauline!)
And it is to her memory that the novel will be dedicated.
July 12
Heinrich’s gushing young brother, the musician, will be
“trained” to be a ruler in the novel. It is the hero’s long-prepared
plan to make it up to Heinrich’s parents in this way. He chuckles
inwardly as he tends this beautiful, useless plant, the visionary
and dreamer with his head in the clouds.
July 12
A character for the novel.
A clever swindler (à la Schapira, the bank-note splitter) who
becomes an honest boy scout after he returns from a European
prison.
He fled to the Seven-Hour Land, but his extradition was de
manded and he was returned. Before he is deported in the cus
tody of the police, the hero comes to see him in the prison of the
port and sets him straight. “You will have to serve your term be
cause of us. But while you are in prison, think about some honest
schemes that you will put into practice here later.”
And the hard-hearted cheat is deeply moved. Before his de
parture the hero comes up to the handcuffed man and shakes his
hand in view of everybody. A commotion. And the swindler
quickly bends down and kisses the hero’s hand.
In prison on the other side his conduct is excellent, so that he
is given time off for good behavior. Then he goes back and be
comes an efficient, honest, ingenious businessman.
July 12
For the novel.
Pastimes for the workers after working hours. They make mu
sic (Workers’ Orchestras).
But the main thing: Jewish National Passion Plays from an
cient times (Maccabees) and the Middle Ages. Fear, pity, pride,
and adult education in the form of diversion.
Popularization of the amateur theatricals of high society.
This will furnish nice chapters for the novel, comic episodes
of the innocent little cabotinage [strolling players] in every lo
cality.
Circenses [entertainment] for their own sake.
Teacher-directors will have seen models in the capital.
July 13
Forms of consistency:
(At the rendezvous)
—I have changed my mind and have come.
—But you were going to come.
—Yes, that was my first change of mind.
# * #
Letter to Giidemann:
July *5
Dear Doctor Giidemann,
My last letter seems to have made you somewhat annoyed at
me, because you did not answer it.
But I hope we shall have an opportunity to have a direct ex
change of ideas about this matter which concerns us so closely,
and at that time I shall give you an adequate explanation of
everything.
The reason I am writing you today is the recent anti-Semitic
riots in Vienna. I am very closely following the movement in
Austria as well as elsewhere. These are but trifles. Things are
going to get worse and more out of control.
Unfortunately, nothing decisive can be done at the moment,
although the plan, which has been carefully devised and is mild,
prudent, and anything but violent, has been completely worked
out. To put it into practice now, that is, with the Jews, would
be to jeopardize it. This plan, you see, is a reserve for worse days;
please believe me, even if I express myself in such vague terms.
You will see and hear about it when we meet in Vienna at the
end of the summer.
For the present, I simply would not want this mood of annoy
ance to take hold of a man whom I respect, and in the midst of
this bleak situation in which the Austrian Jews find themselves
I should like to hold out to you hope for some relief which we
younger, resolute men are preparing for our unfortunate breth
ren. T o be sure, the mean people, the cowards, and those whom
their money has made arrogant would be enough to sour one on
the noble undertaking; but we must think of the poor and decent
Jews. They are in the majority. We are not a chosen people, but
not a base one either. This is why I am holding on.
Yours very sincerely,
Herzl.
July 15
Schiff has been here. I asked him what he thought of the anti-
Jewish riots outside the Lanner Hall in Vienna.
“The Jews must turn Socialist!” he says obstinately.
In vain I explained to him that this would do even less good
in Austria than in Germany. He believes that Hungary, which
has a liberal policy toward the Jews, is going to prevent an anti-
Jewish reaction in Austria. How wrong he is! In Hungary the
Jews are committing the greatest error by buying up the landed
estates. The “gentry” who are being ousted from the soil will
overnight make themselves the leaders of the people and fall
upon the Jews. The liberal government is being kept in power
quite artificially by Jewish election funds. The conservative Na
tional Party, with Vienna and the army behind it, can overturn
everything from one day to the next.
July 16
Dined at Nordau’s party yesterday.
It’s a lucky thing for me that I’ve had no social life here. I
would have spent myself being scintillating at dinner parties.
For a moment the conversation turned to Baron Hirsch.
Nordau said: “With his money I would make myself emperor of
South America.”
How strange! And that time Schiff had said that I should sub
mit my “crazy” plan to Nordau.
July 16
Novel.
Hero is of the blond type, blue eyes, a piercing look.
His beloved is a Spanish Jewess, slender, dark-haired, high
bred. She first sees him as the captain of the ship sailing to occupy
the land. He dreams of her in his tent.
July 21
Had a good letter from Giidemann today. I am immediately
writing him as follows:
My Dear Friend:
Permit me to address you thus after receiving your letter,
which is a joy to me.
I see now that my eyes did not deceive me when I saw in you
one of the right people that I need. Now I will give you a little
more information about why I recalled my letter. T hat was done
in a terrible fit of demoralization caused by a local friend, the
first and only person in whom I have confided my plan so far.
When I showed him the letter which I had sent you the day
before, he said to me: “Giidemann will think you crazy; he will
go to your father right away, and your parents will be unhappy.
By doing this you are making yourself either ridiculous or
tragic . . .” Only when you know everything that I have in mind
—and you will learn it, for I now feel your Jewish, manly heart
beating next to mine—will you understand what a severe crisis
I went through, after the tremendous birthpangs with which the
plan had been born, when my loyal and devoted friend said this
to me. I am ready and able to stake my life on the Jewish cause,
but I must confine the sacrifice to my person. T hat would not
be the case if people considered me “meshugge [crazy].” It
would spoil my parents’ last years and ruin my children’s future.
Naturally, I did not consider myself crazy just because my
friend, who is a good man but lives in confining circumstances
and is not an outstanding intellect, did not understand me. But
I had to tell myself: He represents the average educated Jew.
He knows me, has confidence in me, respects and loves me: if he
feels that way, what must the others sayl He showed me how thick
the wall is against which I want to beat my head . . . Therefore
it can’t be done the way I was going to do it. And so I recalled
that letter.
But I did not abandon the matter. I thought about other ways
of putting the plan into practice.
There are two of them. The first is a memorandum to the
Kaiser. An acquaintance of mine offers me a possibility of having
this memorandum transmitted to him.
But this acquaintance would not be able to do this before the
middle of August. At the end of this month I am going to Aussee
where I shall spend my vacation. Perhaps a better way to reach
the Kaiser will present itself to me there. I once had some cor
respondence on a problem of social legislation with the presi
dent of the Austrian Chamber of Deputies, Baron Chlumecky.
He is in Aussee. If I can explain my plan to him, maybe he will
introduce me to Imperial Chancellor Hohenlohe, who can then
take me to the Kaiser.
If I don’t get to him, there remains to me the last form of
implementation: the fictional kind.
I shall tell the Jews didactic fairy-tales which they will under
stand gradually, in five, ten, or twenty years. I shall put seeds
into the earth. That is lovely, apt, and worthy of a poet. Only
I fear that by the time the seeds sprout, everyone will have
starved.
Yes indeed, it would pain me to have to do this, for my plan
is no fantasy.
Now I have your letter. Only when you know everything will
you realize how you have guessed my innermost thoughts and
I have guessed yours. And, no! We are not isolated cases. All
Jews think as we dol I have faith in the Jews, I, who used to be
lukewarm and am not a religious man even now! Les coups que
nous recevons nous font une conviction [the blows we receive
give us conviction].
Enough of talking. If you had written me in this vein sooner,
we would be one month ahead.
What you write me about Dr. Heinrich Meyer-Cohn makes
me long to meet this man immediately. Immediately! It may
be in the highest interest of our cause that I get together with
you and Meyer-Cohn before I go to the reshoim. Could you find
out by telegram where he is now, and could the three of us meet
somewhere at the end of this week? After your letter and the por
trayal you have given me of M.-C., I want very badly to speak
with both of you. I suggest some place in Switzerland, such as
Zurich. In Austria you and I are too well known. We would run
into acquaintances everywhere. At the moment I do not want
that.
Zurich is a well-situated central point. After your letter I no
longer doubt that you will make the small sacrifice of money and
time that this trip will entail. You can tell the head of your
congregation—that is, if you must give any reasons for a short
absence—that you have to meet Meyer-Cohn in Zurich to give
him some important information.
You have already shocked me once—when you did not want
to come to Caux right away the time I summoned you in the
service of the Jewish cause (!) To be sure, you must have been
surprised at first when the author of comedies and writer of
feuilletons wanted to speak about serious matters. Do you be
lieve me now? Do you already sense from my every word that
I have important, decisive things to say?
I don't need the rich Jews—but I need men! Donnerwetter
[damn it], they are hard to find! And that was my crisis which my
good friend had brought about. For a moment I despaired of the
possibility of finding any men among the Jews. T he crisis is over
now; I had already overcome it before your letter arrived, be
cause every day I pay close attention to the sufferings of our
brethren in all countries. I think that such oppression must make
men out of even the most degenerate riff-raff. What has been lack
ing hitherto is a plan. Such a plan has been found!
I am saying this in all humility—believe me. Anyone who
thinks of himself in such a matter does not deserve to be engaged
in it.
Get Meyer-Cohn to Zurich and go there yourself! I shall leave
here on Thursday or Saturday evening and be there the fol
lowing morning. I authorize you to send this letter to Meyer-
Cohn if he hesitates. But if he hesitates, he won’t be the person
that you have described.
I am taking on the case of Bloch, and you can tell him so.
But no one except you and Meyer-Cohn should see this letter.
To get the money for Bloch will be an easy matter. I am
acquainted with Hirsch, and if I drop him a line, I am con
vinced that he will immediately give what is needed. At the
moment, to be sure, relations between Hirsch and me are a bit
strained, because in my last letter I used some more explicit
language than this man, who is accustomed to beggars, parasites,
and aristocratic sponges, can stand. Yet there is no doubt but
that he will give the required money without thinking twice
about it if I ask it for Bloch, because he is already aware that I
should not be capable of asking anything for myself. But even
without Hirsch, Bloch will be taken care of—you can depend
on that. Of course, I only know Bloch’s unpleasant side, the evi
dences of his lack of taste, but the fact that you consider him
necessary is enough for me.
Awaiting your acceptance by telegram, I remain, with cordial
regards,
Yours sincerely,
T h. Herzl.
July 21
Telegram to Giidemann:
Thanks for kind letter. Wire immediately requesting Meyer-
Cohn’s whereabouts. We three must definitely meet end of this
week, perhaps in Zurich. Please get ready for departure. Details
by letter. Regards,
Theodor.
July 22
In the Austrian Beer Hall, Herrschkowitz (Hercovici) came
to my table.
I had him describe the situation of the Rumanian Jews to me.
Horrible. There are 400,000 in the country; most of the families
have been living there for centuries and still have no civil rights.
Each person must first apply to the Chamber of Deputies for
these rights after he has completed his military service, and his
application may be rejected by secret vote.
Since 1867 there have been only two major pogroms. H. was
a witness to the one in Galatz. Hundreds of Jews were driven
into the Danube by soldiers under the pretext that they were to
board Austrian ships. They were not let on board, and so they
were drowned. The exact number is not even known.
From time to time the peasants do some looting.
The situation is also bad for the Jews where making a living
is concerned. Three per cent of them are artisans, the rest are
storekeepers, and the educated men are almost invariably physi
cians.
The merchants suffer from lack of business. Old firms are col
lapsing. T he bankruptcy lists are full of Jewish names, and,
what’s more, all Jewish bankruptcies are believed to be fraudu
lent and the ruined people are locked up. When they get out of
jail, they are broken men and go begging.
Many of them emigrate, to Argentina, etc.! But frequently
they come back.
(Parbleu [Aha]! They haven’t got my homeland there yet.)
The Jews in Rumania are a sturdy lot, says H. Fine, fine.
July 22
Pangloss: “the best of all possible worldsl” *
“Let us work without arguing,” says Martin, “that's the only
way of making life bearable.” *
(Voltaire, Candide, end of Chapter XXX)
“Very well,” says Candide, “but, most of all, let us cultivate our
garden.” *
(Ibid.)
July 22
Note on national psychology.
In the Taverne Royale there are several managers who are
actually super-waiters. A clever arrangement! When one of these
super-waiters, who does not wear a waiter’s jacket, hands a plate
to a guest, the latter feels flattered, honored. I have noticed this
in my own case. In the same way, our emigrants, too, shall be
given “courteous service.” Jews are starved for Koved [honor],
being a despised people; and by catering to it, one can lead them.
July 23
Prophylactic quinine!
Official distribution and administration while standing in line.
The quinine must be taken daily in the presence of the health
inspectors.
Greatest sanitary precautions in transit and on the other side.
Move very rapidly through fever regions. In such areas, have
necessary work on railways, roads, and, later, swamp drainage
(Maremma) done by natives who are used to the climate. Other
wise deaths will be puffed up and demoralize the people who, as
it is, will be afraid of the floorless water and the unknown. Old
prisoners don’t like to leave prison. They have to be coaxed and
all obstacles inside and outside them have to be cleared away.
# These three sentences are quoted in French by Herzl.
July 23
Blockheads must not be given any explanations!
My grandfather, Haschel Diamant, was a wise man. He used
to say: Never give a kush [kiss] to a miesse maad [homely girl].
Such a warning may seem superfluous, for this would promise
no pleasure. But the meaning is this: don’t kiss a homely woman
out of pity, or because you expect her to be faithful, for she will
become presumptuous and then there will be no getting rid of
her.
July 23
I have thought of preventing peddling through legal restric
tions and police heckling (no voting rights, etc.). Only in the
European states would this be something cruel, a pushing into
the water like the Galatz pogrom. We, however, will not push
a peddler into the water that way, but onto firm ground!
How is this to be attained? Through favoring the big stores
(à la Louvre, Bon-Marché).
Principle: always destroy harmful elements by favoring their
competitors!
The favoring of the Louvre stores will not be unconditional,
of course. At the outset the entrepreneur will have to guarantee
profit-sharing and old-age benefits as well as education for his
employees’ children (to the extent that the State has not made
provisions for this).
Mass industry as well as mass trade must be handled along
patriarchal lines.
T he entrepreneur will be the patriarch.
T o be considered whether such a stipulation should be
specifically embodied in a law; or whether an indirect policy
should be pursued in this, too, through honoring the patriarch
in various ways.
Laws are easier to circumvent than customs.
Possibly a combination of both: a legal minimum of public
welfare (on account of profiteers and those devoid of a sense of
honor) and an indirect policy, pour encourager les efforts [to en
courage efforts].
July 23
To the bickerers, hatemongers, and grumblers:
In the next twenty years we shall have no time to fight among
ourselves. That will come at a later date. For the present, let
anyone who feels like fighting and has enough courage do battle
against our enemies.
Wranglers should be declared public enemies. We shall deliver
them up to the hatred of our people.
July 23
The capital city, our treasure-trove, will be in a location pro
tected by mountains (fortresses on the tops), on a beautiful river,
with forests nearby.
Take care that the site is protected from the wind, but not a
sun bowl, guarded by mountains, but not too small.
Prevent the hypertrophic development of the capital through
a belt of forests which must not be cut down. In addition, de
centralization of educational institutions, etc.
July 23
In the process of transplantation, have careful consideration
for all local customs.
Salzstangel* coffee, beer, customary meat, etc., are not indif
ferent matters.
Moses forgot to take along the flesh pots of Egypt. We shall
remember them.
# Translator's note: A sort of breadstick, strongly flavored with salt and caraway
seed.
July 23
The transplantation of the big department stores will immedi
ately supply us with all necessary and not-so-necessary goods,
which will make the cities habitable in a very short time.
July 23
Full autonomy for the communities in all parish-pump politics.
Let the gabbers play parliament to their heart’s content.
But only one Chamber of Deputies which cannot overthrow
the government but only deny it particular resources. This will
suffice for a public control.
One-third of this Chamber will be named by the ruler upon
the recommendation of the government (a life-time appoint
ment, for only nobility and property will be hereditary).
Another third will be elected by the learned academies, the
universities, schools of art and technology, chambers of commerce,
and trade associations.
The final third will be elected by the community councils
(an election commission to examine authorizations), or perhaps
by the provinces after a scrutiny of voting lists.
T he ruler will name the government. It remains to be con
sidered, however, how the ruler’s arbitrariness may be kept in
check. For, since the Chamber is not supposed to overthrow the
government, a ruler could surround himself with straw men.
Perhaps this three-fold composition of the Chamber will suffice
to prevent the abuses of the Palais Bourbon, and the Chamber
could be given the right to overthrow the government.
T o be considered carefully and discussed with state jurists.
July 23
Will the Jews subject themselves to the predetermined Con
stitution?
Quite simple: whoever wants to be naturalized must take an
oath to support this Constitution and submit to the laws. There
will be no compulsion to become naturalized.
July 24
A peculiar letter came from Giidemann: he says he cannot
travel, on account of a “stomach upset.”
Is it possible that I again misunderstood his “good” letter?
Could his fighting spirit, the kind that satisfied me, have been
due to an indigestible Pfefferkugel? *
By the way, he has wired me that I shall receive a letter from
him tomorrow. I will wait for that.
July 24
Beer was here.
Had a long discussion with him about “Beerite.” It makes
possible quick construction, replaces the plaster between bricks,
and can even be used for cementing glass bricks, such as are now
used in America. Such houses—iron construction, glass bricks—
ought to be finished and habitable in two months. “Beerite”
dries in two days, yet the houses look impressive faced with this
material. “Beerite” will also be used for the statues of public
gardens, and soon.
The genuine, monumental things will come later.
Beer also has ideas on the paving of streets.
July 24
I should like to have wood-block paving in the cities. We shall
lay out our streets differently from the way the old cities do it.
We shall make them hollow to begin with and put the necessary
pipes, wires, etc. into the cavity. T hat way we shall save our
selves the trouble of tearing them up later.
July 24
Beer will come along on the expedition to take the land. On
the boat we shall dress for dinner, just as we want to have ele
gance on the other side as soon as possible.
# A spicy baked dish.
The purpose of this: the Jews shall not get the impression that
they are moving out into the desert.
No, this migration will take place in the mainstream of cul
ture. We shall remain part of civilization while we are migrating.
After all, we don’t want a Boer state, but a Venice.
July 24
In the Constitution, which is to have only the small elasticity
of a rubber hose the thickness of an arm, care must be taken that
the aristocracy does not degenerate into tyranny and presumption.
The hereditary nobility is not our kind of aristocracy. Among us
any great person can become an aristocrat. (Money is a good
criterion if it has been established that it was acquired honestly.)
Another thing that is to be prevented is a policy of future con
quest. New Judea shall reign only by the spirit.
July 25, in the evening

Received another lukewarm letter from Güdemann. I am
answering him as follows:
My Dear Friend,
We shall stick to this form of address, if you don’t mind. Its
advantage, apart from the pleasure and the honor, is that I can
tell you my opinion more clearly with all due respect. I shall
not dwell on the contradiction between your letters of the 17th
and the 23rd of this month. In one letter you are "bold as Wil
liam Tell." T he next time you are exaggeratedly timid. T hat will
not do.
You don’t want to “flirt" with me, do you, like a woman who
charms and then withdraws?
Where the Jewish cause is concerned I am not to be trifled
with.
T o be sure, you cannot know what I have in mind.
Why do I not tell you, then? After all, if my idea is a sensible
one, that is, simple and comprehensible, I ought to be able to
express it in a few sentences. I can, too, dear doctor; I simply don't
want to. Because it is not just a matter of the idea itself, i.e.,
the logical end result which is and must be a universal idea if
it is not to be regarded as the isolated thought of a madman or
that of a genius, an idea centuries ahead of its time. I am prob
ably not a madman and, alas, certainly not a genius. I am a man
of my time who has both feet firmly on the ground; that is why
I asked you—if you still recall—to bring a businessman with you
to Caux. So it is not simply a question of the conclusion, but of
the whole long chain of reasoning. It has taken me many weeks of
extremely hard work to get this ethno-psychological, economic,
juridical, and historical documentation down on paper. This I
cannot crowd into a letter without mutilating it. After all, I want
to make myself understood and not the reverse.
My local friend did not understand me. Was it my fault? Who
knows? When I asked him, after he had given me his criticism,
“Then what is your idea of a remedy?” he replied: “The Jews
have to join the Socialist movement!” In my opinion, that would
be as nonsensical as Socialism itself. He also thought that the
anti-Semites would have to be killed, something that I should
consider as unjust as it would be impracticable.
Do you still believe blindly that my friend is right in his at
titude toward me?
He still remains my friend, just as you will remain my friend,
I hope, even if if you don’t understand me—just as all decent
Jews are my friends.
But I will have nothing to do with the milksops, the shits,
and the s.o.b.’s with or without money.
Please be assured that I greatly appreciate your truly friendly
concern about my career. I can set your mind at ease. My career
and my ability to provide for my family are not in danger. I
think you are not judging my relationship to the Neue Freie
Presse correctly. I can leave it whenever I please without doing
myself harm. It is true that if I then looked for a position nearly
as good on another paper, I would be in a bad way. But if I
quit my job, I would become the head man on a newspaper,
namely my own. That is the situation.
Incidentally, I have nothing of the sort in mind. I am just
as amicably devoted to my publishers as they are to me, I hope.
I have a deep affection especially for Bâcher, although I have
had few dealings with him. He is a real man I
T o show you how little my plan will put me in opposition to
the N.Fr.Pr.—its fairy-tale version, which I mentioned to you
in my last letter, is to appear in the N.Fr.Pr. if the plan cannot be
put into operation.
Does this set your mind at rest?
But it is no fairy-tale as yet, and neither you nor Meyer-Cohn
can make it one. Nevertheless, I shall gladly confer with you,
listen to your objections, and then see what I have to do.
You will evaluate my thoughts and I shall evaluate yours—
that is the purpose of our meeting. It can take place wherever
you wish—excepting Vienna and vicinity. This I specifically
don’t want.
Linz would be all right with me. But never have three strangers
arrived there at the same time. In that capital of anti-Semitism
we would attract too much attention. Wouldn’t you rather
designate the tourist center Salzburg as the place for our get-
together? T he difference in time and money is really trifling.
Also, this would favor Meyer-Cohn a bit.
T hat is why I first thought of Zurich.
T o be sure, I had another reason for wanting to meet with
you two as early as the day after tomorrow. You see, the Jews of
Berlin are at present doing something that doesn’t please me.
I had hoped to convince you and then have Meyer-Cohn take
some immediate action. It is certainly tormenting not to be able
to do anything about an error which one recognizes as such. But
one error, one piece of stupidity, one act of negligence more
or less, will not matter in the history of our people’s sufferings.
You will have to be the one to extend the invitation to Meyer-
Cohn to come to either Linz or Salzburg. I cannot do it. I am
not acquainted with him and he may never have heard my name.
You are definitely qualified to do it, and I am counting on you
to act without delay. Have Bloch give you his address, under
whatever pretext. Bloch must not know about our meeting any
more than anyone else. This conference must take place in an
atmosphere of quiet.
I shall leave here on Saturday evening, and on Monday I
shall be at Villa Fuchs, Aussee, Styria.
Don’t hesitate, dear doctor. At the very least, you must be
curious by now about what I may have to say.
Write to Meyer-Cohn immediately. When I say that I am not
acquainted with him, what I mean is that I know nothing about
him, don’t know what he looks like, etc. Do not consider that
odd; knowing a man provides guidance for a correct epistolary
style. A letter is the summoning up of a certain will, and for this
I need an approximate idea of what the possessor of this will is
like, otherwise I grope in the dark and write a confused letter,
i.e., one that is not suited to summoning up his will.
When I was preparing my memorandum to the German
Kaiser, I very attentively studied various photographs of him,
read his speeches critically, thoroughly examined his actions.
Have no fear: when I address the memorandum to him, from the
first moment I shall so grip him that he will not throw it into the
wastepaper basket.
For I am not a babbler and I despise drivellers. Literature,
to me, is only a form, a hieroglyphics with large characters, which
serves me as these small and ordinary letters flowing from my
pen serve me—to express my ideas. When I learned the big
writing, the literary kind, I did not know of what use it would
be to me, just as I did not know it when I learned how to write
as a child. I know it now.
Leave it to ignoramuses and blockheads, then, to distrust
a writer. There is no madness in creative writing itself. The im
portant thing is the idea which the big writing puts on paper;
if it is sound and clear, the only ridiculous elements will be the
doubters. And a man’s doubting can even make him a tragic
figure, because in delaying or frustrating the relief of his brethren
he will also delay or frustrate his own.
To stand by idly and watch when a house is on fire is certainly
more insane than to rush up with a modem fire engine. And
that is what I want to do.
So immediately write Meyer-Cohn a beautiful letter like the
one of the 17th, not of the 23rd. I hope that your indisposition
has cleared up nicely by now. Should it be difficult for you at
present to write Meyer-Cohn a letter setting forth the necessity
for a trip to Salzburg (rather than Linz, as I have said), then send
him my letters. Now as before, no one except Meyer-Cohn may
read these letters, and he may read them only because I want to
tell him everything, just as I have told you.
You ask whether I have childbed fever again. What faulty med
ical terminology! This fever one only has once, right after giving
birth. I had it because I was so terribly overworked, writing down
details for weeks from early morning until late at night in addi
tion to my daily work, and then, in a state of exhaustion, putting
all these details into an orderly sequence with iron-clad logical
conclusions.
Then came the friend who absolutely failed to understand me.
Now all that is finished. T he bleeding has been stopped. The
uterus has resumed its normal position and its ordinary size. So
there is no danger.
And do you know how I got over the attack of doubt? Again,
by working; once again I worked hard all day, for the newspaper,
as well as doing work of my own.
Farewell 1 In Aussee I shall soon be expecting an invitation to
Salzburg (if worst comes to worst, to Linz) for the fifth, the sixth,
or the seventh of August. Fabius delayed in the face of his ene
mies, but one doesn’t play Cunctator toward one’s friends.
With cordial regards,
Yours sincerely,
Th. Herzl.
July 26, in the afternoon

Just rode past Hirsch in the street. I am writing him, even
though reluctantly. But it may be useful.
218 TH E COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZL
Dear Sir:
We just rode past each other in the street. From this I draw
the brilliant conclusion that you are in town. I myself am leaving
for Austria tomorrow evening. It may be some time before we
shall be in the same place again. Would you like to become
acquainted with my perfected plan? It goes without saying: with
out interrupting me again.
On the 6th of August I shall meet in Salzburg with two stal
wart Jews, a Viennese and a Berliner. I want to submit to them
my memorandum to the roshe before I send it off. I shall consult
with these older people to see whether some things that could
be harmful to the Jews should not be deleted.
If you want to be in on this, write me a line and I shall drop
in on you for an hour or so before I leave.
If you don’t, don’t.
Respectfully yours,
Herzl.
July 27
Hirsch did not reply.
I am writing him the following farewell letter which I may
mail in Basel tomorrow:
Dear Sir:
It is part of the Jewish misfortune that you refused to be
enlightened.
I saw in you a useful tool for the important cause, voilà pour
quoi fa i insisté outre mes habitudes [this is why I insisted be
yond my wont].
The legend in circulation about you is obviously false. You
engage in the Jewish cause as a sport. Just as you make horses
race, you make Jews migrate. And this is what I protest against
most sharply. A Jew is not a plaything.
No, no, you are not interested in the cause. Elle est bien bonne,
et j’y ai cru un instant [It is very nice and 1 believed it for a
minute].
For that reason it was an excellent thing that I wrote you
once more from Paris and that you did not honor me with a reply.
Now any error is out of the question. Some jackass must have
told you that I am only a pleasant dreamer, and you believed
it. When men talk about serious business they do not use any
polite phrases. Let this serve as an explanation if I have shocked
you by the violent way I have expressed myself.
And so I beg to remain
Very respectfully yours,
Dr. Herzl.
July 27
And today I am leaving Paris!
One book of my life is ending.
A new one is beginning.
Of what kind?
July 29
On the way I changed my mind and did not mail the letter
to Hirsch. Perhaps the man can still be included in the combina
tion at some later date. I must subordinate my indignation and
my self-love to the cause. Besides, they forwarded me a letter
from him in which he makes excuses on account of his own de
parture. He says he would like to continue the discussion about
it in late autumn. In late autumn! Finished!
July 29
Zell am See.
The curse must be taken off money.
July 29
Get the soil tilled by renting a farm for half the produce and
giving the equipment on credit; after a short period (possibly
three years) this rental will become ownership. The debt for
the machinery will be liquidated. Later, we shall have a tax on
the land. Election of the ruler (for life).
Immediately after the ruler dies (or is rendered incapable
by insanity or incompetence), within twenty-four hours each
community will choose an elector. These electors must meet at
the place of election within the time it takes to reach the capital
from the remotest point in the country. T he election is to take
place in a sort of Versailles, so as to make it independent of
public pressure.
The meetings of the legislature will be presided over by the
President of the Chamber who will direct all preparations (mili
tary, etc.).
The electors will not be deputies, but their votes will count
the same as the deputies’ in the election of the ruler. Continue
balloting around the clock, narrowing it down until one man
has a two-thirds majority.
During the interregnum the Prime Minister will be responsible
to the President of the Chamber.
Soldiers will be eligible for election only after they have been
inactive for at least one year.
July 29
Zell am See.
In a bath-house. T he walls full of anti-Semitic inscriptions.
Many answered or crossed out by upset Jewish boys.
One reads as follows:
O Gott, schick dock den Moses wieder,
A uf doss er seine Stammesbrüder
Wegfiihre ins gelobte Land.
1st dann die game Judensippe
Erst drinnen in des Meeres M itte,
Dann, Herr, o mach die Klappe zu
Und allé Christen haben Ruh.
[O God, won’t you send Moses again to lead the members of his
tribe away into the Promised Land. Then, when the whole Jewish
clan is right in the middle of the sea, O close the lid, Lord, and
all Christians will have peace.]
August 2
Aussee.
In the last few days a frequent exchange of telegrams with
Giidemann.
Meyer-Cohn has been in Vienna. Our rendezvous was sup
posed to take place at Salzburg within the next few days. Giide
mann shows a lot of zeal and willingness. I think I have the right
helper in him.
Unfortunately he has not been able to get Meyer-Cohn for
our meeting, because he has to go to Posen “on account of a
distribution of shares.”
I hope that is not the Argentinian onel
I am answering Giidemann as follows:
Dear Friend,
I wouldn’t have a sound conception of the stress and strain
of real life if I expected that everything will and could go the
way I want it to right away.
The only thing that can discourage me is the stupidity, cow
ardice, and meanness of my fellow Jews. And I want to help even
the intellectually and morally deficient ones.
But now, unless my eyes deceive me, I have already found a
stalwart ally, although you don’t even know what I want. Just
have confidence in me, my dear, honored friend! You will see
soon enough to what a noble and exalted cause I am summoning
you.
When I received your wire yesterday, saying that Meyer-Cohn
is not coming and therefore you do not want to come either, I
was, to be sure, a bit vexed, although not too much so. My an
noyance was directed at the regrettable fact that a helper on
whom I had already counted was dropping out.
Then I went out. On the street I overheard people talking
about a small, everyday incident: there had just been a scene
on the Promenade in which someone had yelled “Dirty Jew.”
Such a scene apparently occurs in a thousand places in the world
every day. You know this as well as I do.
And you can imagine with what scornful bitterness I note
this sort of thing, because my closely guarded idea contains the
remedy. Nevertheless, this idea will not be got out of me until
the right moment which I am awaiting with all necessary coolness
and firmness.
However, your letter which arrived today again holds out to
me the prospect that we need not give up Meyer-Cohn. Now I
make you a new proposal which I ask you to pass on to M.-C.
I owe it to my self-respect not to write him before he has written
me. For, after all, my last letters to you were indirectly addressed
to him too.
You as well as M.-C. are completely on the wrong track if you
think that I want to direct a request for protection to the German
Kaiser. All misconceptions of this kind are due to the fact that
you would like to guess the things that I am minded to tell only
orally and with a comprehensive explanation.
Patience! Be patient, but do not tarry, honored friend.
Since M.-C. is ready to counsel with us, but faces obstacles,
we must meet him half-way. My suggestion is that we make an
other rendezvous with him. It could be in Zurich, but need not
be. In Munich, Frankfort, as far as I am concerned, any place and
any time—but certainly within the next two weeks. You already
know what I intend to initiate here in Aussee if I cannot get any
Jewish helpers. It will not be my fault if people let me proceed by
myself and make mistakes which could have been prevented by
consultation. The totality of my plan is right—that is my pro
found conviction.
I long ago gave up thinking of Salo.
Please send me M.-C.'s article in the Wochenschrift. It will
be useful for me to try to recognize the make-up of his mind
from it.
Expecting to hear from you soon and with cordial regards,
Yours sincerely,
T h .H .
August 4
Spoke with a Viennese lawyer.
He said: “If you don't attend any election rallies you don’t
notice anything.”
The people are especially enraged against the Liberals, he said.
They cheer Lueger and Friebeis (the latter is the district council
lor who is now replacing the suspended municipal councillor).
I explained to the attorney that if this temporary suspension
of the Constitution can be repeated once or twice more without
a fight, it will lead to the complete scrapping of the Constitution,
with a subsequent change, or, rather, the formation of a new
Constitution from which the Jews will be left out.
Then I talked to two physicians from Pest who found it
wonderful the way Hungary treated its Jews.
I explained to them the enormous mistake which the Jews of
Hungary make by acquiring real estate. They already own more
than half the immovable property. In the long run the people
cannot possibly put up with such a conquest by the makk-hetes
zsidô [low class Jew]. Only through a terrorizing force of arms
can an identifiable minority, which is alien to the people and not
famous historically like the old aristocracy, retain possession of
all privileges.
It is common knowledge that only recently the Jews have been
the opposite of an honored aristocracy.
T he liberal government, which is apparently based on election
promises and coalitions, can be swept away by a coup de main,
and then overnight Hungary will have anti-Semitism in its most
virulent form.
August 4
Kohn the cabinet-maker in Aussee!
Last year I was glad when I saw the Jewish wood-carver in the
house across the street. I regarded that as the “solution.”
This year I have returned. Kohn has enlarged his house, added
a wooden veranda, has summer tenants, no longer works him
self. In five years he will be the richest man in town and hated
for his wealth.
This is how hatred is produced by our intelligence.
August 5
Received a letter lightly tinged with irony from Giidemann.
I am answering him:
Dear Friend:
You are, of course, free to regard me as an operetta general.
To me your remark proves only that I was right in the first place
to consider correspondence as inappropriate. Today, by the way, I
am following your advice and writing M.-C. directly, asking him
whether he is willing to meet with me in Munich or somewhere
else. When the two of us have arranged a get-together, I shall ask
you by wire whether you want to participate in it. If you then
exclude yourself, I shall regret it, and possibly so will you, later.
M.-C.’s article is a good one. But what use is all the philosophiz
ing? In this matter the watchword is— prim um vivere [first live]!
deinde [then], if it is absolutely necessary, philosophari [philoso
phize] is all right with me too.
With kindest regards,
Yours sincerely,
T h . H.
Letter to Doctor Heinrich Meyer-Cohn of August 5:

Dear Sir:
Dr. Giidemann has written me about you and told you about
me. I believe you are also acquainted with the letters that I
have written him. Therefore I can be brief. W ould you like to
meet with me somewhere within the next two weeks? I leave it
to you to determine the place. It would mean a great deal to me
to have Dr. Giidemann participate in our discussion. As I can
tell from his letters, it is hard to get him to take a long trip. But
he could perhaps be induced to go to Munich. For the present I
must ask you to believe that I have really serious things to say.
From your willingness to make the sacrifice of a small trip for
the Jewish cause I shall recognize that you are the right man in
whom to confide my thoughts and plans avant la lettre [before
writing them down].
What my intentions are I shall tell you only in person, or not
at all. Idle chatter in letters is no more in my line than the
spoken kind. It would be useless to ask me to give you a hint in
advance. I shall only clear up your mistaken notion which Glide-
mann pointed out to me: I am not considering a request for pro
tection. I am seeking and finding the solution within ourselves.
For this I need suitable Jews. If you are one, fine! If you aren't,
you aren’t!
I have had your article in the Wochenschrift sent to me. May
I, now that I am addressing you directly, be permitted a judge
ment? Your article is excellent and sensible—but philosophizing
won’t lure a pig out of the clover. Fix the time and place, then;
take into consideration the fact that we need Giidemann. As soon
as I hear from you, I shall communicate with Giidemann by tele
gram and try to get him there.
With respectful greetings,
Yours sincerely,
Dr. Th. H.
August 6
I am just reading Bloch’s Wochenschrift.
He is engaging in a theological tussle with the anti-Semites,
medieval style, like that rabbi with the Capuchin monk.
“. . . that both of them stink!” •
Of course, an out-and-out Jewish paper is needed.
But it would have to be a modem one.
Bloch could be used for Galicia, at any rate. He is acquainted
with the local atmosphere and would know how to talk to the
people.
• Translator'* Note: This is the last line in Heinrich Heine’s poem “ Disputa
tion."
The miscellaneous news column in his paper is ghastly: There
are persecutions like that every week, every day!
August 6
Spoke with old Simon, the president of the Vienna Jewish
Community. My words visibly inspired him. Of course I told
him only the negative things, and that the rich Jews must be
destroyed if they lead lives of avarice, epicureanism, and vanity,
while the poor are being persecuted.
August 7
Received a letter from Meyer-Cohn. T he letter is a good one.
I am wiring him:
Thanks for letter. I wrote you the day before yesterday. Please
do your utmost to arrange a meeting soon, anywhere.
Let us communicate about this by telegram.
Regards,
Herzl.
August to
Yesterday received a letter from Giidemann in which he ex
cuses himself for the ironic tone of his next-to-last letter.
No word from Meyer-Cohn.
I am writing him as follows:
Dear Sir:
I was very pleased with your letter which arrived on August 7.
But unfortunately I did not receive the notification which I asked
you to send me by telegram. Permit me therefore to tell you one
final time what it is all about.
To the extent that I can give information in writing I have
already given it to you directly and through Dr. Giidemann in
directly. I should like to submit my plan to Jews of integrity:
that means that I am ready to listen to sensible advice concerning
the expansion or limitation of my plans. I shall probably not find
two men like you and Giidemann so easily. I cannot spend much
time looking, either. Certain qualities of character and intellect
must be there, and these I may presuppose in you two. But it is
not enough that you wish to meet with me; it must be soon, too.
It is true, nothing in the Jewish cause, which has been dragged
out for so many centuries, would seem to justify my haste, and
that might even give you pause. But I have practical reasons for
hurrying. Didn’t Dr. Giidemann tell you that here in Aussee I
want to try to become acquainted with Imperial Chancellor
Hohenlohe through Chlumecky, the President of the Austrian
Chamber of Deputies, and thus gain access to the Kaiser? And
should I find this impossible, I will immediately start on the lit
erary elaboration of my plan.
Upon Giidemann’s provisional advice I first wanted, and still
want, to confide in you two in all modesty. After all, you have
as much at stake in the matter as I, and you are my natural friends
and advisors. You must also consider that I would not dare idly
to put you to the trouble of a trip. This means that I have serious
and important things to say. Do not let me go on alone. I should
do so reluctantly, but I should do it finally. Consider that I shall
need some time to get the matter rolling with and through
Chlumecky, and that I must put the remaining twenty days of
my stay in Aussee to the best possible use.
Oblige me by telegraphing me your reply soon. Pick a time
and a place for our meeting, with regard for Dr. Giidemann who
is not so mobile. It would be downright painful to me if I were
disappointed in my expectation of being able to go hand in hand
with you.
With respectful greetings,
Dr. Th. H.
August 10
Talked with Dr. F. of Berlin. He is for baptism. He wants to
make the sacrifice for the sake of his son. Tsk, tsk. I explained to
him that there are other low-down ways in which one can make
it easier for one’s son to get ahead.
He will apparently be baptized as soon as his rich father-in-law
is dead. The only thing he forgets is that if five thousand like him
become baptized, the watchword will simply be changed to “Dirty
Converts” I
August 13
In the Kurpark I talked again with old Simon and two other
elderly Jews. I outlined all my premises for them, seemingly with
out premeditation, but naturally not my conclusion. Again I was
able to notice that I have the power to stir people. These are
only old men, slow-moving and made apathetic by their wealth.
And yet I can feel their souls emitting sparks when I strike on
them.
The young men, to whom I want to give a whole future, I
shall of course carry by storm.
In the afternoon Meyer-Cohn’s letter arrived.
He wants to be in Munich on the 17th of this month. I am
wiring Giidemann. The difficulty: the 17th is a Saturday. The
Rabbi will not be able to come, or can plead official duties if he
does not feel like it. However, if he says no, I shall summon him
with the greatest urgency—or drop him for good.
August 14
My good Mom likes to tell how Albert Spitzer passed away.
One day his housekeeper asked him after dinner, “What shall we
cook for tomorrow?”
He replied vigorously, “Rum p steak!”
That was his last word. He fell over and died.
In her sovereign way, my Mom derives from this the meaning
of a life that ends with a cry of “Rum p steak!”
I shall make use of this anecdote in Munich.
August 14
I see only one difficulty in it all: how to get the landlubbers
out to sea.
Program for Munich: First I shall tell them the history of my
plan, then call on them to differentiate any details which do not
appeal to them from the scheme as a whole. I shall advise them in
advance of my conclusion and shall explain to them the mistake
I made with Hirsch. In presenting the matter to him I proceeded
from the State—i.e., I only started, and stopped in time, because
I noticed that he was not following me. T o these men I shall pre
sent it as a business transaction—they must not misunderstand
me in the other direction and take me for an “entrepreneur."
Tell them, too, how I want to use a different approach in pre
senting this same plan to the German Kaiser, stressing the
“mounting of the self-[defense?].” •
August 14
Giidemann has wired me his acceptance. He will leave for
Munich on Friday morning. He would like me to arrive there
at the same time as he, i.e., Friday evening. But I don’t want to
do this. Meyer-Cohn isn’t arriving until Saturday and won’t be
available for a discussion before Saturday afternoon. I want to
avoid talking to Giidemann before that, and so I shall not arrive
in Munich until Saturday forenoon. They ought to be together
first, wait for me; and Giidemann especially should no longer be
tired from the trip, but rested and alert.
The hard part of my presentation will be to lead them over
gradually from their accustomed conceptions to mine without
their having the feeling that they are losing touch with reality.
Munich, August 18
Actually, I might as well give up keeping this record of daily
action, for there is no action.
• Translator's Note: T h e phrase is incomplete in the original.
I arrived here yesterday morning. In the hotel lobby I ran
into Giidemann who looked fresh and cheerful with his gray
beard and ruddy cheeks.
We went to see Meyer-Cohn who was washing up. From the
very first moment I knew that he was not the right man. A little
Berlin Jew by his outward appearance, and with a spirit to
match. While he finished his toilet, he spun us a long yarn about
“parliamentary” doings in the Berlin Jewish community. Trivi
alities; but his unassuming manner of presentation makes up
for this.
And just as I found him during that first quarter-hour and de
scribed him to Giidemann the moment we left the room, so
M.-C. proved himself to be throughout the day. He has few
convictions, and he clings to them tenaciously, but expresses
them with disarming modesty. He is a mediocre intellect, does
not think that anyone could understand anything better than he
does; however, he believes everyone else, including myself, to be
as capable as he is.
Afterwards, I went to the synagogue, where I was supposed to
meet Giidemann. The services were over when I arrived. Giide
mann showed me the interior of the beautiful synagogue. The
shames [beadle] or shabbes goy, an elderly man in blue military
tunic, tall and of shrivelling corpulence, bore a great resem
blance to Bismarck. It was a curious touch to have a Bismarck
figure walking behind us with the keys, while the rabbi was
showing me through the temple. The goy [gentile] did not know
that he looked like Bismarck; the rabbi had no idea that he was
doing something symbolic in showing me the beauty of a temple.
I alone was aware of these and other things.
I said nothing that morning concerning the project itself. For
the most part I let Giidemann do the talking; he did not dream
that he would call me “Moses” before the day was over.
We met for luncheon in the Jewish Jochsberger’s Restaurant
where I felt very much at home. The proprietor knew Giide
mann and set us up in a separate room. Later on he discovered,
with Jewish acumen, that we were conferring about the Jewish
cause, and saw to it that we remained undisturbed. This is the
sort of human material we possess in our people. They divine
what one would have to hammer into other people’s heads. They
carry it out with intelligence and devotion.
At table the subject came up quite naturally. Giidemann had
already won his way to my heart during the forenoon. More and
more I found in him a fine, open-minded, splendid human being.
Naturally, our conversation had a theological and philosophical
flavor. I incidentally mentioned my views on the Deity. I want
to bring up my children with a belief in what might be called
the historical God. T o me, “God” is a beautiful, dear old word
which I want to retain. It is a wonderful abbreviation for concep
tions that might be beyond the grasp of a childlike or limited
intellect. By “God” I understand the Will to Goodl T he omni
present, infinite, omnipotent, eternal Will to Good, which does
not immediately prevail everywhere but is always victorious in
the end. For which Evil, too, is but a means. How and why, for
example, does the Will to Good permit epidemics to exist? Be
cause epidemics cause musty old cities to be tom down and new,
bright, healthful cities to come into being, with inhabitants who
draw a freer breath.
Thus, anti-Semitism, too, probably contains the divine Will to
Good, because it forces us to close ranks, unites us through pres
sure, and through our unity will make us free.
My conception of God, is, after all, Spinozistic and also resem
bles the natural philosophy of the Monists. But I think of Spi
noza’s “substance” as something inert, so to speak, and that
incomprehensible universal ether of the Monists seems too in
tangible and too vague to me. But I can conceive of an omni
present will, for I see it at work in the physical world. I see it as
I can see the functioning of a muscle. T he world is the body and
God is the functioning of it. T he ultimate purpose I do not and
need not know; for me it is enough that it is something higher
than our present condition. This I can again express with old
words, and I gladly do so. Eritis sicut dei, scientes bonum et ma
lum [Ye shall be as gods, knowing good and evil].
In the course of our table-talk something unexpected hap
pened: Meyer-Cohn revealed himself as an adherent of the idea
of Zion. This pleased me very much.
After lunch I brought the manuscript of my Address to the
Rothschilds from the hotel and started reading it to them in the
empty dining room at Jochsberger’s. Unfortunately Meyer-Cohn
had made a business appointment for four o’clock so I knew
from the outset that I would not be able to finish. The session
was not to be resumed until evening. In other respects, too, I was
reading under unfavorable conditions.
Meyer-Cohn carped in “parliamentary” fashion at every little
detail that bothered him. As a result, I lost my temper for a mo
ment while rebutting these “interpellations.”
In spite of this, the effect was considerable. I saw it in Glide-
mann’s shining eyes.
I had to break off at page thirteen because of M.-C.’s engage
ment. However, Güdemann, the “anti-Zionist,” was already won
over.
He said: “If you are right, all my views up to now fall to pieces.
“But yet I find myself wishing that you are right. Hitherto I
have believed that we are not a nation, that is, more than a na
tion. I thought that we have the historic mission to be exponents
of universalism among the nations and therefore are more than
a people identified with a specific area.”
I answered: “There is nothing to prevent us from being and
remaining the exponents of one humanity on our own home soil
as well. To achieve this purpose, we need not actually continue
to reside among the nations who hate and despise us. If we wanted
to realize this universalist idea of a humanity without boundaries
under our present circumstances, we would have to combat the
idea of patriotism. However, as far as we can foresee, this idea
will prove stronger than we are.”
At six o’clock we met again, in my little hotel room. Because
there were only two chairs, I sat on my bed and continued my
reading. Meyer-Cohn went on carping at the ideas that he con
sidered Utopian. Güdemann was once more carried away. Even
then I did not get to the end, but by half past eight the gist of
the idea had been unfolded. We were about to leave for supper
when Giidemann said: “You remind me of Moses."
I laughingly rejected the thought, and I was completely sincere
about it. Now as before I consider the whole thing to be a simple
idea, a skillful and rational combination which, to be sure, oper
ates with large masses. Purely as an idea, my plan is not a great
thing. “Two times two is four” is, in abstract thought, as great
as “two times two trillions is four trillions.”
Giidemann further said: “I am quite dazed. I feel like someone
who has been asked to come and hear some news, and when he
arrives, there is placed before him not a piece of information,
but two beautiful big horses.”
This simile pleased me greatly, for it made me realize the plas
tic force of my idea.
Back at Jochsberger’s I read the concluding section. T he re-
installation of a nobility displeased both of them. On the other
hand, they saw poetic beauty in the yellow ribbon as a mark of
Jewish honor. Accordingly, I shall drop the idea of a nobility.
Giidemann also objected to the final apostrophe, and, natu
rally, so did Meyer-Cohn.
We came to the conclusion that the Address must not reach the
Rothschilds, who are mean, despicable egotists. The idea must be
carried straight to the people, and in the form of a novel.
Perhaps, so we thought, the stimulus will take effect and lead
to the creation of a great movement.
Of course, I am of the opinion that I would spoil the plan by
making it public, but I have to comply. I can't carry it out all by
myself. I must believe Giidemann and M.-Cohn when they tell
me that the “big Jews” will have nothing to do with it.
I took Giidemann to the station. At parting he said with sober
enthusiasm: “Remain as you are! Perhaps you are the one called
of God.”
We kissed each other good-bye. There was a strange gleam in
his beautiful eyes when, from the compartment window, he once
more took my hand and gave it a firm squeeze.
August 19, Munich
Novel, Chapter I.
On Christmas Day, 1899, Moritz Friihlingsfeld, the hero, re
ceives a letter from Berlin from Heinrich.
He makes himself comfortable and reads it.
It is the farewell letter written by the suicide.
A profound shock.
Chapter II.
The unwed girl. The ruined stock-trader’s family with the
father who failed to “provide a husband” for his daughter and
tries to make it up to her by a thousand little kindnesses.
This is where Moritz goes to overcome the first shock. He
guesses that the forgotten girl loved Heinrich. She will later die,
well-bred and silent.
Chapter III.
Departure on the trip to forget; on the advice of his friends (or
parents) Moritz must travel in order to “get rid” of the dead
man.
He has taken other trips before, but never one like this. He
used to have eyes for beautiful women, adventures, and scenery.
Now he sees everything with new eyes, through Heinrich’s ghost,
as it were.
We are in no hurry to diel
This is how the idea comes into being!
August 21
Letter to Meyer-Cohn:
Dear Sir:
I deeply regret not having seen you again before your depar
ture. So I am putting in writing the final conclusion from our
meeting, which may not have been in vain. We are obviously
antitheses. But I believe that we can pay each other no higher
tribute than by admitting this frankly and becoming friends in
spite of it. My idea was yours as well. I hope that you will not
give it up just because I have demonstrated my way to realize it.
That would be an odd outcome.
I believe that we must first and foremost be Jews; only later,
“over there,” will it be all right for us to split up into aristocrats
and democrats. In the first twenty years of our movement, such
divisions must be dormant. Later they will probably be useful,
representing the free play of forces. In this there will also appear
the Will to Good, by which, as you know, I mean “God.” T he
presumption of the aristocrats and the despondency of the demo
crats can cancel each other out, though amidst struggles. But,
above all, we must stick together.
I am setting a good example right away by modestly subordi
nating my idea to your counsel and that of our honored friend
Güdemann.
Should you feel impelled to reply to these lines, which may also
be “Utopian,” please don’t do so before the 22nd of the month.
On that date I shall again be at Villa Fuchs, Aussee.
Greetings in friendship from
Yours sincerely,
Dr. Herzl.
Letter to Güdemann:
Dear Friend:
Our great cause, which we discussed in Munich, naturally con
tinues to work in my mind, as it probably does in yours, and
perhaps even in that of our third colleague M.-C. T o many of
the objections I have now found the answers which did not im
mediately occur to me.
Above all, I can now say why it is no Utopia.
M.-C.’s definition of a Utopia was quite wrong. T he hallmark
of a Utopia is not the details of the future presented as actualities.
Every minister of finance uses estimates for the future in working
out his budget, and he uses not only those which he constructs
from the average of previous years or from data derived from
other times and other countries, but also figures for which there
is no precedent, as, for example, when a new tax is introduced.
Only someone who has never seen a budget does not know this.
But will anyone call a draft of a fiscal law Utopian, even if he
knows that it will never be possible to stick to the estimate very
closely?
The only valid thing about M.-C.’s objections would be, at
most, that I gave too much graphic detail. And yet I had omitted
from the version which I read to you countless features contained
in my draft for it. I explained this in the Address itself by saying
repeatedly, “You would otherwise take my plan for a Utopia.”
What, then, differentiates a plan from a Utopia? I shall now
tell you in precise language: the vitality which is inherent in a
plan and not in a Utopia, a vitality which need not be recog
nizable to everyone and yet may be there.
There have been plenty of Utopias before and after Thomas
More, but no rational person ever thought of putting them into
practice. They are entertaining, but not stirring.
On the other hand, look at the plan called “The Unification
of Germany.” Even in St. Paul’s Church it seemed only a dream.
And yet, from the inscrutable depths of the national psyche there
came in response to it an impulse as mysterious and undeniable
as life itself.
And out of what was this unification created? Out of ribbons,
flags, songs, speeches, and, finally, singular struggles. Do
not underestimate Bismarckl He saw that the people and the
princes could not be induced to make even small sacrifices for
the cause all those songs and orations were about. So he exacted
great sacrifices from them, forced them to wage wars. And those
princes, who could never have been assembled in any German
city to elect an emperor, them he led to a small provincial town,
where there was a half-forgotten royal castle. And there they did
his bidding. A nation drowsy in peacetime jubilantly hailed uni
fication in wartime.
There is no need to attempt a rational explanation for this.
It is a fact! So, too, I cannot explain life and its force; I can only
state that it exists.
As I noticed in Munich, you think in images. This fact, in ad
dition to others, only endears you to me further. You used an
expression in Munich which touched and delighted me. You said,
“I feel like someone who has been called to be given some news,
and when he arrives, there is placed before him a pair of beauti
ful horses.”
Why didn’t you say, ‘‘He is shown a piece of machinery”?
Because you had the impression of something alive!
And that’s what it is. In my plan there is life. I shall prove it
to you by referring to Hertzka’s Freeland. I had known this book
only from hearsay as a Utopia. After your departure I immedi
ately looked for it in a bookstore. I had forgotten to ask you
whether it was also about Jews. And I was worried for that
reason. Not for my own sake, as a writer who is afraid of having
come too late. (Peream ego [Let my ego perish]!) No—rather
because then I should have to fear being unable to accomplish
anything either, because the plan would already have had cur
rency in the world without success. Freeland was not obtainable
in Munich, but a more recent publication of Hertzka was: A
Journey to Freeland (Eine Reise nach Freiland, Reclam’s Uni
versal Library).
This book gave me sufficient information, too. It is quite an
ingenious fantasy, as remote from life as the equatorial mountain
on which “Freeland” is located.
You will understand the following comparison:
Freeland is a complicated piece of machinery with many cogs
and wheels; but I find in it no proof that it can be set in motion.
As against this, my plan calls for the utilization of a driving
force that actually exists.
What is this force? T he distress of the Jews!
Who dares deny that this force exists?
Another known quantity is the steam power which is generated
by boiling water in a tea-kettle and then lifts the kettle lid. Such
a tea-kettle phenomenon are the Zion experiments and a hundred
other organized efforts to “combat anti-Semitism.”
But I say that this force is strong enough to run a great ma
chine and transport human beings. T he machine may have what
ever form one pleases.
I am right—although I may not prevail.
But our force grows with the pressure that is exerted upon us.
I believe there are already enough sensible people to understand
this simple truth.
In Munich I spent the day after your departure with Spitzer,
the confidential clerk of the Paris Rothschild. For years I have
been asking him, “When are the Rothschilds going to liquidate?”
He had always laughed at this. This time he asked me, “Who
told you that this is being planned? Because it is a fact! Only the
date is still uncertain.”
(You will not breathe a word about this news, if only for our
own sake.)
I answered Spitzer: “I know everything that is a logical con
clusion from known premises.” Naturally, that was all I told him.
Now you will recognize what this means to my plan!
Mere liquidation would be idiotic suicide. I want to utilize the
self-destruction of this enormous credit figure for our historic
purpose. I want to stay his hand, saying, “Stop! Use your suicide
for a world-historic task! And in so doing, get rich again as you
never have been before!”
This is complicated in execution, but quite simple in thought.
You said, “It was narrishkayt [foolishness] to address that vague
letter to Albert Rothschild.”
Yes, but how was I to know that he is such a parakh [bastard].
Bigger men than this show-off associated with me in Paris.
When I visited the Prime Minister or Foreign Minister, he then
left his calling card at my place, and things of that sort. When I
wrote to the former President of the Republic, Casimir-Périer,
he gave me an immediate and courteous reply.
Therefore, the fact that this Jew-boy is vilely arrogant does not
prove folly on my part.
For the rest, our agreement still stands. I shall take no further
steps without first consulting with you. As a starter I shall discuss
with you the manner in which I am to present the matter to
Bâcher.
After thorough deliberation, I find that Bâcher is the necessary
man now.
I shall ask him to give me an entire Sunday for the discussion
of a highly important matter, and explain everything to him.
Then let him decide whether it calls for action or for novel
writing.
If I persuade him to act, he will assemble for us a group of
men, himself included, who have enough authority and power
to put the plan into effect.
If he thinks it’s a novel, it is going to be one.
Of course, for him as well as for everyone to whom I pose the
question it is a rather uncomfortably great responsibility.
But to participate in this historic project would be a tremen
dous honor for anyone. And without risk there is no honor.
You can see the power of my idea from the simple fact that
there is no evading it once I have expressed it. By saying Yes or
No a man commits himself most heavily.
Do I need to tell you how dear you have become to me in
Munich?
You have noticed it, felt it.
Yours sincerely,
Herzl.
September 20,
Vienna
Since my last entry a great number of little things have hap
pened which, with a peculiar aversion for writing, I allowed to
go by unrecorded. I now intend to add them in a workmanlike
fashion, although without the freshness of the actual moment, a
freshness I had meant to preserve for a later remembrance when
I opened this book.
From Aussee I went to Vienna at the beginning of September.
In the course of my very first talk with Bâcher, which took place
on the day of my arrival, I realized that he would be completely
unreceptive to my ideas—in fact, might fight them tooth and nail.
Thereupon I immediately gave our conversation a different turn
and continued it on a theoretical plane.
Bâcher considers the anti-Semitic movement ephemeral, though
"disagreeable.”
When I called his attention to the fact that all our young in
tellectuals are being turned into proletarians, he admitted that it
was a "calamity,” but said that this proletariat would have to
struggle through or go under like any other proletariat.
In a somewhat bad mood, I then went to lunch with two of my
colleagues, Oppenheim and Dr. Ehrlich. Naturally, the Jewish
Question was again our topic of conversation. They grasped my
general conception better than Bâcher who, as they said, associ
ated mostly with Gentiles—through his wife and her relatives.
They also shared my concern about the immediate future.
Afterwards I drove out to Baden where I a number of times
met with Giidemann.
He had grown a bit lukewarm since Munich, but I put his en
thusiasm back on its feet.
At Güdemann's I once nailed an elderly rabbi named Fleissig
against the wall with my arguments. T hat old gentleman wears
his trousers tucked in his boots and a long frock-coat which is a
shame-faced caftan; and his thinking, which is narrow in a shrewd
way, is equally antiquated. This sort of Jew performs, inside the
cage of his world outlook, the thousand-leagued journeys of a
squirrel on its wheel.
His sons are well-known chess players. And thus we have count
less heads full of shrewdness which is hidebound and expended
to no purpose.
I agreed with Giidemann to present the matter to Dr. Ehrlich
as a journalist specializing in financial affairs.
One Sunday I went to Vôslau to see Ehrlich, and after I had
sworn him to secrecy, I brought him here.
For two hours before and two hours after dinner we sat in a
little summer house on which the hot sun beat down, and I read
to him the "Address to the Family Council.”
The result: He was gripped, shaken, did not consider me crazy
at all, and actually had no objections from the point of view of
finance and economics. The objections he did make only showed
me that he took my outline completely seriously. For example,
he said he was against the stock exchange monopoly.
In the end he gave me the positive answer which I had desired
and in just the way I had foreseen it.
I asked him to answer yes or no to the question whether Bâcher
and Benedikt, one or both, might be won over for the cause.
Ehrlich thought not.
Who else in Vienna might be interested in it? Ehrlich didn’t
know of any outstanding and prominent Jew.
He thinks that the project could cause great danger for the
Jews, that is, emigration could give rise to persecution.
But this very apprehension on the part of Ehrlich shows me
how right I am in the major points. For, if I can manage to make
the problem an acute one, this is the only effective instrument of
power at my disposal, and it is a terrifying one. T hat is why, for
the time being, I must not make it into a piece of writing, but
treat it as action.
Ehrlich finally asked me to stop, saying that the discussion had
been too much of a strain on him.
He said he was my man and was ready to go along with kith
and kin.
• * *
This is what I told Giidemann the following day. T o me Ehr

lich’s judgment was gratifying and important even though he had
thought the immediate realization of my plan through Bâcher
and Benedikt quite improbable.
Meanwhile, Giidemann had been visited by a Paris member of
the Alliance Israélite. About this man, Leven by name, Giide
mann told me wonderful things; what a concerned and also de
voted Jew he was. He was just the man to whom my project ought
to be presented; he could then work in Paris for its advancement.
Unfortunately Leven had left town after participating in a
session of the Viennese Alliance Israélite (which has nothing to
do with the one in Paris).
I sent him a telegram in Giidemann’s name: “One of my
friends wishes to speak to you on an urgent matter and is ready
to follow you to Salzburg.”
On the next day came an official wire saying that the addressee
could not be located in Salzburg.
We had already forgotten the Leven incident when a week ago
Giidemann received a reply from Leven to say that he was ex
pecting Giidemann’s friend in Salzburg or Munich.
Giidemann came to see me to the Herzogshof Hotel in a
state of great excitement and said that his wife who knew about
the matter and was enthusiastic about it was equally excited. She
took it as a good omen that today, exactly four weeks after Glide-
man’s departure, I was going to Munich again and was again
stopping at the Hotel Vier Jahreszeiten.
Actually, I was only going as far as Salzburg.
I immediately recognized Leven’s exact type: a temperament
slow to set in motion, but a well-meaning person; a hater of nov
elties and a man hardly capable of changing his views or learning
afresh. Here my experience with Hirsch repeats itself. Those who
have already made experiments with the Jews, Zion and the like,
are hard to turn in a new direction.
Leven completely fails to understand the politico-economic
aspects of my plan.
His notions of political economy are still quite rudimentary.
He has no idea of how the Jews who emigrated would make
a living. He thinks that they are at present living at the expense
of the "host nations”—which is a considerable piece of nonsense,
easy to reduce ad absurdum. After all, economic life is not just a
matter of some things that circulate; rather, new goods are pro
duced. I maintain that we produce more than our "hosts,” and
would produce infinitely more if we were permitted to get rich.
Nevertheless, the talk with Leven was not useless either. He
named to me Grand Rabbi Zadoc Kahn of Paris as the next man
to turn to.
Zadoc, he said, was an ardent Zionist and shared many of my
ideas, which were by no means original ones.
This I liked best of the things Leven said, and I told him:
“But I don’t want to be an innovator. T he larger the num ber
of people who share my universal idea, the better I shall like it.”
Leven thought that especially in Russia I would find many
adherents. In Odessa, for example, there had lived a man named
Pinsker who had fought for the same cause, namely, the regain
ing of a Jewish national home. Unfortunately, Pinsker was al
ready dead. His writings are said to be worthwhile. Shall read
them as soon as I have time.
Another Jew in England, Colonel Goldsmith, was also an en
thusiastic Zionist and had wanted to charter ships for the recon
quest of Palestine.
I will keep the Colonel in mind. All this is a confirmation of
my thinking. We have the most wonderful human material that
can be imagined.
Leven did not listen to a reading of the “Address to the Fam
ily Council” in its entirety. When he showed signs of impatience,
I stopped reading and presented the matter to him in the form
of answers to his objections.
Thus many a detail probably went by the board, but I think
I did familiarize him with the main features. Of course, he has
absolutely no understanding of the economic part, and in it lies
the core of the whole matter.
Still, I believe that I have won him over, too, to the extent
that such a refractory personality can be won over to a cause that
calls for enthusiasm.
I then traveled back.
• • •
In Vienna, the City Council elections took place on the day

before Erev Rosh Hashanah. All the mandates were won by the
anti-Semites. T he mood among the Jews is one of despair. T he
Christians have been badly stirred up.
The movement is not really a noisy one. For me, who am used
to the clamor of popular agitation in Paris, things are even much
too quiet. I find this calm more sinister. Yet one sees looks of
hatred everywhere, even if one does not seek them in people’s
eyes with the watchful fear of a man suffering from a persecu
tion mania.
On election day I was outside the polls in the Leopoldstadt,
taking a brief look at some of the hatred and the anger at close
range.
Toward evening I went to the Landstrasse district. In front of
the polling place a silent, tense crowd. Suddenly Dr. Lueger came
out to the square. Enthusiastic cheers; women waved white ker
chiefs from the windows. The police held the crowd back. A man
next to me said with tender warmth but in a quiet tone of voice:
“That is our Führer [leader]!”
Actually, these words showed me more than all the declama
tion and abuse how deeply anti-Semitism is rooted in the hearts
of these people.
September 20,
Vienna
Dr. Glogau, Director of the Press Bureau, has just been to see
me and has offered me the editorship of a new daily.
“Under certain circumstances I may be willing to accept,” I
told him.
October 15, Vienna

Various steps forward and backward.
Spoke to Giidemann a few times. I keep finding his ardor
cooled and get him steamed up again each time. He cannot be
induced to make any effort, being one of the many who will go
along when everybody goes. No courage to lead the way.
The negotiations about the newspaper continue. I can accept
the editorship only if my independence is assured.
Spoke to Professor Singer who gave me the impression even on
his first visit at Baden that he intends to start a daily.
I definitely need a newspaper for the cause.
Singer is ready in principle to start a paper with me. I ex
plained to him the laying of the foundation through advertise-
ments—the cellar, so to speak—as well as the Jewish idea—the
tower.
He will go along with the Jewish cause up to a certain point.
As for the complete evacuation of the present domiciles, he con
siders it neither desirable nor possible.
This would be no obstacle to our reaching an understanding.
But he wants a strong opposition paper. T hat would run
counter to my purpose. I wish to be independent but moderate,
otherwise the government will give me trouble that may endanger
the whole Jewish cause.
Therefore I must not work with Singer either. Incidentally, if
I understand him correctly, all he is interested in is a representa
tive’s seat from Lower Austria.
October 18
Last night I had a three-hour conversation with Dessauer, the
bank director—and won him over.
He thinks it is possible to finance the migration of the Jews
through the medium bankers. T he Rothschilds cannot be counted
on, he says.
He would like to start the Society with only four million
pounds and keep later issues of shares in reserve. Nor should the
entire territory be acquired immediately. He would like to start
small.
I said to him: T hen I ’d rather not do it at all. A gradual infil
tration of Jews—no matter where—soon causes anti-Semitism.
Then there is bound to come a moment when further immigra
tion is stopped, and thus our entire work will be destroyed.
It is different if we declare our independence from the start.
Then the influx of Jews will be greatly desired by the neighbor
ing states whose commerce we shall enrich.
Dessauer finds that it would be “a nice thing” and "good busi
ness.” I believe all Jews will be quick to recognize that—in that
way the State will be founded. D. also thinks it would have to be
presented to the Rothschilds only as a business proposition, not
as a national idea.
Remarkable: Like everyone else so far, Dessauer too said: “You
can count on me, but I doubt that you will find anyone else in
Vienna.” And yet it makes sense to everyone I tell it to.
I noticed how Dessauer’s eyes began to gleam. I arouse en
thusiasm in everyone whom I tell about the Jewish cause.
October 19
Spoke with Dessauer once more. In the meantime he had be
come lukewarm.
Finished.
October 20
Today Benedikt’s column “Stock Exchange Week” was excel
lent, against the big Jews who are unenterprising and narrow
minded. Entirely in my spirit.
Suddenly my decision was made: Win Benedikt for the causel
I went to him right away and immediately plunged médias in
res [right into it].
He immediately understood me so well that he made a wry
face.
While talking we walked as far as Mauer—a three-hours’ walk
ing tour over autumnal fields.
I said that I would like best to do it in and with the Neue
Freie Presse.
He: “You’re confronting us with an enormous problem. The
entire paper would take on a different complexion. Until now
we have been considered as a Jewish paper but have never ad
mitted it. Now we are suddenly supposed to let down all our
guards which have been protecting us.”
I: "You don’t need any more guards. T he moment my idea is
made public the entire Jewish Question will be solved honestly.
After all, we can stay in those places where people are satisfied
with our good citizenship and loyalty to the fatherland. Where
they don’t want us we shall move away. We are saying that we
want to be Austrians. In the election the majority of non-Jewish
citizens—no, all of them—declare that they do not recognize us
as Austro-Germans (Russians, Prussians, Frenchmen, Rumanians,
etc.). All right, we shall move away; but over there, too, we shall
only be Austrians (Russians, etc.). We shall no more give up our
acquired nationalities than we shall give up our acquired prop
erty.”
He made various objections that were already familiar to me,
though on a higher level than those of the Jews with whom I had
previously spoken. I had an answer for everything.
He definitely took the matter seriously, certainly didn’t con
sider me crazy, as my first listener, poor Schiff, had done in Paris.
He recognized what was old about my plan, i.e., a universal idea,
and what was new, i.e., a promise of victory. But he thinks that
the governments’ immediate reply would be an export prohibi
tion and impediments to emigration. But that is exactly why I
am founding the Society which will be in a position to negoti^je
with the governments, offer them compensations, etc.
He said I should make the publishers a proposal as to my ideas
about implementing the plan.
I: “It could take two forms. Either you found a smaller paper
for me in addition to the Neue Freie Presse, in which I may
elaborate on my idea. Or you give me a Sunday edition with ‘T he
Solution of the Jewish Question,’ by Dr. Theodor Herzl, on the
front page. I shall draw excerpts from my outline which will fill
six or nine columns. Then the details, questions and answers—
for I shall invite all of Jewry to contribute, and it will do so—
will appear in a new column, ‘T he Jewish Question,’ which I
shall edit.
“Never has a paper contained anything more interesting. T he
responsibility will be mine alone. You can preface my outline
with a disclaimer on the part of the paper.”
He: “No, that would be cowardly. If we publish it, we shall
accept joint responsibility with you. Your idea is a powerful ma
chine gun, but it could also backfire.”
I: “One mustn’t be timid. Incidentally, everyone will be able
to choose his place: in front of the machine gun, or in back of
it.” We walked and talked until we were tired. Benedikt is going
to let Bâcher in on the secret. Then I shall read my Address to
the Rothschilds to both of them next week.
Benedikt would like the matter to get into the Neue Freie
Presse from the outside in some way—perhaps through the fic
titious founding of an organization before which I could give
this address. I am against it. I need a newspaper for it to begin
with—that is, if I cannot do things “aristocratically” through a
Rothschild syndicate.
I won’t get involved in organizational clap-trap.
* * *
This walk to Mauer was an historic one; I said so to Benedikt

on the ride back.
I cannot conceal it from myself that it marked a decisive turn
ing point for me as well. I have set myself in motion. Everything
up to now has only been dreams and talk. Action has begun be
cause I shall have the Neue Freie Presse either with me or against
me.
• • *
I shall be the Parnell of the Jews.
October 27
Today Dr. Glogau was here and an hour later he brought
Herr v. Kozmian, Count Badeni's confidential secretary, to see
me. They made me a formal offer to take over the editorship of
a big new government paper.
In view of my Jewish project I cannot simply decline this offer
as I certainly would have done before—prior to the ideal An
extremely favorable unexpected chance for the execution of my
plan is opening up. Once I am close to Count Badeni, I can con
fidentially develop my idea to him. After all, it is as friendly to
Gentiles as it is to Jews, as fruitful for the conserved and conserv
ative state as it is for the one yet to be founded. I could bring
Count Badeni the ideé maitresse [outstanding idea] of his term
of government!
Badeni already seems to have a high opinion of me, as I can
tell from the hints dropped by Kozmian, a fine old man.
According to Kozmian, Badeni’s government by no means wants
to be anti-Liberal if it is not forced to be (I take this to mean:
if they go along with him), but one never knows. Il ne s'en ira pas
[he won’t abandon them], Kozmian said finally.
I answered: “I could go along with the Count as long as it is
compatible with my convictions— et puis, je m’en irais [and then
I would part company with him].”
We agreed that I should inform the publishers Bâcher and
Benedikt of the offer the very same day—tecto et ficto nomine
[under a hidden and disguised name]. For, out of a sense of pro
priety I do not want to confront them with a fait accompli. But
I explained to the two people who had made me the offer that I
was not making this notification in order to get any compensatory
financial advantages for myself.
Glogau did not quite understand what I would really be noti
fying them of. After all, my notification would make sense only
if I wanted to receive financial compensation. But Kozmian un
derstood, or said he did, that I was doing it out of moral consid
erations.
This is in fact one of my reasons behind which, to be sure, a
greater moral consideration is concealed, the consideration for
my idea.
And this is how this delicate question of conscience shapes up
for me:
I shall prove my gratitude to the publishers of the Neue Freie
Presse by not simply going to work for Count Badeni (whom I
like very much) in order to realize the Jewish idea with his aid.
I shall first offer my idea to them, bringing them fame and for
tune, as I see it, even at the great risk that I shall thereby carry
out my idea more slowly or not at all. If they do not understand
me, I shall be free—in fact duty-bound—to break away from
them.
Kozmian, Glogau, and I agreed that I should announce my de
cision within 24 hours.
I immediately drove to Benedikt, who was not at home, and
wrote to Bâcher requesting an appointment for that evening.
In the afternoon I went to Benedikt and explained to him the
matter whose sine qua non—the Jewish cause—he is already ac
quainted with.
He found the situation difficult, complex, and the decision an
extremely weighty one for the Neue Freie Presse.
I had prefaced my remarks with a few facts which I kept em
phasizing strongly, namely, that I did not want any personal
advantage for myself, and that I would resolutely decline any
financial compensation—a raise in pay or the like—even if I were
offered it at this time.
I am conducting the Jewish cause in a completely impersonal
manner. It is up to the Neue Freie Presse to decide whether or
not it wishes to aid me in its realization. I need some authority
in the eyes of the world which I want to sweep along with my
idea. Out of gratitude to the Neue Freie Presse, which made my
career possible even though it cannot take full credit for it, I
should like best to work with my present friends. But I am con
ducting the politics of the Jews and cannot let personal consider
ations induce me to give up my idea.
Benedikt’s mind was again working in its full brilliance.
“Thinking out loud” and without expecting me to answer him,
he discussed the form that the newspaper involved could take.
He immediately mentioned the old Presse which he had heard
was to be reorganized. Then he spoke about the possibility of a
“Jewish paper” and of a rival paper of the Neue Freie Presse with
a large founding capital. In this way he gave me advice without
asking me any questions.
In the final analysis, he thought, it was a personal problem.
Did I want to continue on my smooth course as a distinguished
writer on the Neue Freie Presse, easily, comfortably, leaving the
office at seven with not a care in the world? Or did I want to
ruin my life the way he and Bâcher had done—with neither a
day nor a night to call my own?
I said: “I am not an easygoing person. I have got twenty more
years in which to set the world on fire. I would never do it in
order to make money. But I have my ideal”
Benedikt said finally: “Personally, I am in basic agreement
with your idea. Whether our paper can be the vehicle for it I
cannot decide. I don’t dare to. For us your idea is a bombshell.
I believe you should first try to found a société d’études [study
commission] in Paris or in London. We shall give you a leave of
absence for that purpose and exert our influence on your behalf.
I don’t know whether we shall become its journalistic representa
tives in the foreseeable future or ever, and I doubt if we can
promise it to you. Someday there may be serious anti-Semitic
riots—murder, killings, plundering; then we may be forced to
make use of your idea anyway. In any case, it provides an issue
behind which we can jump and thus save ourselves. But do you
want us to tell you that we shall do it and thereby mislead you,
so that you will reproach us for it later?”
Then I went to Bâcher, but he had to leave for the party con
ference of the United Left. I was only able to tell him in haste
that I had an offer and that Benedikt already knew the details.
Bâcher was, or acted, more disconcerted than Benedikt. We ar
ranged a meeting for tomorrow.
Then I wrote Glogau a line asking him for a twenty-four
hours’ postponement. They will suspect that I am negotiating
for compensation, after all. Painful as this suspicion of money is
to me, there is nothing I can do about it.
October 28
A good night’s sleep, sleeping on it.
Today is an even bigger day than yesterday. I am facing an
enormous decision—and so is the Jewish cause. T hat also goes
for the Neue Freie Presse.
They will understand me. Superos movebo [I shall move the
heavens]!
Actually, the battle of the Jews between me and the powerful
Jews has already begun.
At first I thought that I would have to confront the Rothschilds
with the dilemma. But I shall have to fight the first battle against
* * *
In the evening:
The battle has been fought and lost—by whom?
From five to eight p.m. I read the Address to the Rothschilds
to Bâcher in his apartment.
At least I achieved this: the man who a few weeks ago had re
fused me a limine [outright] now listened to me—and how!
He, the nay-sayer, had changed completely too. He found the
idea great and staggering. But he said that he could not make a
split-second decision on such an extremely vital question for the
newspaper.
He pointed out to me what I would lose if I left the Neue Freie
Presse.
They really don’t need me, but they did create the post of
feuilleton editor when I did not wish to stay in Paris.
He found my Jewish idea generous—but hardly feasible. The
Neue Freie Presse would be risking too much. T he Jews might
not respond to it—and what then?
I pointed out to him that the Neue Freie Presse would not be
able to evade this problem. Sooner or later it would have to show
its colors.
“Well,” he said, “for twenty years we didn’t print anything
about the Social democracy either.”
Actually, this was the most remarkable thing he said.
From that moment on it has been clear that I must not expect
the Neue Freie Presse to do anything for the cause.
What the Neue Freie Presse was reproached with as short-sight
edness—its prolonged hushing-up of anti-Semitism*—was its pol
icy. I said: “In the end you will not be able to keep silent about
• Translator’s Note: Probably a slip for “Socialist movement/'
this matter any more than you were able to hush up anti-Semi
tism!”
We were already in the street walking toward the editorial
offices when I said that. He muttered, as though talking to him
self: "It’s a helluva thing.”
I answered: “Yes, it's a hell of an idea. There is no escaping
from it today. W hether you say Yes or No, you make an awful
commitment.”
Thereupon he said: “It is a big thing, and I can understand
why a decent man would want to risk his life for it. But I doubt
if you are going to find many more such Herzls.”
The upshot: they cannot bring themselves to take that bold
step. I, for my part, cannot allow myself and my idea to be
stopped from forging ahead. Therefore, I shall have no other
course but to part company with them.
Bâcher had found the Address to the R ’s interesting, rather
than exhaustive, a political appeal à la Lassalle. He said he knew
that the cause was something enormous and that he might be
turning down a lot of success and glory.
* # #
October 29
Kozmian and Glogau came to see me first thing in the morning.
They congratulated me on my—imminent—decision.
I said that I would first have to speak with Count Badeni be
fore deciding whether to accept the editorship.
* • •
In the evening:
Everything in doubt again. I had made the condition that the
paper would have to be turned over to me in a year if the publish
ing company did not wish to run it any longer.
What I had in mind was that I would then have the paper for
my Jewish cause unless I had previously succeeded in winning
over Count Badeni for my idea—or if I had attained the requisite
authority with the big Jews.
But the Press Chief, Privy Councillor Freiberg, won’t go along
with this. If the paper goes badly, he will claim it for the govern
ment.
This would have the additional drawback that I would be
dependent on the Press Bureau. But I wish to work with
Badeni exclusively, not with his privy councillors. After all, the
personal contact with Badeni—i.e., its value to the Jewish cause
—is the very reason why I wanted to run the government paper
in the first place.
This is what I replied to Kozmian too. If I cannot always deal
directly with Badeni if the paper is successful, and keep it for
myself if it is unsuccessful, I won’t have any part of it.
October 30
In the morning Kozmian came to fetch me for my audience
with Badeni.
He asked: “Are we going to Badeni?”
I said: “No—unless my condition is met.”
He compromised: “Come along anyway; I shall introduce you
to the Prime Minister not as editor-in-chief but only as the former
Paris correspondent of the Neue Freie Presse.”
So we drove to the Ministry. It was my first time in the palace
of an Austrian minister. Rooms in a grand style, but bare and
cold. On the staircase we made a comparison with the French
government palaces.
“Ça manque de tapis [there are no carpets],” I said to Kozmian.
Through such jests I tried to keep up a good front for the de
cisive first meeting with a man through whom I want to help the
Jews.
We were admitted right after the Excellencies. T he other peo
ple in the antechamber looked up when they noticed our prece
dence.
Court airl
Badeni hurried up to meet us, gave me a very lively and vig
orous greeting. Evidently a smart, energetic person.
He made me many compliments. He had already heard of the
difficulty that had arisen; and since he mentioned the new paper,
I spoke about it as well.
I said: "Ce ne sont pas des considérations pécuniaires qui peu
vent me décider à accepter la direction du journal [It is not finan
cial considerations which can decide me to accept the editorship
of the paper].”
We spoke only in French.
Badeni considered it understandable that I did not want to be
dependent on his privy councillors. He begged me not to distrust
Freiberg, not to let myself be stirred up against him. Of course,
there would be no need for me to go to the Press Bureau, but I
would send my men aux informations [for information]. But if
he (Badeni) sent Freiberg or Schill to me, I should not receive
them coolly.
This I promised. But I said that I wished to deal only with him
directly.
”1 think I shall be able to champion your present policies,
Your Excellency, and if I go along with you, je vous serai un
partisan résolu et sincere [I shall be your resolute and sincere
supporter]. It may be that from a certain point on I shall not be
able to go along any farther; then I shall tell you so candidly and
go my way. But if I am still with you by the end of your term
of government—which is a long way off, I hope—I shall not leave
you then.”
Several times I mentioned the end of his government, which
visibly disconcerted him, but since he had presumably never
heard such talk from any journalist, perhaps not from anyone,
this must have given him some respect for me.
Right from the start I wanted him to get the right impression
of me: that I was a partisan [supporter] and not a laquai [lackey],
as I had already told Bourgoing in my first interview.
I am conducting the politics of the Jews, today still unrecog
nized. What I am concluding today is not a semi-official hiring
contract—which is what many will, unfortunately, take it for—
but an alliance.
Badeni said he thought of our relationship as a permanent one;
he would see to it that the publishing company offered me a se
cure position.
To my expressed desire that I be allowed to call on him at any
time, comme un ambassadeur [like an ambassador], he said, “Non
seulement je le permets, mais j’y tiens [I not only permit it, I in
sist on it].”
We also talked about the conditions under which I would
sever my connections with the Neue Freie Presse. I made it clear
from the start that I always wanted to remember my old friends
and would not carry on any injurious polemics against them—
unless I was attacked first.
Badeni said he himself hoped that no opposition between us
and the Neue Freie Presse would arise.
Come to think of it, that was a highly important statement. It
means that he wants to govern in cooperation with the German
Liberals.
To be sure, he also said several times, “Je ne ficherai pas le
camp [I shall not quit].”
Thus there was an air of confidence about the whole conver
sation. While we were talking, my cigar went out a few times.
Each time Badeni lit a fresh match for me—a detail which made
me think, smiling inwardly: What would the small Jews of my
acquaintance, and even the biggest ones, say to that?
Badeni regards the matter as settled.
• • •
An hour later I was in the office.

Bâcher sent for me: “Well, how does your matter stand?”
“I could still refuse,” I answered. But he said nothing more.
Even now I would still prefer it if the Neue Freie Presse took
up my Jewish idea, now more than ever. I now have access to
Badeni; the external advantages I care nothing about; and if I
now gained the prestige of the Neue Freie Presse for my cause, it
would surely be victorious!
In the evening I shall speak with Bâcher once more and pre
sent the alternatives sharply: I am ready to renounce all the ad
vantages I am offered if you promise me to publicize my solution
of the Jewish question within six months. I demand nothing of
you, no compensation, no personal advantage!
(It should be noted that they cut my salary when I moved to
Vienna and denied me the expected contribution to my moving
expenses.)
Benedikt seems to be angry with me; I noticed this when I
passed him. He understands the matter completely! Kozmian
also told me that Benedikt was furious. Kozmian has this from
a third party.
* • •
In the afternoon, when I was in the office, Benedikt again had

an interview with this third party. In the evening, when Kozmian
and I met at the house of Baron Bourgoing, he told me that my
superiors are now afraid of my competition. They evidently
suspect that in domestic Austrian politics I shall not deviate too
far from their point of view.
In the conference at Bourgoing's house I developed the whole
plan of the newspaper! I was going to retain all the old staff mem
bers of the Presse. Among them are two who made base attacks
on me in earlier times, I said, "Je ne peux pas les renvoyer— ce
sont mes ennemis personnels [I cannot dismiss them, they are my
personal enemies].” They laughed.
But, at bottom, all evening I longed to remain with the Neue
Freie Presse. An ingredient in this is obviously my cowardice in
the face of the qu’en dira-t-on [what will people say], the tumed-
up noses of those who would probably like to change places with
me and will vent their envy in the form of disparagement.
Yet in the conference I gave the best suggestions for the pro
duction of a good, lively paper. If, contrary to expectations, I
should return to the fold of the Neue Freie Presse, these sugges
tions will have been my payment for the opportunity which this
offer has been.
October 31
Kozmian was supposed to send me word today on what Bene-
dikt yesterday told the go-between about me.
By eleven o’clock I had not received anything. It is possible
that the delay of this message is due to some intrigue. I shall get
to the bottom of this. If the Neue Freie Presse hatches some plot
to prevent my being hired, this will be the casus belli [cause for
war] for me.
Now I am writing to Dr. Bâcher:
Dear Dr. Bâcher:

With your permission I do not intend to come to the office
today, or as long as the decision is still pending. It is too embar
rassing a situation for me. For tomorrow you have, in any case,
the feuilleton about Heine, unless something more timely arrived
today. On Saturday there is no feuilleton, and for Sunday there
probably is a Wittmann piece on hand. T he contributions to
date are in good shape.
But if you want to talk to me I shall be at your disposal this
afternoon from 3 to 5 or this evening from 6 to 10. Let me repeat
once more that I shall stay with you if you want me to, at my pres
ent salary and in my present position. I am still ready to refuse
all the external advantages offered to me—out of those moral
considerations with which you are acquainted.
Today I can still decline the offer.
With cordial regards.
Herzl.
November 1
By yesterday evening there was no reply from Bâcher. The
thought of making an enemy of the man whom I admire despite
his pig-headedness has been very disagreeable to me and has
grown more unbearable by the hour. Added to this is the possi
bility that I might not even be helping the Jewish cause with my
officiousness.
Out of sorts, I attended a conference at Baron Bourgoing’s
house where problems of typeface, heading, and newsprint of
the new paper were discussed with the manager of the printing
plant. I made my best suggestions, but I felt more and more
clearly that these were not my kind of people and that I could
not work with them.
When I left the conference, I was deeply disquieted inwardly.
It occurred to me to seek Giidemann’s advice although I had
been angry with him for several days. He had “paid his respects”
to Count Badeni, as I happened to have found out. He had gone
to see Badeni without notifying me, thus actually demonstrating
that he did not take me or my leadership seriously. At Badeni’s he
had tearfully implored him for protection; and finally he had
been so overcome by emotion that he asked the Count for permis
sion to bless him.
Nevertheless, I wanted to hear his views. Güdemann was not
at home. From there I drove straight to Bâcher who had also
gone out. But half an hour later I ran into him on a street in
the Leopoldstadt. We walked on together and had a heart-to-
heart talk.
I told him that giving up his friendship would be unbearable
tome.
He was pleased, and, as a friend, he advised me against the
newspaper experiment. He said that I had a great future with
the Neue Freie Presse, but, above all, I would have much more
of a chance to implement my idea there than I had through
Badeni.
We finally agreed that, if the formation of the Society proved
impossible, I was to publish a pamphlet which the Neue Freie
Presse would review.
Besides, he will give me the satisfaction of writing me a letter
which I can show to Badeni and in which he declares on his
word of honor that I neither demanded nor received financial
compensation of any kind for remaining on the staff.
On parting he said to me, “It would have hurt me deeply if
you had forsaken us.”
November 3
At noon, called on Badeni. This time I had to wait in the
antechamber somewhat longer. Gold-braided gentlemen, nervous
frock-coated deputations, an old colonel with a petition. Every
body gently clears his throat, draws a deep breath, so as to be in
good voice when he faces His Mightiness.
Through it all I had a distinct feeling that I was not made for
an antechamber nor for a privy councillor’s gold-braided collar.
I was the only civilian there without a frock-coat. Then every
body looked up in astonishment when I was nevertheless ad
mitted ahead of the colonel and the privy councillors who had
arrived before me.
The Count again greeted me very amiably: "Well, doctor,
what are you bringing me?”
I spoke a few words of regret (actually, it now occurs to me,
I did not thank him kindly enough for the honor he had intended
for me), and gave him Bacher’s letter.
Then we talked politics—the issue of the day: the confirma
tion of Lueger’s election.
Badeni was mildly, almost imperceptibly, put out by my refusal
and immediately treated me with caution, as an opponent. Per
sonally, he said, he would be disposed not to confirm Lueger.
“I don’t like him—most of all, because he is a demagogue.
Unfortunately, the Lueger question has been blown up into a
difficult problem for me. I wish it had been solved before I took
office. It would be helpful if the aura of prestige that surrounds
me were not weakened by this sort of thing. As it is, so many
indiscretions have already been committed in this affair on all
sides that no matter what happens it will appear as though I were
yielding to pressure. This is detrimental to my prestige. I can
not decide in the matter all by myself, anyway. I must consult
my colleagues; many factors must be taken into consideration,
especially the interests of the state and the will of the em peror/’
I replied boldly: “I believe Lueger’s election as mayor must
be validated. If you fail to do it the first time, you can never
confirm him again, and if you fail to confirm him the third time,
the Dragoons will ride.”
The Count smiled: "Oh?!” with a goguenard [quizzical] ex
pression. I then substantiated my views and took leave of him.
He said: “Whenever you care to come and see me, I shall always
be very grateful.”
But I suspect that the next time I pay him a call he will not
have time for me.
• • •
T hat evening I related the whole affair to Giidemann, who

keenly regretted that I had declined the offer. He thought it
would have been nice if I had had "the ear of the Prime Minis
ter.”
I got angry at his poltroonery and told him: "You are a Jew
who is protected—I am a Jew who protects. Obviously you can
not understand me.”
I explained to him what an attainment it was that the Neue
Frété Presse was taking an interest in the cause, even though
in a guarded manner, and that I considered this important
enough to put aside my own personal interests, which would have
been better served in Badeni’s employ.
This again seemed to make some sense to him—though for
how long I cannot say. I have already wasted too much time on
him. It was our last long conversation together. Of a man he
has only the beard and the voice. He implored me over and over
again to leave the rabbis out of the whole business, for they com
mand no respect.
But what most enraged me against him was his initial refusal
to give me a letter of recommendation to Zadoc Kahn in the
event that I should go to Paris next week.
Only when I told him that I did not need his introduction
and would get along without it did he consent.
This conversation depressed me greatly.
In conclusion I said to him: “It is hopeless. You, to whom
I have spoken longest and most frequently about the matter,
you keep deserting me. I am sorry to say that you still don’t un
derstand what it is all about. We are now standing at Donau-
Eschingen, at the first trickle of the river. But I tell you it will
yet be the Danube!”
November 5
Yesterday evening some very bad moments. I went to the
office again. No one saw anything noteworthy in it—that is, in my
rejection of the offer. Rather, I had the feeling that I had lost
favor with my colleagues.
It is true that I rejected the government offer on account of
the Jewish cause, just as I would have accepted it for that reason.
But what are the prospects of the Neue Freie Presse’s assisting
me in its implementation? It would be terrible if I had been
under an illusion about this and could more easily have gained
prestige in the eyes of the Jews in Badeni’s employ.
Bâcher and Benedikt received me with pronounced cordiality
when I appeared in the office. But Benedikt immediately ex
cused himself for lacking the time to discuss the société d’études,
[study commission] and Bâcher only asked when I would supply
a feuilleton again.
Güdemann gave me something to think about; the project
desinit in piscem [ends up as a fish tail].* If the Neue Freie
Presse disposes of my pamphlet with a notice in the “domestic”
section, I shall be greatly harmed. I hope they will scrupulously
and completely fulfill the promise they have made me. Otherwise
I would have to take it as a casus belli [cause for war].
• • •
Spoke with Arthur Schnitzler and briefly explained the matter

to him.
• Translator's Note: A phrase from Horace’s Ars Poetica.
When I said: It is a renaissance as a finishing touch to this clas
sical century of inventions in communications—he was enthusi
astic. I promised him that he would become the director of our
theatre.
* i *
Had supper again in the company of Jews at Tonello’s.

T he same speeches as those of a week ago. The boycotting of
theaters praised as a saving device. This petty agitating is
degenerating into busybodying clubmanship. Yet to me it is im
portant as a symptom. I am making the acquaintance of some
usable agitators: Ruzicka, Billitzer the hatmaker (a crude popu
lar orator), Kopstein, Poliak the wine-merchant, Neumann the
attorney, Dr. Kalman, etc.
Funny that they should all regard it as a rather extreme course
of action when they go to a minister to complain.
There was also a speech by attorney Ellbogen, the “celebrated
orator.” He is in favor of founding a “Liberal People’s Party”
which is presumably supposed to send him to the Chamber of
Deputies. He considers the situation of the Jews serious but not
hopeless—“otherwise we should have no other course but to
proclaim the nationhood of the Jews and to seek a territorial
basis.” Ellbogen can also be used for agitation.
Dr. Bloch made a clever reply to him, saying that Ellbogen’s
“Liberals” would be only the Jews all over again. T o work with
the Socialist Movement would be no help against anti-Semitism.
Evidence of this was Germany where despite Marx, Lassalle,
and more recently Singer, anti-Semitism had originated and
grown strong.
Afterwards I introduced myself to him. He was very pleasantly
surprised to find me in that place.
November 5
Today Dr. Ehrlich came to my office at the newspaper and
said: “I heard that we have got you back.”
I told him the course of events. He made a serious face. He
thinks the publishers will not keep their promise.
I started to boil and said: “If they break their word to me,
the pillars of this house are going to collapse.”
I went to Benedikt right away; later Bâcher also came there.
I demanded the promised “personal support” which, I said,
must consist in a meeting of prominent Jews to take place the
following Sunday at Bacher’s home or at mine. I would give
a speech (my Address to the Rothschilds with the elimination of
the Rothschilds from the text), whereupon those assembled
would have to place at my disposal their connections in Paris,
London, and Berlin. In those places, I shall then found the
“société d’études ” which does not require one centime as capital,
or, rather, get assurances of its founding which must follow im
mediately upon the publication of my pamphlet.
Benedikt said halfheartedly that he did not know any suitable
persons among the big bankers here. But he said he would give
me a recommendation to (with pathos) “Privy Councillor of
Commerce Goldberger,” in Berlin.
I replied: “I have known this Goldberger for eight years, so
I don’t need your recommendation.”
Then he recommended Moritz Leinkauf to me.
I said: “He is my cousin’s husband!”
In short, his suggestions were completely worthless or super
fluous. I am still loath to believe that he is doing it out of perfidy.
That would be monstrous.
Bâcher kept silent.
I told them: “I don't need any agitators at the moment. That
will come later. At present I need only the interest of the financial
circles. But actually I am not dependent on anyone. I am simply
notifying the people before I burst the dam.”
I think they both sensed the threat. Nevertheless I took Bene-
dikt’s advice and immediately drove to Leinkauf with whom I
shall have a talk in the afternoon.
Spoke with Leinkauf in the afternoon. We sat in the con
sultation room of the monumental Fruit Exchange.
Leinkauf regretted that I had not asked his advice before de
clining Badeni’s offer. He would have strongly advised me to
accept it.
Incidentally, Badeni should be handled with care. Leinkauf
told me the following story. When Badeni was still governor of
Galicia, a farm crisis broke out in that region. Because of a crop
failure the farmers found it impossible to feed their cattle. A
farm-aid project was initiated. Supplies of feed were to be bought
and distributed among the needy. Badeni came to Vienna, sent
for the grain dealer Wetzler (of the firm of Wetzler and Abeles),
and invited him to put in a bid. Wetzler did so. T hen Badeni sent
for him again and said: "I don't believe that you can make this
delivery. According to my calculations you would have to charge
about thirty per cent more to stay in business."
Wetzler got the point, took his first bid back from the Count,
and put in a second one which was that much higher.
This the Count took back with him to Lvov and there the
contract was given to some business associates—of whom B. him
self is said to have been one—for a price much higher than
Wetzler's first bid and somewhat lower than his second one.
Then I spent two hours giving Leinkauf my outline of the Jew
ish project.
Leinkauf was definitely against it. He thinks the project is not
feasible—and very dangerous at the same time. All namby-pamby
arguments. I explained to him: Either my pamphlet will cause
no reaction; then there is no danger. Or it will have the reaction
that I expect; then the matter will be feasible.
• • •
In the evening I reported to Bâcher on this conversation. I
said: "Leinkauf cannot understand the matter. He has a land
lubber’s mind; but one has to live by the sea in order to com
prehend my plan.” I showed Leinkauf his own Fruit Exchange
and illustrated it this way: The grain trade had its rudimentary
focal point in Vienna in the Café Stierbôck. You created an organ
for the need, the Fruit Exchange on the Schottenring, and then
this facility organized the trade and expanded it so greatly that
now they have that palatial building on Taborstrasse. For this
is how it happens in economic life: first comes the need, then
the organ, then the trade. T he need must be recognized, the
organ must be created—the trade then comes by itself if the need
has been a genuine one. Surely, no one will deny that in the case
of the Jews there is a need which has grown into dire necessity.
The organ will be the Society. First the small Study Commission;
then, when it has convinced itself that the mood is there, the big
one.
T hat seemed to make sense to Bâcher. He promised me to speak
with David Gutmann and to tell him of my impending visit.
Gutmann was a fanatical Jew, he said, although he did not live
by the sea either.
• • •
Bâcher joked: “T he Jews will listen to you more peevishly than

the Gentiles. You will become an honorary anti-Semitel”
November 6
A deeply discouraging day. Community Councillor Stem and
others came to the office. They are all people who expect salva
tion to come from the government and who go on bended knee
to the ministers. Therefore, they would have believed in me
if I had become Badeni’s journalistic right-hand man. And so
now I have no authority with them.
• • *
In the evening I was with Professor Singer and told him every
thing.
He raised my spirits again, saying I had done the right thing!
If I had accepted a semi-official position I would have dis
graced myself and the cause.
November 7
Met Dr. Schwitzer in the street and took him into my confi
dence.
He is against my plan for the loftiest reasons. He does not want
nations, but human beings.
I said to him: “Primum vivere, deinde philosophari [First live,
then philosophize]. Over there I shall build you a splendid ivory
tower where you can pursue the loftiest thoughts untroubled by
barbarians.”
He said that in addition to the misery of the Jews there were
many other kinds of misery.
I said: “For the time being I can wony only about my people.
Incidentally, with the seven-hour day and other social easements
and innovations, we shall give a great example to the world.
“It is a matter of drawing the right conclusions from the
wonderful technical achievements of this century. The electric
light was not invented in order to illuminate the drawing rooms
of a few rich snobs. It was invented so that with its aid we might
solve the Jewish Question.”
* * •
Bâcher told me that he had spoken with David Gutmann

and prepared him for my visit. I immediately wrote to Gutmann
and asked him to set a date.
Gutmann’s reply had a comical element. He gave me an ap
pointment for Sunday and signed his letter “Most respectfully
yours,” which sounds a bit condescending. Unless this compli
mentary close is indicative of commercial man's lack of refine
ment, it reveals that the man is not going to understand me. Yet
I don’t want to be too lazy. Perhaps he will get scared. But I am
not likely to stir up the good man who signs himself "Most re
spectfully yours.”
November 9
Spoke with David Gutmann “and Son” yesterday. The old
man was a bit condescending at first but I cured him of that by
crossing my legs and very nonchalantly leaning back in my arm
chair. He listened to me with growing seriousness.
T he young fellow wanted to joke about “the Jewish State
and the Jewish balmachomes.” I lit into him: "Don’t make any
foolish jokes! Anyone who makes such jokes will live to regret it.
T he jokesters will be stepped on by this movement and crushed
underfoot.”
Frightened, he stopped his witticisms. His father finally de
clared that he would have to give such a big matter a lot of
thought. He also said that I should speak to the Rothschilds.
At any rate, the big Jews have been informed; this much has
been accomplished. Because obviously David Gutmann is going to
talk about it to Albert Rothschild and to Hirsch.
Unfortunately I forgot to say how I propose to liquidate Gut-
mann’s coal business.
T he mines can either be bought by the Austrian state or ac
quired by the Society. In the latter event the purchase price
could consist partly of landed property over there, partly of
Society shares and cash. A third possibility would be the founding
of a “Gutmann Joint-Stock Company” whose stock would be
quoted in our State as well. A fourth possibility: continue to
operate them in the present way, except that henceforth the
owners would be foreigners.
November 10
Spoke yesterday with Giidemann. He gave me the letter of
introduction to Zadoc Kahn. I am sending it to Schiff whom I
am telling about the great events of the past months. Schiff is to
transmit the letter to Zadoc.
• • •
Bâcher is dampening my spirits again with his objections. To

get away from it all, I plan to go to Paris on Wednesday.
Many Jews are foolishly jubilant over the non-confirmation
of Lueger’s election to the mayoralty. As though Lueger were
tantamount to anti-Semitism. I believe, on the contrary, that
the movement against the Jews will grow rapidly now.
The force of events will urge what I wanted to bring about by
my constructive idea.
Some other anti-Semite will wind up as mayor of Vienna in
Lueger’s place. Lueger, however, will step up his agitation. All
the anti-Semites are already closing their ranks against Badeni.
Count Kielmannsegg, the governor of Lower Austria, who is not
hostile to the Jews, will probably be overthrown in the near
future.
Yesterday there even circulated the anti-Semitic rumor that
Count Badeni had resigned. If he stays, the Dragoons are going
to ride, as I told him.
They are already yelling in the streets: “Down with Badeni 1”
I believe that the non-confirmation of Lueger was a fatal mis
take which will cause serious crises. Badeni underestimated the
strength of the anti-Semitic current.
Prince Lichtenstein yelled “lie” at the Prime Minister in an
open session of Parliament. T he anti-Semitic papers talk about
Badeni in an insolent tone that is unheard of in Austria.
• • •
Wrote to Stiassny, the Construction Councillor. Tomorrow
I shall read him my Address to the Jews. He has connections
with zealous Jewish political agitators everywhere.
• • •
Ferment in Turkey. Should the Oriental question be broached
and solved by a partition of Turkey, at the European Congress
we could possibly get a piece of neutral land (like Belgium,
Switzerland) for ourselves.
• • •
Yesterday in our literary section we published a few posthu
mous letters of Lassalle.
I spoke to Bâcher about it after he had tried to tone me down.
“What do you suppose Lassalle would be today if he were
alive?” I asked.
Bâcher grinned: “Probably a Prussian Privy Councillor.”
But I said: “He would be the leader of the Jews; of course
I don’t mean the Lassalle of the age he would be today, but the
man with the strength he had then.”
November 11
Have been to see Güdemann. He asked me to come to an
election meeting intended to raise campaign funds for Bloch’s
candidacy in Kolomea. I said that I did not wish to appear in
public before I had developed my project. I don’t want to make
a speech if I cannot present the conclusion. But I shall write a
letter to Güdemann which he is to read to the meeting. I shall
say that I am contributing fifty guilders, although on a number
of points I do not approve of Bloch’s stand. At a very conservative
estimate there are 200 Jews in Vienna who can contribute an
equal amount much more easily. T hen the campaign money
would be raised.
Rabbi Fleissig was at Güdem ann’s. T h e latter put his hand
on my shoulder and said admiringly: “He is a wonderful fellow!”
Güdemann told me that David G utm ann had blabbed about
my plan. I was furious and immediately wrote to Ludwig Gut
mann:
Dear Dr. Gutmann:

Because I have had no sign of life from you since our discus
sion of last Friday, I assume that my plan does not make sense to
you two.
By way of precaution, however, I must remind you of some
thing that I may not have stressed sufficiently—namely, that
what I told you was strictly confidential. I cannot empower you
to tell anyone about it unless you first get my consent in each
individual case. A careless treatm ent of the project could create
dangers for the Jews which would necessarily affect you in the
most serious way as well.
For this reason I have complete trust in the discretion of two
men of honor who do not share my views but know well that
they owe me absolute silence.
Dr. T h. Herzl.
* # •
I had asked Bloch to meet me at Stiassny’s home in the after
noon.
Bloch had hoped that I had come on account of his election
campaign. I noticed his disappointment when I only— excusez
du peu! [is that all?]—read the Solution of the Jewish question.
Stiassny was full of enthusiasm.
Bloch left before I had finished reading, saying he had to go
home because he was leaving for Kolomea tomorrow. He also
had many objections to my plan.
As he left he asked me only to speak with David Gutmann—
about money 1 Nevertheless, I am writing the following letter
to Giidemann in support of Bloch's candidacy; it is to be read
at the rally:
Dear Dr. Giidemann:

I cannot take part in the discussion because I have to leave
town. Dr. Bloch’s election seems to me to be necessary. I am
saying this with the explicit reservation that my political views
differ from those of Dr. Bloch, but he has always been a stalwart
champion of the Jewish cause in Parliament. We owe him a debt
of gratitude for that, even though we may not be in agreement
with him on some, indeed many, points. They can kill us one by
one, but if we stick together, never!
I am contributing fifty guilders to the campaign fund. If two
hundred Viennese Jews give an equal amount, the essentials will
be assured. When I speak of but two hundred Jews of better-
than-average means, I am underestimating the financial power
of Viennese Jewry as well as overestimating my own. I should
prefer doing without the very highest of the high-and-mighty
to whom the plight of the Jews evidently still does not come
closely enough home.
With respectful greetings.
Yours sincerely,
Dr. Th. H.
Paris, November 16
Conversation with Chief Rabbi Zadoc Kahn. I read the Ad
dress to him. On the train to Paris I had already eliminated all
references to the Rothschilds from it.
Zadoc Kahn seemed to listen to my two-hour reading with
interest.
Afterwards he also professed himself to be a Zionist. But he
said that a Frenchman's "patriotism” also had its claims.
Yes, a man has to choose between Zion and France.
Zadoc Kahn is of the breed of little Jews. I shall be surprised
if I get any serious help from him. Actually, we exchanged only
a few words after I had finished reading, because he had to leave
for the synagogue. We made an appointment to meet again to
morrow; my Salzburg acquaintance, Leven, is to join us. I don’t
expect much from the meeting.
Paris, November 17
Talked with Nordau.
His was the second case of understanding me in a flash. The
first was Benedikt. But Nordau comprehended me as an adherent,
Benedikt, for the time being, as an opponent.
Nordau will, I believe, go with me through thick and thin.
He was my easiest conquest and possibly the most valuable to
date. He would make a good president of our Academy or Minis
ter of Education.
He recommended me to the Maccabean Club of London,
which I first heard mentioned by him. But this club is quite
plainly the ideal instrument for my needs: artists, writers, Jewish
intellectuals of all kinds compose its membership. T he name of
the club itself really tells enough. Colonel Goldsmid is said to
be a member, also Mocatta, who has likewise been mentioned to
me several times.
Nordau is giving me an introduction to the Maccabean, Israel
Zangwill, who is a writer.
I asked Nordau to come to London with me. He promised to
come later if I needed him.
• • *
In the afternoon at Zadoc Kahn’s home.

My Salzburg acquaintance, Leven, was there—listless, tepid,
and sluggish as he had been in Salzburg. From his objections
I could tell that he had not comprehended my plan either on that
occasion or on this one.
Later, a few other Jews showed up. I suspect that they had been
asked to come by Zadoc: Derenbourg, Feinberg, and a young
rabbi who is Zadoc’s son-in-law.
One by one I had to trot out all my arguments again. Not
a single new note in the discussion.
For the present, the French Jews apparently will not have
anything to do with the matter. They are still too well off.
I turned on Leven in no uncertain terms. “I must be very
infelicitous in my use of language. For, things which I have ex
plained to you twice are still unintelligible.”
When he emphasized his French nationality, I said: “What?
Don’t you and I belong to the same nation? Why did you wince
when Lueger was elected? Why did I suffer when Captain Dreyfus
was accused of high treason?”
At parting I said to him: “You and your kind will never go
along with me!”
The young rabbi said: “I will go with you!”
Derenbourg, in dismay, kept silent. As a German Jew (Dem-
burg) he obviously attaches great value to his French nationality.
I explained to them that by founding the Jewish State I would
be giving them an even greater possibility of becoming natural
ized Frenchmen.
To Feinberg, who seems to be in Hirsch’s employ, I said
that the existing colonization societies would have to subordinate
themselves to our cause.
"Wherever we find opposition,” I said, "we shall break it!”
Zadoc said soothingly: “But no one is offering you any opposi
tion yet.”
Zadoc’s attitude satisfied me completely this time. He even
seems to be favorably disposed to my plan.
But I recognized the impression I had made on him most
clearly of all when the door opened for a second and an elderly
lady—presumably Zadoc’s wife—peered in through the crack
with curiosity. This moment revealed to me what he must have
told people about me.
November 18
In the afternoon with Zadoc Kahn again. His mood had
changed. From his remarks I could tell that he had presented my
idea to several people and had everywhere met with rebuff.
The French Jews’ attitude toward the matter is a hostile one.
I didn’t expect anything different. They are doing too well here
to think of a change.
"All this,” I said to Zadoc, "is in my plan. T he first families
will be the last ones to join with us. Let them only beware of
three things: First, lest Jews in other parts of the world find out
how enviable the situation of the Jews in France is, for this would
bring about a harmful mass influx of Israelites into France.
Second, lest they become too brilliant Frenchmen, advance too
rapidly in the social scale, acquire too much visible power in the
form of wealth or respected positions; in a word, let them take
care not to rise in the world. And third, let them completely
cease troubling themselves about the Jews of other countries.
Such concern would only betray their solidarity to the Christians,
but the other Jews would reject them. For these friendly experi
ments in colonization have not only a genial but also a malign
aspect: they are supposed to check or divert the influx of Jews
into France. However, anyone who does not declare himself
ready to join the migrating Jews has no right to assign them
places in various parts of the world. ‘Israelite Frenchmen’—if
there are such—are therefore no Jews in our eyes and our cause
is none of their business.”
Later on there came a college professor named Becker, a great
chauvinist. “// n’est question que d'un grand project [it’s nothing
more than a big scheme],” he said as soon as he had entered. It
seems that Parisian Jewry has been very busy discussing the mat
ter since my arrival.
This Becker is a typical Jew from the Latin Quarter. A sort
of Brunetière translated into Hebrew. He reeks of books and
conventional patriotism. With great glibness he started to “re
fute” me. He also trotted out that satirical anecdote about what
things would be like in the Jewish State. Two Jews meet:
“Qu’est-ce que tu fais ici [What do you do here]?”—“Je vends
des lorgnettes. Et toi [I sell opera glasses. And you]?”—“Je vends
aussi des lorgnettes [I sell opera glasses, too].”
T o this masterly argument I replied quite calmly: “Monsieur,
ni vous ni moi nous ne vendons des lorgnettes [Sir, neither you
nor I sell opera glasses].”
Afterwards he apologized for having told this joke, and in the
further course of the conversation he admitted that the Jewish
State would be a great académie [academy].
Through questions and answers I familiarized him with the
plan and gradually forced him to the wall, using only the argu
ments from my “Address to the Jews.”
His eyes grew bigger and bigger behind his spectacles, and
finally he fell completely silent.
November 19
Nordau, so it seems, is completely won over to the cause.
My discussions with him concern reservations of the highest
type. “Are the Jews still anthropologically fit for nationhood?”
and the like.
Time will tell.
Nordau thinks that the plan will need three hundred years for
its realization.
I believe, thirty—provided that the idea catches on.
Nordau recommends that while in London I should contact
Ha-maggid and the Jewish Chronicle. I am to arrange for my
pamphlet to be translated into Yiddish, also into Hebrew, for
the Russians.
The campaign’s center of gravity is shifted to London.
London, November 21
Visit to Israel Zangwill, the writer. He lives in Kilburn, N. W.
A drive in the fog through endless streets. Arrived a bit out of
sorts. The house is rather shabby. In his book-lined study Zang
will sits before an enormous writing table with his back to the
fireplace. Also close to the fire, his brother, reading. Both give
one the impression of shivering southerners who have been cast
up on the shores of Ultima Thule. Israel Zangwill is of the long-
nosed Negroid type, with very woolly deep-black hair, parted in
the middle; his clean-shaven face displays the steely haughtiness
of an honest ambitious man who has made his way after bitter
struggles. The disorder in his room and on his desk leads me to
infer that he is an internalized person. I have not read any of
his writings, but I think I know him. He must bestow all the
care that is lacking in his outward appearance on his style.
Our conversation is laborious. We speak in French, his com
mand of which is inadequate. I don’t even know whether he
understands me. Still, we agree on major points. He, too, is in
favor of our territorial independence.
However, his point of view is a racial one—which I cannot
accept if I so much as look at him and at myself. All I am saying
is: We are an historical unit, a nation with anthropological di
versities. This also suffices for the Jewish State. No nation has
uniformity of race.
We soon get down to practical points. He gives me the names
of several suitable men:
Colonel Goldsmid, the painter Solomon, Rabbi Singer, Mo-
catta, Abrahams, Montefiore, Lucien Wolf, Joseph Jacobs, N.S.
Joseph, and, of course, Chief Rabbi Adler.
I shall meet these men next Sunday at the banquet of the
Maccabeans and arrange a conference for Monday at which I
shall present my plan.
Colonel Goldsmid—for me the most important—is stationed
at Cardiff with his regiment.
Zangwill is asking him by telegram to come here. Otherwise
I shall have to go to Cardiff to see him.
London, November as
Rode about all day.
Called on Chief Rabbi Adler. He received me like an old
acquaintance. He was in a hurry. Would I come and dine with
him tomorrow at his other home in the City. In all haste he
counseled me against the Maccabeans, saying they were young
people without influence. I would be better advised to speak with
Lord Rothschild and others. He gave me an introduction to Sir
Samuel Montagu, M.P.
I went to call on Montagu in the City. A busy day at the
office. Montague sandwiched me in between two brokers. He
invited me to have lunch at his home on Sunday. We could then
talk. But he immediately drew my attention to his age, saying that
he was no longer fit for any big undertaking.
Then to Rabbi Singer. He, too, was in a hurry; I accompanied
him to the beautiful synagogue in Bayswater. A few words about
my purpose: I wanted to start a worldwide discussion of the
Jewish Question.
He smiled: “You are ambitious.” •
I said: “T h at is really the least fantastic aspect of my plan.”
He made an appointment with me for Sunday—“to tea."
My pet thought about the transitional phase: Am I not like
a highclass Jewish “scholar” who travels about and is invited
to free meals by rabbis and rich people?
Upon Singer’s advice I wrote to Claude Montefiore at Brighton,
asking him to come here on Sunday.
Goldsmid has telegraphed Zangwill that he cannot come.
November 23
In the evening with the Chief Rabbi at his other house, in
the City. He has two houses, and always stays in the one in the
City from Friday to Sunday.
So I drove up to Finsbury Square. I knocked on the door for
quite a while. I only heard soft whispering behind it. At length
the door opened on a dimly lit hall and I made out a surprising
scene: a bevy of young girls who had waited in silence, as though
afraid, and now withdrew into the semi-darkness. I thought the
Rabbi was holding Sabbath School. He told me afterwards that
his daughter was giving a “young girls’ tea party,” with an ama
teur show, a musicale, and recitations.
Later on, Mr. Joseph, Adler’s brother-in-law, came to dinner
to meet me.
Everything British, with old Jewish touches breaking through.
Here I had a strong feeling that Jewish ways need not be lu
dicrous, as they are among us in Austria, where the heart has
gone out of our practices.
And so I put on my top hat after the meal, like the others,
and listened to the Rabbi’s after-dinner blessing.
Of course, I had told the Chief Rabbi, as I had told Zadoc
Kahn and Giidemann, that I was not obeying any religious im
pulse in my project. But I shall certainly honor the faith of my
fathers, at least as much as I would honor other faiths.
After dinner we men sat by ourselvq^ and later on we were
joined by Elkan Adler, an attorney and the Chief Rabbi’s brother.
I expounded my project.
The Chief Rabbi said that this was the idea of Daniel
Deronda.
I said: “I wouldn’t even want the idea to be a new one. It is
2,000 years old. T he only novelty is the method by which I
launch the idea and later organize the Society and finally the
State. That is to say, not I myself, for I shall withdraw from the
execution of the project, which must be something impersonal.
I am merely creating the instrumentality which is to direct the
operation.”
Mr. Joseph, a likable, completely anglicized, slow-thinking
and prolix old man, an architect by profession, presented the
familiar objections. T he Jews are not suitable human material;
the experience of the Anglo-Russian emigration committees has
been distressing; the people are unwilling to work, etc.
I explained to him that this was due to the faultiness of the
experiments made thus far. The experiments were bad, the ma
terial is good.
The stupid charity, I said, is to blame for everything. Charity
must cease, then the shnorrers [beggars] will disappear. The exist
ing Jewish relief committees must subordinate themselves to us
—or they will be dissolved.
The Chief Rabbi said: “We shall submit your plan to the
Anglo-Russian committee, and they will decide whether they
will participate in your project.”
I replied: ”Of course this committee would take up the matter,
but I am not submitting it to them. You can’t make me yield to
majorities. Whoever goes along with me is welcome. I am first
turning to notable Jews who have made a name for themselves by
their past efforts, but I do not need them. It will only please me
if respected people join with me. But I am not dependent on
them.”
Elkan Adler has been to Palestine, and he would like us to
settle in that country. We would have an enormous hinterland
over there.
During all this talk, we were drinking a light claret produced
in a Zion colony.
November 24
Lunched at the home of Sir Samuel Montagu, M.P. A house
of English elegance, in grand style. Sir Samuel a splendid old
chap, the best Jew I have met thus far. At table he presides over
his family—which is actually unfriendly, or merely wellbred—
with the air of a good-natured patriarch.
Kosher food, served by three liveried footmen.
After lunch, in the smoking room, I expounded my case. I
gradually roused him to enthusiasm. He confessed to me—in
confidence—that he felt himself to be more an Israelite than an
Englishman. He said he would settle in Palestine with his whole
family. He has in mind a Greater Palestine rather than the old
one.
He will hear nothing of Argentina.
He is ready to join our committee as soon as one of the Great
Powers takes the matter seriously.
I am to send him my pamphlet before its final publication.
• • •
In the evening with the “Maccabeans.”

Skimpy dinner, but good reception.
Everyone welcomes me cordially.
The club members include mostly educated Jews. A strapping
officer, Captain Nathan, who at one time was supposed to go to
Vienna as a military attaché, but was rejected because of his
Jewishness.
After dinner Zangwill calls on me with a mildly satirical intro
duction.
I give my talk extemporaneously and in three parts. The first
two in German. Reverend Singer takes notes as I speak and after
each part gives an English resumé of what I have said.
The third part I deliver in French.
My speech gets applause. They confer together in undertones
and unanimously elect me as an honorary member.
Then follow the objections, which I refute.
The most important of these: English patriotism.
• * •
November 25, at Cardiff

With Colonel Goldsmid.
When I arrived at the station I was met by the Colonel, in
uniform. Medium height, small black mustache, anglicized Jew
ish face, with kind, intelligent, dark eyes.
A small dog-cart was waiting outside the station. The Colonel
had his horse and rode on it either in front or in back of the
wagon. We exchanged a few words as we rode through Cardiff
to his house, “T he Elms."
He said to me with a cheerful expression: “We shall work for
the liberation of Israel."
Then he told me that he was Commandant of Cardiff and the
surrounding district, and showed and explained to me the sights
of the city.
Mrs. Goldsmid awaited us at “The Elms"—a lean, refined
Englishwoman, with her two young daughters, Rahel and Carmel.
An English welcome, which makes you feel at once like an old
acquaintance.
In the afternoon I read my plan to the Colonel. He doesn’t
understand much German; the exposition dragged a little.
But he said: “That is the idea of my life." *
He cannot undertake leadership in the project, for it is some
thing political, and as an officer he is not allowed to engage in
active politics.
But if the movement got started, he said, he would leave the
British and enter the Jewish service. Only, instead of “Jews" he
would prefer to say “Israelites," because Israel embraces all the
tribes.
He showed me the flag of the Hovevei Zion, with the symbols
of the twelve tribes. In contrast, I unfurled my white flag with
its seven stars.
In spite of that, we understood, we understand, each other.
He is a wonderful person.
After dinner, while the ladies and the other English colonel
in the party were in the drawing room, I went to the smoking
room with Goldsmid. And then came the remarkable story.
“I am Daniel Deronda,” he said. “I was bom a Christian. My
hither and mother were baptized Jews. When I found out about
this, as a young man in India, I decided to return to the ancestral
fold. While I was serving as a lieutenant, I went over to Judaism.
My family was indignant at this. My present wife was also a
Christian of Jewish descent. I eloped with her, and we had a
civil marriage in Scotland, to begin with. T hen she had to be
come a Jewess, and we were married in a synagogue. I am an
orthodox Jew. This has not done me any harm in England. My
children Rahel and Carmel have had a strict religious upbringing
and learned Hebrew at an early age.”
That, and his tales of South America, sounded like a novel.
Because he has worked for Hirsch in Argentina and knows the
local conditions, his advice is worth heeding: that only Palestine
can be considered.
The pious Christians of England would help us if we went to
Palestine. For they expect the coming of the Messiah after the
Jews have returned home.
With Goldsmid, I suddenly find myself in another world.
He wants to deliver the Holy Sepulchre to the Christians stone
by stone: part of it to Moscow, another part to Rome!
Like Montagu, he too thinks of a Greater Palestine.
A good idea of his is to hit landed property with a graduated
tax. Henry George!
• • •
The Viennese pianist Rosenthal happened to be in Cardiff.

I wrote him to come to “T he Elms.” He came after his concert.
Rahel and Carmel listened in graceful poses. Truly, another
world. In my mind’s eye I could already see the aristocratic
Jewesses of the coming era. Exquisite creatures with an oriental
T H E COM PLETE DIARIES OF TH EO D O R HERZL 283
touch, gentle and dreamy. And as a piece of bric-a-brac there lay
on the drawing room table a Torah scroll in a silver case.
November 26, Cardiff

Goodbye to Colonel Goldsmid. I have already taken him to
my heart, like a brother.
November 26, London

Evening at the Rev. Singer’s.
I had asked Asher Myers of the Jewish Chronicle, Dr. Hirsch,
the secretary of the Hovevei Zion, and the painter Solomon to
meet me there.
T he gentlemen were already waiting when I arrived.
The conference degenerated into a theologizing discussion.
Asher Myers asked: “What is your relation to the BibleV’ *
I said: “I am a freethinker, and our principle will be: Let
everyone seek salvation in his own way.”
Hirsch asked whether I accepted the flag of the Hovevei Zion.
I countered with my national-social flag: white field, seven
stars. T he Zion flag can serve those who want it as a Tem ple
banner.
In the end I did not succeed in creating the Center I had had
in mind. Singer would like to participate, but the intolerant
Asher Myers told him: “You can’t do that.”
Singer thought that the matter must first be submitted to the
prominent Jews: Lord Rothschild, Mocatta, Montefiore, etc.
I answered: “You can’t make me yield to majorities. This is the
cause of the poor Jews, not of the rich ones. The protest of the
latter is null, void, and worthless. Nevertheless, I should like to
have the project carried out by a committee, because it must be
conducted in an impersonal way.”
Asher Myers said: “No, you are the man to conduct it. You
must be the martyr to this idea. The orthodox Jews will join with
you, but consider you a bad Jew. And besides, the Jews will not
want to go to Argentina, but to Palestine.”
He asked me for a resumé of my pamphlet for the Jewish
Chronicle, and I promised him one.
As I was leaving, Solomon consoled me. He believed that the
Study Commission I desired would be created within the Mac-
cabean Club. His brother-in-law Bentwich, he said, was filled
with enthusiasm. The club would devote several Sundays in suc
cession to a consideration of my pamphlet.
Good enough.
Paris, November 28
Rev. Singer accompanied me to the Charing Cross station.
So as to be able to talk with him a while longer, I left at eleven
o’clock instead of ten.
I shall send the pamphlet and the letters to him. For the time
being he is my chief representative in London. He does seem to
be very devoted to the cause.
He was remarkably attentive during that final hour.
Then a good crossing, but I was ill when I arrived in Paris.
Nordau diagnoses it as bronchial catarrh. I must see to it that
I get home and finish the pamphlet.
"A prophet must have sound lungs,” says Nordau.
“With such a winter coat a man isn’t a prophet,” I replied in
amusement.
Nordau is more reserved now than he was before my departure
for London.
He will participate in the project “w ithin the limits of pos
sibility.”
• * *
By contrast. Beer the sculptor was immediately heart and soul

for the idea at my first intimation of it. He came in the evening,
when I took my catarrh to bed, and drew up plans: to make the
desert arable, import humus soil into Palestine from Africa, plant
forests, etc.
Beer will be an excellent helper; I knew it from the start.
Farewell visit to Zadoc Kahn.
November 29
He was very amiable again, saying that he considered my solu
tion the only one, and why didn’t I speak with Salomon Reinach.
I said that I was too tired now. Actually, I don’t expect a thing
from the French Jews.
Zadoc said I should send my pamphlet to Edmond Rothschild.
I: “W ouldn’t dream of it.”
• • •
Vienna, December 15
In international dealings there is neither justice nor humane
ness. The absence of these two elements—so one could say jest
ingly—makes the Jewish Question an international one.
December 15
Mimicry on the part of the Jews.
In this we mainly lost our good qualities, because such national
mimicry usually produces only bad ones.
December 24
I was just lighting the Christmas tree for my children when
Güdemann arrived. He seemed upset by the "Christian” custom.
Well, I will not let myself be pressuredl But I don’t mind if they
call it the Hanukah tree—or the winter solstice.
• • #
The Jewish publisher Cronbach in Berlin will not hear of my

offer to bring out my pamphlet. He says that it runs counter to
his views. I consoled myself when I noticed from the envelope of
his letter that he publishes a hairdressers’ journal and the like.
Then I wrote to Duncker & Humblot, who will not have any
thing to do with it, either.
Publish it under my own imprint, then? If the pamphlet sells,
I would look like a businessman!
January 18, 1896
Schidrowitz telegraphed today from London that my pre
liminary article, “The Solution of the Jewish Question,” has
appeared in the Jewish Chronicle. T he first step into the public
arena.
January ig
Signed a contract with the publisher Breitenstein.
He was enthusiastic when I read him a few passages from the
text which I finished at last after long toil.
I have changed the title—to Der Judenstaat [The Jewish
State].
I now have the sense of relief that comes from the completion
of a job.
Success I do not expect.
I am returning calmly to my literary projects. First of all I
shall rework the Ghetto play.
January 22
The first manifestation of support, from a London book dealer,
P. Michaelis, who places at my disposal his “devotion and en
ergy.”
January 23
The second is from Rabbi A. Kaminka in Prague, who calls
on me to form a national Jewish party in Austria.
I am answering him that for the present I think I ought to
refrain from any personal political agitation.
January 25
Dr. Lieben, Secretary of the local Jewish Community, came
to the office. I spoke with him in Bacher’s room. Lieben has re
ceived an inquiry from London as to whether I was the author
of that Utopia in the Jewish Chronicle. He had replied that he
thought not, “for I know him as a sensible person.”
In the course of our talk he brought up, one by one, the famil
iar, basic objections.
When I stated that I was a nationalist Jew, he said: “T h a t’s
what you make yourself believe.”
I did not take any further trouble with him.
January 27
Giidemann has read the first proofs and writes me full of en
thusiasm. He believes that the tract will strike like a bombshell
and work wonders. Chief Rabbi Adler has written him that he
considers the m atter impractical and at the same time, dangerous.
The Chief Rabbi has too good a position to find my project to
his liking. None of these things irritate me.
February 1
The pamphlet is ready in final proofs.
At the office they already have wind of it.
Oppenheim has read the Jewish Chronicle article and derides
“the Jewish Jules Verne.” He sees in it “material” for a humorous
weekly entrefilet [sketch].
In line with my basic idea about the transitional phase I rec
ognize in him the scoffer in the street who laughs at the prophet
or people’s spokesman.
I said to him, naturally in a polite tone of voice: “T he man
who makes jokes about it I shall make jokes about in return—
and I can make wicked jokes.”
He replied: “T he wickedest joke of all is your making the
matter public. If that article in the Chronicle appears in German,
the anti-Semites will raise a hullaballoo over it. Yes, that would
suit them just fine.”
Another colleague (from the Economist) remarked that he
and his fiancée had read the Chronicle and decided not to join
the movement. I disposed of him with a smile.
For the rest, I already see clearly what opposition I shall en
counter, and from what quarters. Journalists making fun of the
whole thing are the most immediate danger now. Il faudra leur
montrer, que fa i l’épaule terrible [I will have to show them that
I can be tough too].
This is the way I believe matters will go: If the thing catches
on, they will content themselves with sullen envy.
If the explosion is only an explosion de rire [explosion of
laughter], then I shall be marked down for a fool. This is the
sacrifice—apart from the sacrifices which I can only surmise now,
probably much greater ones—that I am quite deliberately mak
ing for the Jewish cause. I am being “taken seriously,” I have
already been offered the editorship of a newspaper; other offers
of this kind, far better ones even, would again be made. My job
in itself is good enough and would improve every day. I be
lieve that I am endangering my own job—because, in spite of the
pledge Bâcher made me that time, I shall probably find myself in
conflict with my editors. It will take a lot of diplomatic skill on
my part to postpone this conflict as long as possible. Even now I
feel that regardless of my able work I am making them uncom
fortable. Perhaps things will change if my pamphlet is a success
—the kind that does not result in the “hullaballoo” that Oppen-
heim talked about. But if I fare badly, I think they will leave me
in the lurch and perhaps compel me, through the nature of their
polemic against my pamphlet, to leave the staff as a matter of
self-respect.
February s
Bloch, the former deputy in Parliament, came with a letter
from Giidemann and asked me to let him have a few chapters
from my pamphlet for publication in his Osterreichische Wochen
schrift. Giidemann is enthusiastic and writes: “Your colleagues
ought to place wreaths upon your brow.”
Bloch seems to have confidence in the cause. I need professional
politicians like Bloch. The only thing is that he believes the pro
ject to be dependent on the participation of the Rothschilds. I
believed that too in the beginning, but I no longer do. Bloch
thinks it is out of the question that people will take the whole
thing as a joke, and says that I worry too much about this point.
Well, I believe that the first impression will determine at least
the speed of the development.
February 2
In the afternoon met Giidemann in the Prater. He said: "I
was just thinking of you. You have no idea what a great thing
you have done.”
He was quite enthusiastic and expects an enormous reaction.
Gloomy atmosphere at the office. Talked with Bâcher. He has
many grave and great misgivings. The chief danger: my saying
that we cannot assimilate. The anti-Semites will seize upon this,
just as they will in general pick out of my text any “plums”
that they can use and keep quoting them. There is something
similar in Levysohn's letter which arrived today and in which
he announces that he will fight me vigorously. He says that I
was right in shifting the ground of the discussion; but this shift
works to our disadvantage.
While I was talking to Bâcher, Goldbaum came in. Strangely
enough—and as I immediately recognized, with malicious intent
—he handed me a protest from a would-be contributor to our
literary page who complained that a manuscript of his had not
received any attention. It was just as if he wanted to weaken fur
ther my position on the staff, which he already considered shaken.
His conversation, too, was full of barbed allusions. He spoke
about the Bulgarian Prince Ferdinand and Count Goluchowski
who was about to be deposed because his innovations were caus
ing embarrassment and he constituted a menace.
When we were leaving he handed me the page proofs of my
pamphlet which had been loaned to him and said: “You have
moved me but not convinced me.”
After these cordial-sounding words I was ready to believe that
in my nervousness I had misinterpreted his behavior in Bacher's
room.
But when I came home I saw that in two places he had not
even cut the pages of my pamphlet.
Once more, before leaving, I went to Bacher’s room. Benedikt
came in and made as if to go out again when he saw me. I asked
him whether he had read my pamphlet. He replied: “I cannot
dwell on trifling fault-finding here and there in the text. One
has to take the whole thing or leave it alone.”
His voice dropped when he spoke the words “leave it alone."
That was all. Still, a downright dramatic touch. Storm clouds
hovered over this brief conversation. We had understood each
other—and, as though nothing serious or momentous were under
discussion, we passed on to indifferent matters, spoke about the
Easter number, to which Lemaître was to be requested to con
tribute an article, and the like.
February 3
At night.
I have sized up Benedikt correctly. T his evening he came to
my room and asked— he asked me!—if he could have a talk with
me. He wanted to discuss the m atter with me “not as the Neue
Freie Presse, but as an individual.” I was to take no decisive ac
tion before our talk, nothing that could not later be undone.
I said: “I shall not bring the pamphlet out before then, but I
cannot stop the printing of it. Later changes would entail ex
pense.”
He answered: “Money can take care of that.”
I don’t know if I understood him correctly. Does he want to
offer me money to desist from publication?
In any case, my answer tomorrow or the next day—whenever
this momentous encounter takes place—is determined in ad
vance. I shall, I must tell him: My honor is pledged. Even if 1
wanted to, I could no longer backtrack. My idea has been ex
pressed in the Jewish Chronicle article. It no longer belongs to
me. If I kept silent, if I withheld the pamphlet which I have
promised publicly, it would appear that I had sold myself to the
rich Jews who oppose my plan.—I shall go along with small al
terations that he may desire, but make him pay the printing
costs involved. Such payment must in eventum [for the future]
furnish the proof that I may need some day.
But how right I was when I told my parents this afternoon that
I was already in the thick of the fight.
Yes, I believe that the hardest battle is now taking place. There
is in it an almost pantomimic silence, a dramatic climax with
little talk, but every word is a tragic action.
The Neue Freie Presse is wrestling with me, the boss with his
employee. He has all the strength of his superior position; I have
justice on my side.
If I am driven into a corner, there is one utmost concession I
can make: waive my claim to the promised article, which was to
be my entire compensation for declining that editorship.
February 3
Was at the printing office and talked with the managers, the
Hollinek brothers. Both are presumably anti-Semites. They
greeted me with sincere cordiality. They liked my pamphlet.
One of them said: It was necessary that a man stand up and un
dertake the task of mediation.
February 4
Lay awake for hours during the night, reflecting about the
situation at the Neue Freie Presse. There is no doubt that I am
in the thick of the battle. Bâcher said yesterday: “You are burn
ing your bridges behind you!”
When I speak with Benedikt I must make him understand
what faces them if they do not keep their promise to me.
If he forces me to leave the paper, I must immediately have
another paper at my disposal. If worst comes to worst, I shall
write another pamphlet telling dispassionately of all happenings.
In this campaign I have long been prepared for the first battle.
I only marched straight ahead. Suddenly, a small skirmish that
does not look like anything. Just a few shots back and forth.
And yet I already know that the big battle, perhaps the decisive
one, has begun.
I must remain hard and firm, agree to no procrastination, ac
cept no more promises. Ehrlich’s words are in my mind: “They
will not keep their promise to you.”
I am staking a lot, my entire position—but so is the Neue
Freie Presse!
February 4
My publisher Breitenstein wants to have a first printing of
only 3,000 copies. He has no confidence as yet in its commercial
success!
February 4
Showdown discussion with Benedikt.
He said: (1) No individual has the right to take upon himself
the tremendous moral responsibility of setting this avalanche in
motion and endangering so many interests. (2) We shall no
longer have our present fatherland and not yet have the Jewish
State. (3) The pamphlet is not yet ripe for publication.
He said there was a personal danger for myself in that I was
risking my established prestige. By doing this I was also harming
the paper, for among its assets was my literary reputation. Fur
thermore, I was in direct opposition to several principles of the
Neue Freie Presse. He wants me to refrain from publication.
I answered: “My honor is pledged. I have already published
the idea in the Jewish Chronicle. It no longer belongs to me, but
to the Jews. If I kept silent now, I would endanger my reputa
tion all the more.”
He begged me to think it over once more. At least I should
postpone the publication for a few months. He himself would
help me do the necessary re-writing. I asked: “When?”
He answered: "In the summer—when I take my vacation."
1 merely laughed to myself.
He threatened me in no uncertain terms, although he ex
pressly conceded my right to publish the pamphlet. He force
fully warned me “as a friend,” “as an experienced journalist."
He “strongly advised," he “urgently desired." He said: “You are
really not an Austrian at all, but a Hungarian."
I replied: “I am an Austrian citizen."
He told me some tale, dragged in by the ears, with the point
that it was his habit to “swing with my fists when something gets
too much for me to take."
He mentioned in passing that he had many young friends in
literary circles (which implied the threat that I could easily be
replaced as literary editor).
He tickled my vanity: “It is not a matter of indifference if Dr*
Theodor Herzl publishes such a piece of writing. You are one of
our most outstanding collaborators, an integral part of the Neue
Freie Presse. If you do publish the pamphlet, at least you should
not put your name to it."
I said: “T hat would be cowardice, and, what’s more, needless
cowardice.”
In the end, he asked me to think it over for another 24 hours.
Presumably I am supposed to be racked by deep psychic strug
gles.
• • i
In the evening I went to Bloch and then took him along to

Güdemann. I told them everything.
At first Güdemann believed that I wanted his consent to re
treat, and consequently counseled me to do what two excellent
men like Bâcher and Benedikt advised me.
But I put my problem on the right plane. Desisting from pub
lication was out of the question, I said. I am not a little boy who
backs out of something at the last moment. I shall follow this
through. I said it was only a question of the following. Bloch
wants to publish in his weekly a translation of my article in the
Jewish Chronicle. I gave him the original manuscript and he had
it set in type. I cannot step on Benedikt’s toes, must not supply
him with the casus belli [cause for war] which he would welcome.
I do not want, then, to create a fait accompli in Vienna before I
am acquainted with all his reservations.
Therefore I am withdrawing my manuscript from Bloch—of
course, I could not prevent him from printing the translation of
my article which Professor Kaufmann has sent him.
This is how we finally left things. Bloch is going to return my
manuscript but will publish Kaufmann’s translation on his own.
Now, however, Giidemann said that I was right in not retreat
ing. Finally, he went so far as to remark that Benedikt was be
having like a rather petty businessman. When they were afraid
that I might found a rival newspaper, they promised to support
my pamphlet; now, they actually want to stop me from publish
ing it.
February 5
Saw Benedikt, but had no talk with him—i.e., we spoke only
about ordinary political affairs of the day.
In the evening Bâcher came to my room, was very affable, but
talked about all sorts of other things.
He was waiting for me to bring up the subject of the pamphlet.
But all I talked about was contemporary French literature.
February 6
Alexander Scharf called on me. He had heard from Bloch that
I had written a magnificent pamphlet. He would like to get it
ahead of the dailies, because his weekly, published on Monday,
takes a long time to produce. I was unable to give him permis
sion to reprint anything from it, in view of what was happening
at the office.
But we got to talking, and I answered his objections with argu
ments from the pamphlet. For the objections he made were only
the expected ones.
After the first half hour, he compared me to Hertzka, the
author of Freeland, and reminded me of the story about the
lunatic in the asylum who said: “Look at that poor fool; he
thinks he’s the emperor of Russia, when I am.’’
After another half hour, he compared me to Christ.
He said I was the second Christ who would do the Jews griev
ous harm.
Amused, I rejected both comparisons, and said: “I am, quite
simply, a modem and, at the same time, natural and unaffected
person. I am doing the whole thing without any nonsense or
fanciful gestures. I can even contemplate with equanimity the
possibility that my enterprise will come to nothing.”
He: “This merely shows me that you are a hokhem [clever
person]. At first people will certainly make a laughing-stock of
you. T he Jewish-owned papers will call you the Mahdi of the
Pelikangasse.”
“Just let them,” I laughed.
Finally he said: “If I didn’t know that you can’t be bought,
and if I were Rothschild, I would offer you five million to sup
press the pamphlet. O r I would assassinate you. For you will do
the Jews terrible harm.
“Incidentally, I shall read your pamphlet with care; and if you
convince me, I shall honestly acknowledge that I am on your
side.”
I lent him the pamphlet on his word of honor that he would
not publish anything from it without my authorization.
Then I tried to make him understand that my tract was not a
danger to the Jews, but a boon. I used the simile of a U-tube.
Relief for all Jewry begins with an outward flow. In the arm
marked “Jewish State,” the level gradually rises, while it sinks
in the arm representing the places where Jews now reside. No
one is ruined; on the contrary, the foundations of new wealth are
laid. And through the progressive improvement of the standing
of the Jews who emigrate, the situation of those who remain be
hind improves.
In the evening I met Dessauer, the bank director, and strolled
with him through the wintry, snow-covered Stadtpark.
Dessauer sees no danger but only benefits in my publication.
He thinks that a new and better tone will be introduced into the
Jewish Question. Nor does he see any danger to the Neue Freie
Presse from my tract. He thinks it odd of the Neue Freie Presse
to believe that it is not regarded as a Jewish paper. For the rest,
its publishers should not even take a stand themselves, but sim
ply have my pamphlet reviewed by some Heidelberg professor.
Then we spoke of future developments. Dessauer had a nice
idea. He said it would be interesting to see the Jewish State a
hundred or two hundred years from now. T o see what had come
out of my idea. He thinks it quite as likely that the Jewish State
will come into being during our lifetime as that it will not be
established until decades after our death. In fifty years’ time, he
believes, the Jewish State will already be in existence. He thinks
it will be a great state, for, as the case of England proves, the
strength of a state does not depend on the num ber of its citizens,
but on their intelligence.
We did a bit of dreaming about the future achievements of
the Jewish people for the welfare of mankind.
• • *
February 7
Bloch’s weekly is out and the issue does not contain the Kauf
mann translation. At the same time there comes a letter from
Bloch in which he excuses himself for not publishing it by saying
that he found the translation unsatisfactory; he preferred waiting
another week in order to be able to publish my original.
Actually, he has left me in the lurch. He is evidently afraid of
That, too, is all right with me. This, like everything else so
far, just goes to show again that I have no support whatever, that
I have to do everything myself.
And Scharf told me yesterday that Bloch had boasted of having
assisted me in the writing of the pamphlet.
And yet every line, every word, is my own work.
February 8
In the Diet of Lower Austria, Deputy von Pacher yesterday
demanded that anyone who is demonstrably of Jewish ancestry
might be deprived of his civic rights.
* * *
My good friend, the Rev. Singer, writes me from London that

my scheme has scarcely been discussed in public, but in all the
more lively fashion in private. He himself has spoken of it from
the pulpit. But on the whole, it still does not come closely enough
home to English Jews, for anti-Semitism there is not calamitous.
• i t
In the Berlin monthly Zion there is a friendly review of my

Chronicle article from the pen of Dr. J. Holzmann. However, he
is against a language federalism.
I am writing him that we should not conjure up any differ
ences among ourselves at this time, but save wrangling for later.
February 9
Met Bloch who told me that in response to my article repro
duced in Zion a delegation of students had called on me while I was
out. They also wished to invite me to Güdemann’s lecture in
the Lesehalle. I went there with Bloch. On the way he told me
that Scharf had been to Güdemann to request G. to prevail upon
me as well as my father not to publish my treatise. Scharf also
said that the community would hold it very much against Güde
mann if he failed to dissuade me.
I said: "I shall give Güdemann a letter to the effect that he
made every effort to dissuade me from my purpose."
This only goes to show again that no one helps me, in (act,
that everyone tries to hinder me—the very people who will un
doubtedly claim later, if success comes, that they were my col
laborators.
As for those who tremble for their possessions—Scharf owns
several houses in Vienna—I shall simply tell them this: "If you
want to cover yourselves against possible losses, simply subscribe
for shares in the Jewish Company. What you lose here through
the moving out of your Jewish tenants, you will gain over there
by their moving in. The U-tubel By the same amount that you
sink here, you will rise there. And besides, you can have the same
houses again on the other side. T he Company will build them
for you."
• • •
In the Jüdische Akademische Lesehalle I was greeted with
enthusiasm. When the chairman welcomed the guests, my name
received the longest and most tempestuous applause—which, if
my eyes did not deceive me, may have piqued one or another
among the guests of honor.
After Giidemann’s lecture, a few of the young people came up
to me, and I spoke extemporaneously for an hour. There were
some hundred of them—many erect figures, all eyes sparkling
with intelligence. They stood crowded together and listened with
mounting enthusiasm. A great success—as I had expected. I had
long ago pictured the entire scene just as it happened. As I drove
away, they stood in the street and shouted after me through the
night a loud, many-voiced "Prosit [Cheers]!"
February 9
One of the students in my audience yesterday, Carl Poliak,
came to see me, because he had to "give vent to my enthusiasm."
He said that right after my speech a few people who had
hitherto been lukewarm declared that they would get behind
the national idea.
February 10
Read today the pamphlet entitled Auto-Emancipation which
Bloch gave me.
An astounding correspondence in the critical part, a great sim
ilarity in the constructive one.
A pity that I did not read this work before my own pamphlet
was printed. On the other hand, it is a good thing that I didn’t
know it—or perhaps I would have abandoned my own under
taking.
At the first opportunity I shall speak about it in public, and
possibly write an article about it in Zion.
February 14
Days of excitement, full of palpitations and shortness of breath.
Talked with Ludassy today. T he Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung
should lead it off. After a quarter of an hour he got the point.
He asked: “Shall I review it as a friend or a critic? In the latter
case, I may draw blood.”
To which I said: “Hanc veniam damns petimusque vicissim
[we pardon and ask for pardon in turn].” Whoever whacks me,
I shall whack in return. Je ne me laisserai pas faire [I won’t
stand for it]. I ’ll fight hard. But those who go with me will all
become famous figures in history.”
He said: “I will go with you.”
• • •
My 500 copies came this evening. When I had the bundle

carted to my room, I was terribly shaken. This package of pam
phlets constitutes the decision in tangible form. My life may now
take a new turn.
Then I went to the office. I recalled the fisherman on the “See-
rviesen” at the Alt-Aussee Lake who said: “The most remarkable
thing is a man’s never giving up hope.”
February 15
My good papa comes and tells me that the pamphlet is already
on display in Breitenstein’s window.
Will there be a fight at the office today?
* * •
Spoke again with Ludassy. He is already dropping off. He has
changed his mind. He "must write the way my readers want it."
There was "a difference between what a writer of feuilletons says
and what an editorial writer says."
When I replied that I believed the masses would share my
views, he remarked: “I shall always be able to wheel round.”
That’s all right, too.
Afterwards went to see Szeps. He seemed to understand the
matter, but he too has nothing but misgivings. "A newspaper
must not be original,” he said. "Newspapers cannot propagate
new ideas.”
He wants to think it over.
Meanwhile, the pamphlet has appeared in the bookstores. For
me, the die is cast.
February 15
At this point my good father is my only standby. All those with
whom I have conferred on the subject up to now are cautiously
keeping in the background, watching events, biding their time.
At my side I feel no one but my dear old dad. He stands firm as
a rock.
Oppenheim made some jokes last night at the office. He wants
to have my pamphlet bound. “If you are meshugge [crazy], have
yourself bound,” he said, after I had given him a copy at his own
request.
I must be prepared for this sort of thing. T he grown-up street
urchins will be on my heels. But a man who is to carry the day in
thirty years has to be considered crazy for the first two weeks.
At the Stock Exchange, too, there is supposed to have been a
lot of discussion of the pamphlet yesterday. If anything, the mood
seems to be hostile to me.
February 16
Dr. S. R. Landau came to see me. I believe I have in him a
devoted and capable supporter.
He seems to be an ardent enthusiast, with the main fault of
that type qf person: intolerant zeal.
But a good, stalwart man. Properly controlled, such energies
can work wonders.
February 17
Not a single local paper has expressed itself yet. Still, the pam
phlet begins to be a known quantity. Acquaintances ask me: “Is
that pamphlet people are talking about by you? Is it a joke or
something meant to be serious?”
I answer: "Deadly seriousl Of course, anyone who undertakes
a thing of this kind must expect that at first the street urchins will
run after him. And there is such a thing as grown-up street u r
chins.”
February 18
If nothing happens at the office today, I shall send the following
letter to Badeni:
Your Excellency:
When I last had the honor of being received by you, I took the
egregious liberty of steering the conversation to the pending prob
lem of the day.
That happened to be—at the end of October—the Lueger
question. I noticed your consternation, Excellency, when I said:
If you do not confirm his election, you will be endorsing Jew-
hatred as a whole.
The reason I said that was the pamphlet which I herewith beg
to put in Your Excellency’s hands and which was already finished
at that time. I wanted to impress myself on your memory by a
little short-term prophecy, so that you might later read my polit
ical treatise with some attention.
This pamphlet will presumably cause a certain commotion:
laughter, outcries, wails, abuse, misunderstanding, stupidities,
baseness.
I face all these things with the utmost composure. Les chiens
aboient— la caravane passe [The dogs bark, the caravan passes].
But I would want Your Excellency to read my political treatise,
which is of great practical interest to you, before it is distorted by
wild discussion. To read it with your own unprejudiced eyes.
You will then notice that I have only touched lightly upon many
matters that are of the highest importance . . . (interrupted).
February 18, evening

At noon the university lecturer Feilbogen called on me at the
office and said he had to talk to me about the pamphlet—“It is
the most significant thing that Zionist literature has produced
to date,” etc.—paeans of praise.
In the afternoon he came to my house and opened the conver
sation by asking whether my pamphlet was meant to be taken
seriously or whether it was not a satirical presentation of Zionism.
I was quite taken aback and answered: ”1 am too old for such
Alcibiadic jests.”
Then, for hours on end, he split hairs, harping on this, carping
on that.
I was so sickened by it all that I was unable to go on writing
the letter to Badeni, and, in fact, didn’t feel like doing anything
any more.
In the evening, however, I heard at the office that the Deutsche
Zeitung (anti-Semitic) is going to publish an editorial on the sub
ject tomorrow. Presumably abuse. But important in any case, be
cause of the attitude the other papers will take in reply.
Now I again feel like writing to Badeni.
(Continuation of letter to Badeni).
Every state has a rightful claim on its Jews—what is to become
of these claims? This is one of the many politically delicate points
which I barely touched upon in my tract. I am prepared to give
Your Excellency quite detailed and perhaps satisfactory explana
tions on this as well as all other points.
I believe the Jewish State to be a world necessity—and that is
why it will come into being.
Anyone who issues such a call will, first of all, have the street
urchins running after him with amusement—and there are also
grown-up street urchins. As for the masses, they will look up and
perhaps join in the laughter, but in any case they will not under
stand immediately. And part of the masses is a certain section of
the press, on both sides, which has an ear cocked for the confused
babble of the public and allows itself to be led by everybody and
his brother, instead of leading them.
These words of yours, Excellency, caused me at that time to
consider your offer which I later had to decline so regretfully
when an appeal to my sense of gratitude was made. I would have
wanted you first to get to know me as a dependable person
through closer association, and at some later date I should have
liked to be able to point to this way out from the calamitous sit
uation of the Jews. Today’s editorial in the Deutsche Zeitung is
quite naive and self-contradictory; the writer simply fails to un
derstand my pamphlet, because he does not understand the con
ditions of modem life. W hat I am proposing is actually no more
than the regulation of the Jewish Question, and certainly not the
emigration of all the Jews. Least of all can and will it entail the
economic weakening of the countries which are at present anti-
Semitic.
However, through the same door which I am trying to push
open for the poor masses of Jews, a Christian statesman who
seizes the idea aright will enter world history. I will not even
emphasize the fact that immediate, direct political advantages
are also bound up with it.
Should Your Excellency wish to become acquainted with all
these trains of thought, on which my pamphlet is silent, I beg
you to summon me to a secret audience—perhaps some evening
or other.
No one would ever learn of our conversation through me.
I am Your Excellency’s most respectful and obedient servant,
Dr. Th. Herzl
(Mailed on the evening of February 19).
• * •
February 19
Old Heit, a dealer in textiles and property owner on the Franz-
Josefsquai, was here and invited me to attend a lecture at the
hitherto anti-Zionist “Union.”
He said that up to half an hour before reading my pamphlet
he had thought it quite impossible that he could ever get inter
ested in a thing of this sort. But I had converted him completely,
and he was prepared to sell his real estate, even at a loss, and go
overseas.
February 20
Wilhelm of the Fremdenblatt informs me in a “humorous”
letter that I am rumored to have become “meshugge [crazy].” Is
that true, he asks.
February 21
Yesterday a students’ party at the Kadimah. The students gave
me a great ovation. I had to make a speech, and the speech was
temperate—and mediocre. I didn’t want to arouse any beery
enthusiasm, urged them to study hard, and warned them against
unhealthy fanaticism. We might never get to Zion, so we must
strive for a Zion within us.
Attorney Ellbogen came from another meeting and told us
that Dr. Feilbogen had made an excellent speech there in support
of my idea.
Dr. Landau proposed to me the founding of a weekly paper
for the movement. T h at suits me, and I shall look into it. This
weekly will become my organ. Landau had another good idea.
Newlinsky, the publisher of the Correspondance de l'Est, is a
friend of the Sultan’s. He might be able to procure for us a status
of sovereignty—for baksheesh [gratuity].
I am also thinking of Kozmian. I shall send Landau to him and
try to interest him in the matter.
February 23
At the Concordia Club yesterday Government Councillor
Hahn from the Correspondence Bureau tried to make fun of me:
“What do you want to be in your Jewish State? Prime Minister
or President of the Chamber of Deputies?’’
I answered: “Anyone who undertakes the sort of thing I am
undertaking must naturally be prepared that at first the street
urchins will be on his heels.”
Whereupon he crept away sadly.
• • *
At the Volkstheater I spoke with many journalists. My pam
phlet is the talk of the town. Some people smile or laugh at me,
but in general, the earnest tone of conviction about my treatise
appears to have made an impression.
Hermann Bahr told me he was going to write against me, be
cause people cannot do without the Jews. Pas mal [not bad]!
February 23
Dr. Landau was here. I asked him to speak to Kozmian so that
I might personally discuss the matter with him. Landau thinks
that I neglected agriculture in the Jewish State. The answer is
simply that we shall have agricultural cooperative societies and
agricultural small industrialists, both with credit for machinery
from the Jewish Company.
We then got on the subject of the language. Landau, like many
Zionists, is in favor of Hebrew. I think the main language must
gain acceptance without constraint. If we found a neo-Hebrew
state it will be only a New Greece. But if we do not close ourselves
off in a linguistic ghetto, the whole world will be ours.
In Vienna they are making jokes about me.
Julius Bauer says: “It’s all right with me if we go to Palestine.
But I want a republic with a Grand Herzl* at its head.”
February 26
In the Westungarischer Grenzbote there is an editorial on my
book by the anti-Semitic deputy Simonyi. He refers to me in a
chivalrous manner.
February 27
The Daily Chronicle publishes interviews with the painter
Holman H unt and Sir Samuel Montagu about The Jewish State.
Holman H unt claims priority on the idea, because he had writ
ten a letter to an English Jew before my article appeared in the
Jewish Chronicle.
Montagu thinks that one might offer the Sultan two million
pounds for Palestine.
* * *
Neumann of the Fremdenblattwrites me that in financial cir

cles the most extravagant praise and blame are being heaped on
my book. I knew that it would leave no one indifferent.
• * *
Kosmian came tothe office to see Bâcher.I ran into him in the
anteroom. Landau had called on him. But even before that he
had heard about my pamphlet—possibly from Baden i. Kosmian
said: “Il parait que c'est très excentrique [It seems that it is very
eccentric].” I replied: “C'est un dérivatif [T hat’s irrelevant].”
• Translator's Note: Grossherzl, a pun on Grossherzog, the German word for
"Grand Duke."
February 28
Yesterday’s election to the Vienna City Council again proves
me right. Since September the anti-Semitic vote has again in
creased enormously. Big majorities everywhere, even in the
“strongholds” of liberalism: the Innere Stadt and the Leopold-
stadt.
Our editorial today is quite resigned.
• • •
Received from Nordau an enthusiastic letter which fills me

with pride. He thinks that my Jewish State is a “great accom
plishment,” a "revelation.”
March 1
Ludassy attacks me in the Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung. “Zion
ism is madness bom of desperation. Away with such chimeras!”
One of his staff humorists makes a little derisive quip about
the "Maccabees of Flight.”
• • •
In the Zeit Professor Gomperz makes an attack on Zionism,

using as a “point of departure” my book—which he says he has
not read.
The Zionists Bimbaum, Jacob Kohn, and Landau paid me a
joint visit and wrangled among themselves.
Kohn is against Landau, Kadimah against Gamalah.
Bimbaum wants the agitation to be confined to scholarly week
lies, Landau wants to agitate everywhere, Kohn only in Vienna.
It is downright disheartening to observe their rank hostility
toward one another.
Bimbaum is unmistakably jealous of me. What the baser sort
of Jews express in vulgar or sneering language, namely, that I am
out for personal gain, is what I catch in the intimations of this
cultured, refined person.
The predicted rancor, from within and from without, is al
ready here.
I regard Birnbaum as envious, vain, and dogmatic. I hear he
had already turned away from Zionism and gone over to Social
ism when my appearance led him back to Zion again.
• • #
March 2
Hermann Bahr came to see me. He tells me that the Jews of
the higher intellectual circles, who in Old Vienna formed the
literary salons, the circle around Bauernfeld, and the Grillparzer
cult, are horrified at me.
That was to be expected.
* * *
One Professor Schneidewin in Hamlin writes me that my Jew

ish State has convinced him that the solution he had presented
in a pamphlet was wrong. At the same time he sends me this 162-
page booklet which embodies the standpoint of the “better” anti-
Semites.
March 3
A fashion-goods dealer at Semlin, S. Waizenkom, writes me that
all the Semlin Jews are ready to emigrate, bag and baggage, as
soon as the Jewish Company is founded.
March 4
My warmest adherent so far is—the Pressburg anti-Semite Ivan
von Simonyi, who bombards me with flattering editorials and
sends me two copies of each.
1 * •
Dr. Birnbaum today wrote me a letter in which he bemoans

his financial straits. I gave him twenty guilders, which I record
here, because I am certain that he is hostile to me and will grow
more so.*
In conversation with me, he disparaged Landau. In the eve
ning, at the meeting called by Landau, he made a socialistic
speech, and from Landau’s report I gather that it contained a
barb against a discussion of my pamphlet, which was on the
agenda.
These are rather discouraging observations.
Landau further writes that Bimbaum wants to become the
Socialist leader in Palestine. We haven't got the country yet, and
they already want to tear it apart.
March 6
The vilest attack so far has appeared in the Miinchner Allge-
meine Zeitung, by A. Bettelheim. He calls my tract “the found
ing prospectus of a Jewish Switzerland.” The contents are repro
duced by splicing heterogeneous quotations together.
March 7
Bâcher is charming to me now. This is attracting attention in
the office and apparently makes people well disposed toward me.
• • •
In the Berlin Allgemeine Israelitische Wochenschrift, Klausner

(of the Borsen-Courier) pounces on me and “pans” my book
roughly in the foul-mouthed tone of Berlin theater hyenas turn
ing thumbs down on a premiere performance.
The editor of this weekly invites me to answer as sharply as I
please. I am not going to answer at all.
March 7
The local Zionists want to stage rallies in support of my tract.
• Translator's Note: This last sentence was crossed out by Herzl.

March 9
The Berlin association “Young Israel” invites me to give a
public lecture before a big audience. Rejected this, as well as
similar invitations.
March 10
The newspaper Ha-am in Kolomea places itself at my disposal.
An enthusiastic letter from Dr. Bierer, Sofia. The Chief Rabbi
there considers me the Messiah. This Passover, a lecture on my
publication will be given in Bulgarian and Spanish before a
large audience.
• • •
The Rev. William H. Hechler, chaplain to the British Embassy
in Vienna, called on me.
A likeable, sensitive man with the long grey beard of a prophet.
He waxed enthusiastic over my solution. He, too, regards my
movement as a “prophetic crisis”—one he foretold two years ago.
For he had calculated in accordance with a prophecy dating from
Omar’s reign (637-638) that after 42 prophetical months, that is,
1260 years, Palestine would be restored to the Jews. This would
make it 1897-1898.
When he had read my book, he immediately hurried to Am
bassador Monson and told him: the fore-ordained movement is
herel
Hechler declares my movement to be a “Biblical” one, even
though I proceed rationally in all points.
He wants to place my tract in the hands of some German
princes. He used to be a tutor in the household of the Grand
Duke of Baden, he knows the German Kaiser and thinks he can
get me an audience.
March 14
Great excitement at the University of Vienna.
The “Aryan” duelling associations have decided that they will
no longer give satisfaction to Jews with any weapon, on the
grounds that all Jews are devoid of honor and are cowards.
My young friend Poliak and another Jew have challenged two
anti-Semites who happen to be reserve officers; and when they
refused to fight, the two Jews reported the matter to the General
Command. There they were referred to the District Command.
A great deal depends on this decision—namely, the future po
sition of Jews in the Austrian army.
I got Benedikt, whose son is now at the University, and Bâcher,
all steamed up about the matter.
March 15
Benedikt publishes in the Economist a peremptory appeal to
the rich not to let the Jewish battle be fought out by the poor
and the young alone.
With the exception of my conclusion, Benedikt stands in this
article completely on the ground of my political treatise.
March 16
Yesterday, Sunday afternoon, I visited the Rev. Hechler. Next
to Colonel Goldsmid, he is the most unusual person I have met
in this movement so far. He lives on the fourth floor; his win
dows overlook the Schillerplatz. Even while I was going up the
stairs I heard the sound of an organ. The room which I entered
was lined with books on every side, floor to ceiling.
Nothing but Bibles.
A window of the very bright room was open, letting in the
cool spring air, and Mr. Hechler showed me his Biblical treas
ures. Then he spread out before me his chart of comparative
history, and finally a map of Palestine. It is a large military staff
map in four sheets which, when laid out, covered the entire floor.
"We have prepared the ground for you!" Hechler said trium
phantly.
He showed me where, according to his calculations, our new
Temple must be located: in Bethel! Because that is the center of
the country. He also showed me models of the ancient Temple:
“We have prepared the ground for you.”
At this point we were interrupted by the visit of two English
ladies to whom he also showed his Bibles, souvenirs, maps, etc.
After the boring interruption he sang and played for me on the
organ a Zionist song of his composition. From the woman who
gives me English lessons I had heard that Hechler was a hypo
crite.* But I take him for a naive visionary with a collector’s
quirks. However, there is something charming about his naive
enthusiasm, and I particularly felt it when he sang his song to me.
Afterwards we came to the heart of the matter. I told him: I
have got to establish direct contact, a contact that is discernible
on the outside, with a responsible or non-responsible statesman
—that is, with a minister of state or a prince. T hen the Jews will
believe in me, then they will follow me. T he most suitable man
would be the German Kaiser. I must be given help if I am to
carry out the task. Up to now I have had nothing but obstacles
to combat, and they have been sapping my strength.
Hechler immediately declared that he was ready to go to Berlin
and speak with the Court Chaplain as well as with Prince Giinther
and Prince Heinrich. Would I be willing to give him the travel
expenses?
Of course I promised them to him at once. They will come
to a few hundred guilders, certainly a considerable sacrifice in my
circumstances. But I am willing to risk it on the prospect of
speaking with the Kaiser.
At the same time I fully realize that Hechler, whom I don’t
know yet, may only be a penniless clergyman who likes to travel,
and that he may come back with the word: it was impossible to
get to the Kaiser.
But even if he is granted an audience, I have no idea of how
he will strike these princely families. Actually, here is a major
enigma in my path. My previous experience tells me that highly
* Translator’s Note: One of the occasional puns in the Diaries. The German
word for ’’hypocrite" is “Heuchler."
placed persons do not reason any more broadly or see any more
clearly than do the rest of us. It is therefore quite as likely that
the German princes will laugh at this old tutor for his collector's
quirks as that they will go along with his naive fancies. The ques
tion now is this: when he comes to Berlin, will they pat him on
the shoulder ironically and say, “Hechler, old man, don’t let the
Jew get you all steamed up?” O r will he stir them? In any case,
I shall take the precaution of impressing upon him that he must
not say he “came at H erd's behest.”
He is an improbable figure when looked at through the quiz
zical eyes of a Viennese Jewish journalist. But I have to imagine
that those who are antithetical to us in every way view him quite
differently. So I am sending him to Berlin with the mental res
ervation that I am not his dupe if he merely wants to take a trip
at my expense.
To be sure, I think I detect from certain signs that he is a
believer in the prophets. He said, for example, “I have only one
scruple: namely, that we must not contribute anything to the
fulfilment of the prophecy. But even this scruple is dispelled, for
you began your work without me and would complete it without
me.”
On the other hand, if he only faked these signs which have
made me believe in him, he will all the more be a fine instru
ment for my purposes.
He considers our departure for Jerusalem to be quite immi
nent, and showed me the coat pocket in which he will carry his
big map of Palestine when we shall be riding around the Holy
Land together. T h at was his most ingenuous and most convinc
ing touch yesterday.
• * •
In the evening I heard from Leo, my wife’s brother-in-law, all

the snide gossip current among the Jews of his circle, who can
not understand “why he has undertaken this thing in view of
his position, and without needing to.”
I answered him with a few words which Professor Leon Kellner
said to me the other day: “There are Jews who live on Jewry, and
those who live for Jewry.”
Which will not prevent these same Jews who now make sport
of my Quixotism from calling me, in envy, a shrewd speculator
afterwards, when success has come.
This people must be educated—and by our example.
* # #
In Vienna people are saying that the students’ conflict over

satisfaction may be attributed to my pamphlet.
• * *
An editorial in last Thursday’s issue of the Norddeutsche Allge-

meine Zeitung about my pamphlet caused a stir here, and of
course a much greater one in Berlin, I imagine.
March 17
Yesterday Heinrich Steiner, the editor of the Wiener Mode,
came to see me. He impresses me as a good, capable, resolute man
with definite convictions. He offered me his services. 1 gave him
my ideas about how the necessary publicity should be organized
in the beginning. I told him to buy the Wiener Allgemeine Zei
tung or Szeps’ Tageblatt and turn it into a Zionist paper; I
would assist him behind the scenes. In this way I could imme
diately give our first associates in Vienna (Landau, Bimbaum,
J. Kohn, etc.) their earliest rewards by procuring good positions
for them.
I spent two hours and a half talking to Steiner, and when I
spoke some powerful closing words to him on the street, he an
swered in a voice choked with emotion: “What I am feeling now
is a lot for me.”
March 17
Letter to Martin Fiirth, Secretary of the Prince in Sofia:
Dear Friend:
I have to write you again even before I have your reply to my
letter. By wiring for the Congress catalogue (which goes off to
you today), you brought yourself to my attention at the exact
moment when I discovered a bit of meanness which you could
advise or help me in combating.
The perfidy with which certain Jews in Vienna attack me be
cause of my pamphlet defies description. At first they tried to
make me out a madman. After this lovely expedient had failed
and the attitude of respected ‘‘Christian” papers—notably an edi
torial in the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung—forced people to
take me and my plan quite seriously, there were other dirty tricks.
Yesterday I was informed that the following lie was disseminated
from a certain journalistic nest where the shabbiest among my
opponents are based: They say that I published my pamphlet
only “in order to get even with Baron Hirsch for rejecting (my)
application for the post of general manager of his Jewish colo
nies.”
At the same time someone told me that this lie was supplied
to the journalistic nest by a person close to the local Alliance Is
raélite.
I would be very pleased if someone had the courage to publish
this slander in a tangible form, because then I could take a few
of those rascals by the ears and pin them down. Unfortunately
I shall have to wait some time for that, because at present they
are giving me the “silent treatment” in Vienna. The result of
this silence is that my project is being discussed steadily and ex
citedly among all classes and circles in Vienna. But this also gives
the vulgarities of my opponents underground publicity, and I
have to think about a remedy.
What do you think? Can this mendacious statement be trace
able to the circle around Baron Hirsch? If the answer is yes, what
person do you consider capable of it? Hirsch himself I regard as
a ruthless man but not one who will strike any low blows. Maybe
you could provoke him into making a declaration in which he
gives the true state of affairs, namely, that I did not apply to him
for anything, but, using the same arguments that are contained
in my pamphlet, merely tried to convince him in an interview
and in several letters that his efforts to date have been misguided.
He could make such a declaration in a few lines in a letter ad
dressed to you. You will know best in what way you can ask him
to do this. If he is the grandiosely constructed fellow that I take
him to be, although I now have no use for him and may later
pit myself against him sharply, he will loyalement [loyally] con
firm the truth immediately if you write him a few lines about
my righteous indignation.
As for the little curs that are now yelping at me, I shall break
their necks with kicks, /'at fait du chemin [I have made some
headway] since we discussed the Jewish Question around the
Cirque d’Été. It won’t be long before you will hear something
very, very surprising. But one must keep one’s mouth tight shut
about a bonne surprise [good surprise]. T hat is what I am doing.
Please let me know quickly to what extent I can count on you,
for you can imagine that I am not going to take this rotten at
tack lying down. If this method does not work, another will.
Yours sincerely,
T h. Herzl.
March 17
Dr. Beck, my parents' old family physician, has examined me
and diagnosed a heart ailment caused by excitement.
He cannot understand why I concern myself with the Jewish
cause, and among the Jews he associates with, no one under
stands it either.
March 26
Breitenstein the publisher tells me that Giidemann has de
clined to give a lecture on my Jewish State. My standpoint, he
says, is political, whereas his is religious. From his point of view
he must disapprove of my attempts to anticipate Providence.
In other words: he does not dare; he no longer finds it oppor
tune; he is afraid of the rich Jews who are against it.
Earlier he was supposed to write an article about the subject in
Bloch’s Wochenschrift.
• • #
The “Sion” society of Sofia sends me an enthusiastic resolu

tion in which I am proclaimed the Leader.
Met Dessauer the bank director in the street. He is ready to
finance the newspaper I need. I require a million guilders for
the paper. With this paper I shall subdue the other sheets and
the refractory Jews of high finance.
But Dessauer has his moods. A week from now he will plead
some fatigue or other. In any case, my next step must be to put
our publicity campaign on a sound foundation.
March 29
Seder of the Jewish student association Unitas. Friedmann, a
lecturer at the University, explained the history of this festival
which, after all, is our most beautiful and most meaningful one.
I sat next to him. Later he spoke briefly with me in private, re
minded me of Sabbatai Zvi, “who enchanted all people,” and
winked in a way that seemed to say that I ought to become such
a Sabbatai. Or did he mean that I already was one?
March 30
My strange adherent, the Pressburg anti-Semite Ivan von
Simonyi, came to see me. A sexagenarian, a mercurial, loquacious
man with an astonishing amount of sympathy for the Jews. His
conversation is a mixture of the sensible and the nonsensical; he
believes in the ritual murder lie, but along with it has the bright
est, most modem ideas. Loves mel
April 3
The three Marmorek brothers announce their adherence to
my movement with a certain flourish of solemnity. The Parisian
Marmorek, of the Pasteur Institute, called on me at the office
with his younger brother, the lawyer, in order to declare “in our
own name and in that of our brother, the architect” that they are
joining in with me and are enthusiastic about it.
April 5
Dr. Schnirer and Dr. Kokesch, of the Vienna “Zion” society,
brought me a resolution to the effect that I should continue my
work confident of the Zionists’ support. Schnirer wants to have
an appeal circulated among Jewish intellectuals all over the
world. A committee of 15-20 people is to be formed here, each
of whom is to send the appeal to three or four of his friends in
other cities. In this way thousands of signatures are to be col
lected. This would give me a substantial backing.
April 7
During the last few days, several conferences with Steiner and
Dessauer for the purpose of financing the needed daily paper. A
wretched job.
April 9
Dr. Beer-Hofmann has the following idea for an “initial in
stitution”: a great medical school, to which all Asia will stream
and where, at the same time, the improvement of sanitation in
the Orient will be developed. He also has a design for a monu
mental fountain: Moses Striking Water from the Rock.
April 10
A “free-lance scholar” by the name of Carl Bleicher called on
me. At first I took him for a shnorrer [beggar] who was out for
modest donations for a book. But he would not accept anything
from me and placed himself at my disposal as a propagandist. I
am recording this because it is a sign of the way the poor have
been moved. This old man, who lives on donations of guilders
and ten-kreuzer pieces, opened his purse, showed me what he
had, and refused my donation. This is the most important dif
ference between my effectiveness and that of Baron Hirsch. They
beg from him but do not love him. I am loved by the beggars.
That is why I am stronger.
April 13
Dr. Alfred Stem, the "liberal” Community Councillor, came
to see me in the office today and unmistakably tried to get closer
to me. He said it was nice that someone was championing the
Jewish cause and speaking the way I was speaking. I said to him:
“Join us and I shall guarantee you popularity. Make this public
declaration: I, Alfred Stem, whom you have known as a quiet
person, am joining the Zionist movementl—That will have a
great effect. Hundreds will follow your example.”
He replied: "I think so too. Personally, I would have no ob
jections. But I would be taking on the responsibility for hundreds
and thousands.”
I countered: "O ur party will soon relieve you of this responsi
bility. When you run for office again, the organized Zionists will
come to your election rallies.”
This gave him pause for a bit.
April 14
The English clergyman Hechler came to me in the afternoon
in a state of great excitement. He had been to the Burg, where
the German Kaiser arrived today, and spoke to Dryander, the
General Superintendent, and another gentleman from the Kai
ser’s retinue. He strolled through the city with them for two
hours and told them the contents of my pamphlet, which greatly
surprised them.
He told them the time had come “to fulfill prophecy” *
Now he wants me to join him tomorrow morning on a trip to
Karlsruhe to see the Grand Duke; this is where the German
Kaiser is going tomorrow evening. We would beat him there by
half a day. It was Hechler’s idea to call on the Grand Duke first
thing, tell him what it was all about, and say that he had brought
me to Karlsruhe against my will, so that I might give the gentle
men further information.
I declined to go along, because it would make me look like an
adventurer. If then Their Highnesses did not feel inclined to
admit me, I would be standing in the street in an undignified
posture. I told him to go there by himself, and if they wanted to
speak to me, I would immediately follow a wired invitation.
Hechler asked me for my photograph in order to show it to
the gentlemen; he apparently thinks that they would picture me
as a "shabby Jew.” I promised to give him a photo tomorrow.
Strange that I should just have had my picture taken—something
that had not occurred to me in years—for my father’s birthday
today.
Then I went to the opera, sat in a box diagonally across from
the imperial box, and all evening studied the motions of the
German Kaiser. He sat there stiffly, sometimes bent affably to
our Emperor, laughed heartily a number of times, and in general
was not unconcerned about the impression he was making on the
audience. At one time he explained something to our Emperor
and underlined it with firm, vigorous, small gestures with his
right hand, while his left hand rested permanently on the hilt of
his sword.
I came home at eleven o’clock. Hechler had been sitting in the
hall for an hour waiting for me. He wants to leave for Karlsruhe
at seven in the morning.
He sat with me until half-past twelve making gentle conversa
tion. His refrain: fulfill prophecy!*
He firmly believes in it.
April 15
Hechler left as scheduled this morning. I went to his place to
inquire about it; that is how improbable it still seemed to me,
despite everything.
April 15
In the evening, at the offices of the Wiener Mode with Steiner
and Colbert. T he latter is well qualified to secure the financial
backing for my newspaper. He outlined a clever plan which in
volves the expansion of his present enterprise by adding a paper
factory and by incorporating the paper which I am to direct with
limited liability.
April 16
Hechler wires me from Karlsruhe:
Everyone enthusiastic. Must stay through Sunday. Please hold
yourself in readiness. Hechler.
April 17
The invitation to come to Karlsruhe has not arrived yet. I am
beginning to believe that Hechler is creating illusions for himself.
April 17
The most stalwart people so far have been the Zionists in
Sofia. Today there arrived a resolution which was passed in the
synagogue of Sofia under the chairmanship of the Grand Rabbi.
Six hundred signatures. Enthusiastic words.
April 18
From two sources I hear that Privy Councillor Baron Erb,
a former Section Head in the Ministry of the Interior, is greatly
interested in The Jewish State and would like to have a talk with
me.
Agliardi, the Papal Nuncio, spoke with my colleague Miinz
some time ago and told him he was prepared to receive me.
Unfortunately I did not go to him right away. Now he has been
called to Rome by the Pope and is supposed to represent him at
the coronation of the Czar. If I had spoken with the Nuncio and
won him over, the matter would immediately have been brought
before the Pope and the Czar; their consent is necessary because
of the Holy Sepulchre.
• • #
No word from Hechler. I now explain it to myself this way:

with his telegram Hechler wanted to let me down easy about
the failure of his mission. But since, in any case, he will have
brought my pamphlet to the attention of the Grand Duke and
perhaps even to that of the Kaiser, his travelling expenses are
worth it to me. I shall give them to him without making a face,
because that way I shall make all the more certain of his good
services in the future.
April 18
Hechler wires from Karlsruhe:
Second conversation with H. M. and H. R. H .# yesterday
excellent. Must wait some more. Hechler.
April 21
Heard nothing more from Hechler. Meanwhile the Kaiser has
left Karlsruhe and gone to Coburg.
Wrote to Nordau and gave him the diplomatic assignment of
putting out feelers toward Hirsch. If Hirsch hands over a few
million, we can give the project a tremendous resonance and can
spread some of the money around for baksheesh [gratuities] in
Turkey.
* Translator’s Note: The initials stand for His Majesty (i.e. the German Kaiser)
and His Royal Highness (i.e. the Grand Duke of Baden).
April 21, afternoon
I began the letter to Nordau yesterday and finished it today.
Between yesterday and today Baron Hirsch died on an estate
in Hungary.
I learned of it an hour after I had mailed the letter to Nordau.
So I had to recall this letter by telegram. But what a strange
coincidence. T he pamphlet has been finished for months. I gave
it to everyone except Hirsch. The moment I decide to do so,
he dies. His participation could have helped our cause to success
tremendously fast.
In any case, his death is a loss to the Jewish cause. Among the
rich Jews he was the only one who wanted to do something big
for the poor. Perhaps I did not know how to handle him properly.
Perhaps I ought to have written that letter to Nordau two weeks
ago.
It seems to me as though our cause has grown poorer this day.
For I still kept thinking of winning Hirsch over to the plan.
• * •
Hechler telegraphs from Karlsruhe:

T hird conversation yesterday. Fourth today, four o’clock. Hard
work to make my wish prevail. Nevertheless, all goes well. Hech
ler Zirkel 2.
April 2i, at night

I had intended to go to Pest tomorrow morning. Late this eve
ning I received Hechler’s call to come to Karlsruhe.
A curious day. Hirsch dies, and I make contact with princes.
Now begins a new book of the Jewish cause. After my return
I shall add Hechler’s last two telegrams to this full notebook.
Book Three
Begun April 22, 1896
O n the way to Karlsruhe
April as
A sunny Spring day. Today at seven I wanted to take the boat
to Pest. And now I am sitting in a compartment of the Orient
Express, going to Karlsruhe.
I am writing these pages in pencil and in shaky handwriting
directly into the diary which 1 am holding on my knees, because
later I shall probably have no time to make a clean copy. If I
did not have a chance to do this when the Jewish cause was only
in its beginnings, what will it be like in the future when we pass
from the dream into the reality! For now it may be presumed that
every day there will be interesting events, even if I should never
get to the point of founding the State.
The fact that the Grand Duke has sent for me is the plainest
evidence that he—and consequently also the Kaiser, who was
with him three days ago—takes the matter seriously. And this
fact is the most momentous, the most improbable. If it is true,
it will affect the world like a thunder-clap and will be the “suc
cess" which Bierer is praying for in Sofia.
• * •
A delightful day, a lovely one. A flush of green on the beckon

ing meadows. On a wooden hill the trees are divided, giving
the appearance of a broad hair-parting. Through them one can
see as a delicate background the pale Spring sky—and at this
moment my thoughts turn to the dead Baron Hirsch.
The living are right. I am right—as long as I am alive.
The Jews have lost Hirsch, but they have me.
And after me they will have someone else. Progress must go on.
A Vienna morning paper said in its obituary today: Hirsch
was unable to help the poor because he was rich. This was the
general idea—and it is right. I am tackling the same task differ
ently, and, I believe, better and more forcefully, because I am
not using money but an idea.
• • *
S27
Before my departure I received another telegram from Hech-
ler:
Cannot possibly remain here till Saturday. Conference with
H. R. H. set for Thursday for both of us. Must I really return
with mission half accomplished? . . . I must leave tomorrow if
you cannot come by Thursday noon. Hechler.
He had interpreted my yesterday’s message that I was leaving
for Pest as a reply to his second telegram of yesterday, which it
was not. It is a good thing that he thought it necessary to urge
me again. But today, beaming with joy, he will report to the
Grand Duke that I am coming after all.
* # *
I really don’t know much about the Grand Duke: only that
he is an old man and was a friend of Friedrich. At present he
seems to have Wilhelm’s ear, too. Therefore, a great deal depends
on this conference and on the impression I make upon him.
Yet I must not become dizzy on these heights. I shall think of
death and be earnest.
I shall be cool, calm, firm, modest but determined, and speak
the same way.
April 23, Karlsruhe

I arrived here at eleven last night. Hechler met me at the sta
tion and took me to the Hotel Germania, which had been “rec
ommended by the Grand Duke.”
We sat in the dining-room for an hour. I drank Bavarian beer,
Hechler milk.
He told me what had happened. T he Grand Duke had re
ceived him immediately upon his arrival, but first wanted to wait
for his privy-councillor's report on my Jewish State.
Hechler showed the Grand Duke the “prophetic tables” which
seemed to make an impression.
When the Kaiser arrived, the Grand Duke immediately in
formed him of the matter. Hechler was invited to the reception,
and to the surprise of the court-assembly the Kaiser addressed
him with the jocular words: “Hechler, I hear you want to be
come a minister of the Jewish State.”
Contrary to etiquette, Hechler replied in English, whereupon
the Kaiser continued in English: “Isn’t Rothschild behind this?”
Naturally, Hechler answered in the negative. And with that
the “conversation” seems to have been at an end.
So far, then, the results have been rather meager.
On the other hand, Hechler had better luck with the Grand
Duke. There he was received a number of times. T he Grand
Duke spoke of the late Prince Ludwig, whose tutor Hechler had
been, and wept freely. Hechler comforted him and read him a
psalm in which Zion is mentioned.
Then the Grand Duke was open to further conversation. His
main misgiving was that his action might be misinterpreted if
he went along with my plan. People would assume that he wanted
to drive the Jews out of his country. Also, my status as a journal
ist gave him pause. Hechler guaranteed that nothing would get
into the papers.
At that point the Grand Duke asked what he could actually
do for the cause.
Hechler said: "It was Your Royal Highness who, first among
the German princes at Versailles, proclaimed King Wilhelm
emperor. What if you were to participate in the second great
founding of a state in this century, too! For the Jews will become
a grande nation [great nation].”
This made an impression on the Grand Duke, and he consented
to Hechler's calling me here, in order that I might expound the
matter to him.
I am to come to a private audience at four o’clock this after
noon.
I accompanied Hechler to his quarters through the clean,
deserted streets of this nice capital. Now and then, night owls,
coming from a tavern, raised a loud and cheerful shout.
A pleasant provincialism revealed itself to my eyes in these
night scenes and in Hechler's stories. The sentinel in front of the
castle gate listened complacently while Hechler told me where
the apartments of the Grand Duke and of the Grand Duchess
were located and where he himself had once lived. Nostalgically
he pointed to the elegant windows. I accompanied him to his
door. He is staying in one of the outlying court buildings.
• • #
My task this afternoon will be to get the Grand Duke to rec

ommend me to the Kaiser for an audience, and also to interest the
Grand Duke of Hesse, the Czar’s father-in-law, in the cause.
Then the latter might talk about it in St. Petersburg, when he
attends the coronation of the Czar.
* * *
Walked and rode about with Hechler. We viewed the mauso

leum of Prince Ludwig, which is just being completed. With a
solemn beauty this red sandstone chapel stands in the charming
hunting forest next to the Wolfsgraben, where young Ludwig
used to play.
I had Hechler give me details about the grand-ducal family, so
as to know with whom I would be talking.
I also took a good look at the photographs of the Grand Duke
which are displayed in the shop windows. Looks like a well-mean
ing, commonplace person.
Hechler told me further that the Grand Duke had seemed con
cerned lest the departure of the Jews might also involve an
enormous exodus of money.
I shall accordingly reassure him on this point.
# * *
Hechler related how Napoleon I came to Karlsruhe one day

and forced the Margrave Karl to marry his step-daughter on the
spot—otherwise his days as a ruler would be over. T he margrave
complied and in return was made a grand duke.
The lay-out of the city of Karlsruhe is enchanting. Everything
radiates from the castle. Behind the castle, a park and beautiful
forests. In front, the peaceful town.
April 23
Lunched with Hechler. He had brought his decorations along
and was more excited than I was. I did not change my clothes
until after lunch, half an hour before the audience. Hechler
asked me if I did not want to wear tails. I said no, for too formal
an attire on such an occasion can also be tactless. The Grand
Duke wishes to speak with me, as it were, incognito. So I wore
my trusty Prince Albert. Externals increase in importance the
higher one climbs, for everything becomes symbolic.
The rainy morning had turned into a delightful afternoon
when we came out of the hotel. It was only twenty minutes to
four o’clock, so we were able to stroll about a bit.
In good spirits I said to Hechler: “Remember this fine day,
the lovely Spring skies over Karlsruhe! Perhaps a year from
today we shall be in Jerusalem.” Hechler said he planned to ask
the Grand Duke to accompany the Kaiser when the latter went
to Jerusalem next year for the consecration of the church. I
should also be present then, and he, Hechler, would like to go
along as a technical adviser to the Grand Duke.
I said: “When I go to Jerusalem, I will take you with me.”
Although we only had a few more steps to go, we took a cab
and drove up in front of the castle in style. We went up the little
ramp, something that struck me as a touch of special refinement
about our visit. It was the first time I had driven up before a
princely castle. I tried not to let myself be overawed by the
soldiers on guard. T he door-keeper treated Hechler like an old
friend. We were led into the first waiting-room. It was the
Adjutants' Hall. And this did take my breath away. For here
the regimental flags stand in magnificent rank and file. Encased
in leather, they rest solemn and silent; they are the flags of 1870-
1871. On the wall between the flag-stands is a painting of a mili
tary review: the Grand Duke parading the troops before Kaiser
Wilhelm I. One might say that only now did I realize where I
was.
I tried to divert myself from becoming excessively impressed
by taking an inventory, like a reporter: furniture upholstered in
green velvet; the brown, curved wooden legs of the chairs
trimmed with gilt beading; photographs of the three German
emperors.
Fortunately, Hechler chattered without a break, too. He told
me about the first time he was in this hall when as a young fellow
he brought a petition to retain an Inspector of Secondary Schools
who was to be dismissed. At that time an adjutant had come up
to him and said: “Don’t be afraid! The Grand Duke is only a
man like ourselves."
I thought to myself, smiling inwardly, “T h at’s good to know,
anyway."
Then the Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber appeared and in
vited us to step into the next salon. The Grand Duke was taking
a little stroll among his pheasants and would come shortly.
This second salon is rococo. Red silk damask tapestries, the
arm-chairs covered with the same material. Large photographs
of the German emperors. On the wall, oil portraits of a former
grand duke and his wife.
Hechler continued to bolster my spirits by his prattle. If he
did this intentionally, it was very discreet.
He had, in general, prepared me in a most tactful manner.
For instance, he had remarked on our way to the castle that I
must unglove my right hand, in case the Duke offered me his
hand to shake.
Insertion: At lunch I had told him that the Vienna Nuncio,
Agliardi, had sent me word (through Dr. Miinz) that he wanted
to have a talk with me. I told him this so that he might induce
the British ambassador, Monson, to speak with me. Hechler
immediately warned me against Agliardi and Rome. He bade me
be careful. Meanwhile I thought to myself: just let them be
jealous of one another, Englishmen and Russians, Protestants and
Catholics. Let them contend over me—that way our cause will be
furthered.
While we were sitting in the red salon, Hechler told me about
the deceased Grand Duke whose portrait hung on the wall: he
was reputed to be of dubious parentage. At least that is what the
house of Bavaria had asserted. Bavaria wanted to drive out the
reigning family of Baden and had a secret agreement with Austria.
Austria had promised the Palatinate to Bavaria and secretly paid
her two millions a year, up to 1866. And then, in order to justify
the claims upon Baden, the Caspar Hauser myth was started in
Bavaria. I listened to Hechler’s story absent-mindedly. I don’t
even know if I am reproducing it correctly now.
It only pleased me to hear of these egotistic wranglings among
the great, because it made me feel a bit superior in the purity
of my own movement and gave me more self-assurance.
Suddenly the door from the study opened, and there entered
an old general who looked robust but not obese—the Grand
Duke. We jumped up from our arm-chairs. I made two bows.
The Grand Duke shook hands with Hechler—but did not avail
himself of my fittingly bared right hand. He motioned to us to
follow him. I went in last and closed the door behind me. I have
no idea how the study looked, for I had to keep my eyes on the
Grand Duke, either speaking or listening, all the time. He is
seventy years of age, but looks six to eight years younger.
Three arm-chairs were in readiness. The one I got faced di
rectly against the light. T he arm-rests were not far enough apart
to let a man drop his arms by his side. These arm-chairs may be
very comfortable for relaxing, leaning back, and propping one’s
forearms on the rests. But since it would not have been proper
for me to lean back, I sat for two and a half hours in a strained
position, which may also have affected my manner of delivery.
At first I spoke self-consciously. I felt constrained to speak
in an undertone, which eliminated the usual self-intoxication of
speech. In response to the first polite questions about what kind
of a trip I had had and where I lived, I told him what my pro
fession was and also mentioned my former position in Paris.
The Grand Duke said: “I take the Neue Freie Presse.” He
inquired about Paris. I described the parliamentary crisis and
particularly the present Bourgeois cabinet.
After a few minutes he interrupted me: “But we were going
to talk about other things.”
Whereupon I came right to the point and asked him to in
terrupt me with queries wherever my exposition was not clear
enough.
So I unfolded the entire subject. Unfortunately I had to con
centrate so much while I was speaking that I was not able to
observe well. Hechler said afterwards that the conversation should
have been taken down stenographically. He thought I had spoken
quite well and had found some felicitous expressions.
All I know is that the Grand Duke kept looking straight into
my eyes with his beautiful blue eyes and calm, fine face, that he
listened to me with great benevolence; and when he himself
spoke, he did so with ineffable modesty. After exerting my en
tire brain power for two hours and a half, I was so exhausted that
I can no longer remember the exact course of the conversation.
In any case, the Grand Duke took my proposed formation of
a state quite seriously from the beginning.
His chief misgiving was that if he supported the cause, people
would misinterpret this as anti-Semitism on his part.
I explained to him that only those Jews shall go who want to.
Since the Jews of Baden are happy under his liberal reign, they
will not emigrate, and rightly so. In the course of his conversa
tion I reverted several times more, and from different angles,
to his friendliness toward the Jews and used it in various ways
as an argument. If he supported our cause, I said, it would no
longer be possible to regard it as something hostile to the Jews.
Moreover, it was our duty, as leaders of the Jews, to make clear to
the people that the establishment of the Jewish State would con
stitute an act of goodwill and not of persecution.
Further I said: “If Your Royal Highness’ benevolent attitude
toward the Jews became known, your duchy would get such an
influx of Jews that it would be highly calamitous.”
He smiled.
(Continued on the train, returning home, on April 24)

“Quite generally,” I said, “it is part of the Jews’ misfortune
that their well-wishers don’t dare to concern themselves with
them at all. During their long martyrdom they have grown so
sensitive that one can’t even touch them.”
The Grand Duke then reformulated the same thought. He said
he was afraid of offending his Jewish subjects if he publicly en
dorsed my plan. T o be sure, it was common knowledge how he had
felt about the Jews up to now, but people would probably mis
understand him anyway and believe that he had simply changed
his mind. He said he had never had reason to complain about his
Jewish citizens. “For twenty-five years a Jew was my Minister
of Finance,” he said, “and he always did his duty to my satisfac
tion. He governed well. He has adhered to your religion to this
day. But even here in Baden conditions are no longer what they
used to be. A Jew named Bielefeld, with whom I was working on
a literary project, advised me himself to omit his name from the
publication, because nowadays this might cause trouble. We have
had other difficulties caused by anti-Semitism, especially in the
judiciary. We have Jews at all levels of legal life, and this has
caused certain difficulties.
“And yet the Jews have many good qualities. I have yet to see
a drunken Jew. They are sober-minded and thrifty; they always
know how to shift for themselves. A cattle dealer, out on the
road all day, will still keep away from the taverns—in fact, he
eats nothing from early morning until he gets home at night.
In addition to frugality there is also great intelligence, which,
to be sure, sometimes applies itself to fraud. But, on the other
hand, if one looks at the blockheads who allow themselves to be
outwitted like this, one can’t help saying, ‘it serves the fools
right.’
“At all events, you will have very intelligent human material
for the founding of your state.
“But how do you imagine the practical implementation will
go?”
I then presented the entire plan, which he had actually known
only in Hechler’s version—that is, in its “prophetic” aspects,
which, of course, I don’t have much to do with.
The Grand Duke thought that the governments could take
a closer interest in the matter only if they liked the looks of the
Society of Jews.
Naturally I advocated the opposite course. Some princes should
manifest their favorable disposition; this would enable the Soci
ety of Jews to act with more authority from the outset. And
authority was necessary if such a big movement was to be carried
out in an orderly way. For even during the migration the Jews
would stand in need of education and discipline.
(Continued in Munich, April 25)

The Grand Duke mentioned the degradation which, accord
ing to newspaper reports, existed among the Russian Jews who
had emigrated to London.
I said: “In order to bring this under control, we need a strong
authority. This is precisely why it is indispensable that we be
recognized by the Great Powers at the start.”
The Grand Duke said: Actually, Germany cannot very well
take the initiative in this. In the first place, she is not interested
in the question to the same great extent as, for example, Austria.
In that country, of course, there are great anti-Semitic problems,
due to Lueger. Germany has no excessive number of Jews. Their
departure would not even be welcomed by the economists.
I then explained how only the trop plein [surplus] was to be
drained off; how movable property can never be considered as
tied to any particular country; and how, after this solution of the
Jewish Question, it will have to come back all the more. I said
that at present such capital was creating trouble for the domestic
economy by stimulating industry in remote lands with cheap
labor. There is no need to bring the Chinese to Europe; factor
ies are being built for them out there. In this way, after agricul
ture has been imperiled by America, industry is being threatened
by the Far East.
T o offset this, my movement wants to help on two fronts:
through draining off the surplus Jewish proletariat, and through
keeping international capital under control.
The German Jews cannot but welcome the movement. It will
divert the influx of Jews from Eastern Europe away from them.
The Grand Duke repeatedly punctuated my observations with
a murmured “I wish it were so.”
He then half turned to Hechler:
”1 suppose that cooperation between England and Germany
is not very likely. Relations between the two are, unfortunately,
badly disturbed at present. Would England go along?”
I said: "O ur English Jews will have to see to that.”
The Grand Duke said, somewhat ill-humoredly: “If they can
manage that . . .”
I said: "If it were known that the Grand Duke of Baden took
an interest in the matter, this would make a profound impres
sion.”
He cried: "T hat is not true. My position is not great enough.
Ah, if the German Kaiser or the King of Belgium did itl”
I persisted: "Oh, but if an experienced prince, one who helped
to fashion the German Empire, one to whom the German Kaiser
turns for counsel, endorses this new enterprise, it will make a
great impression. Your Royal Highness is the Kaiser’s adviser.”
He smiled: "I advise him, but he does what he pleases.”
I: "I would make an effort to explain the merits of the matter
to the Kaiser, too. If he consented to receive me, it would remain
as secret as our present conversation.”
The Grand Duke: "I think you ought to create the Society of
Jews first. T hen we shall see whether one can have any dealings
with it.”
I: “Then there will already be more heads than one. The pri
mary steps, the first rising bubbles, would presumably still have
to be my work.”
The Grand Duke: “In any case, the project can succeed only
if few people know about it. Public discussion immediately dis
torts everything.”
Hechler now came to my aid: “Would not Your Royal High
ness permit Dr. Herzl to tell a few trustworthy men in England
that the Grand Duke of Baden takes an interest in the matter?”
The Grand Duke assented to this, with the repeated stipulation
that the matter might be discussed only outside the borders of
his country. Then he asked me whether I had taken any steps
yet with the Sultan.
Thinking of Newlinsky, I said that someone had already of
fered to speak with the Sultan.
At that point I set forth the advantages which the project
would bring to the Orient. If Turkey were partitioned in the
foreseeable future, an état tampon [buffer state] could be created
in Palestine. However, we could contribute a great deal toward
the preservation of Turkey. We could straighten out the Sultan’s
finances once and for all, in return for this territory which is not
of great value to him.
The Grand Duke wondered if it would not be better first to
send a few hundred thousand Jews to Palestine, and then raise
the question.
I said with determination: "I am against that. It would be
sneaking them in. The Jews would then have to confront the
Sultan as insurgents. But I want to do everything open and
above-board, fully within the law.”
At first he looked at me in surprise when I spoke so forcefully;
then he nodded approval.
Next I expatiated on the general advantages of the Jewish
State for Europe. We would restore to health the plague-spot
of the Orient. We would build railroads into Asia—the highway
of the civilized peoples. And this highway would then not be in
the hands of any one Great Power.
The Grand Duke said: “That would also solve the Egyptian
question. England clings to Egypt only because she must protect
her passage to India there. Actually, Egypt costs more than it is
worth.”
Hechler said: “Could Russia have designs on Palestine?”
The Grand Duke said: “I don’t think so. For a long time to
come, Russia will have her hands full in the Far East.”
I asked: “Does Your Royal Highness consider it possible that
I shall be received by the Czar?”
He said: “According to the latest reports, the Czar is accessible
to no one. He receives only his ministers when necessary, and no
one else. However, one might try in Hesse to place your book
in his hands. I believe that the Czar is not hostile to the Jews, but
he must take the mood of the Russian people into account. An
autocrat by no means always rules autocratically.”
I asked the Grand Duke for permission to write him from time
to time, and he graciously consented. What modesty and plain
dealing, all around! I felt inwardly ashamed at having wished
to reduce him to the commonplace before I had even spoken with
him. He is of a grand, noble naturalness. I no longer recall at
what points in the conversation he discussed parliamentarianism,
the standard working day, and other things.
He deplored the decline of parliamentary government and
said he was “a genuine constitutional ruler.” The legislative
process is getting worse and worse. Many laws are being passed
that are worthless.
À propos of my seven-hour working day with overtime, he
spoke about experiments that have been made with the standard
working day in Switzerland. The workers themselves are not sat
isfied with it.
To illustrate the psychology of the worker, I told him an
incident from Tom Sawyer by Mark Twain, how one Sunday
afternoon Tom has to whitewash his father's fence as a punish
ment, and how he turns this to profit. Tom does not say to his
chums, "I have to,” but “I am allowed to whitewash the fence.”
Then they all importune him to let them help him.
The Grand Duke smiled: “Very pretty.”
He then told me about the hatred people have for anything
new: how someone wanted to establish a useful credit-bank in
Baden and how this proved impossible, because hidebound pri
vate interests put up a fight against it. When relating or explain
ing something, he repeatedly used the expression “You will agree
with me,” or something similar. With all his dignity he has a
chivalric modesty.
When Hechler took the floor afterwards and discoursed on
the imminent fulfilment of the prophecy, the Grand Duke lis
tened silently, magnificently, and full of faith, with a strikingly
peaceful look in his fine, steady eyes.
Finally he said something that he had said several times before:
“I should like to see it come about. I believe it will be a blessing
for many human beings.”
An addition just occurred to me.
I had spoken of the communications I had received from
Semlin and Great-Becskerek, where a number of families want
to start out right away.
To this he said: “That is a sad sign of the conditions there.”
I also told him about the beggar who refused to take anything
from me, and that I had concluded from this incident that I had
found a path straight to the heart of the poor. He nodded.
Against parliamentarizing I said: "I cannot have such high
esteem for the Word. In the beginning was the Deed.” * To this
he also nodded.
Now that I think back to it, I feel that I have won him over.
After two hours and a half, which were exhausting for him
as well, for he often held his head when I was discussing some
difficult point—after two and a half hours he terminated the
audience. This time he shook my hand and even held it for quite
some time, while he spoke kind words of farewell: he hoped that
I would reach my goal, etc.
Together with Hechler I went past the lackeys and guards
who wondered at the length of the audience.
•Translator’s Note: A paraphrase of a quotation from Goethe's Faust, Part I.
I was slightly intoxicated with the success of our conference.
I could only say to Hechler, “He is a wonderful person!”
And SOhe is.
However, as a contribution to the psychology of the visitor,
I did take note of this slight intoxication following an audience.
The fear that comes before an audience is later balanced by
the intoxication that comes after the audience.
The more naturally and simply the giver of an audience be
haves, the greater will be the intoxication of the man who was
overawed at first.
I still had time for a walk in the castle park, while Hechler
packed his things.
There was a lovely evening mood in the park. A few quiet
strollers, boys walking on stilts in the moat. Loud singing of
birds in the rejuvenated tree-tops. The clear light of evening,
peace, the cloudless mood of Spring.
* • •
Later I accompanied Hechler, who was on his way to Basel,

to the station. He was very pleased with the result; the next day
he was going to send a telegram from Basel to the “Prophetic
Assembly” in London, saying that he had spoken with two sover
eigns about the Jewish State, whose realization he considered
imminent.
I asked him not to send such a telegram, because the Grand
Duke might not approve of it.
Now I regret having kept him from sending it. It would have
caused a sensation in England, and the Grand Duke would not
even have been mentioned.
April 26, Vienna

When I boarded the Orient Express at Munich yesterday at
noon, Hechler was on it. From Basel he had gone to Karlsruhe
again and there boarded the Orient Express. “I will pay the dif
ference in fares out of my own pocket,” he said.
Naturally I wouldn’t hear of it. The whole trip shall be at my
expense. In my present circumstances this is a bit of a sacrifice,
to be sure.
We had a comfortable trip. In the compartment he unfolded
his maps of Palestine and instructed me for hours on end. The
northern frontier ought to be the mountains facing Cappadocia;
the southern, the Suez Canal. The slogan to be circulated: The
Palestine of David and Solomon!
Then he left me to myself, and I drafted my letter to the Grand
Duke. Later Hechler found fault with some things. His criticisms
are excellent, although it is then that his anti-Semitism occasion
ally comes through. Self-confidence on the part of a Jew seems
insolence to him. When it was getting dark, he even treated me
to a downright anti-Semitic story. He had once put a Jew up
at his home, and by way of thanks the Jew had robbed him. A
Talmudic scholar, to whom he told his troubles, answered him
with a comparison of flowers and nations, saying the rose was the
English, the lily the French etc., the fat thistle on the dung-heap
the Jewish flower.
I disposed of him rather drily: “If you take a hundred Jews and
a hundred Gentiles into your house, you will have more bad ex
periences with Gentiles than with Jews.”
This man Hechler is, at all events, a peculiar and complex
person. There is much pedantry, exaggerated humility, pious eye-
rolling about him—but he also gives me excellent advice full
of unmistakably genuine good will. He is at once clever and
mystical, cunning and naive. In his dealings with me so far, he
has supported me almost miraculously.
His counsel and his precepts have been excellent to date, and
unless it turns out later, somehow or other, that he is a double-
dealer, I would want the Jews to show him a full measure of
gratitude.
Letter to the Grand Duke of Baden:
Your Royal Highness:
Upon my return home I feel impelled to express to you my
respectful thanks for your kind reception in Karlsruhe.
The thought that I was sitting across from one of the co
founders of the German Empire, the friend and adviser to three
emperors, made me self-conscious. Yet the cause must not suffer
from the weakness of its representative, and I beg Your Royal
Highness’ permission to put a few points in even sharper focus
than I may have done orally.
The Jewish Question is probably not so burning a problem
in present-day Germany as it is in Austria, Russia, Rumania, etc.
But this very respite, which cannot possibly be of long duration,
may make it appear desirable to tackle the solution of the prob
lem. The state’s authority cannot yield before the clamor of ir
responsible street-corner politicians. However, if this authority
is not being hard-pressed, it can support a beneficial project all
the more readily.
For it is our hope that a stream of happiness will flow from
our project for many people, and not only for the Jews by any
means.
If it is God's will that we return to our historic fatherland,
we should like to do so as representatives of Western civilization,
and bring cleanliness, order, and the well-distilled customs of
the Occident to this plague-ridden, blighted comer of the Orient.
We shall have to do this so as to be able to exist there, and this
obligation will educate our people to the extent that they need
it.
The details are outlined in my work The Jewish State. On
pages 16, 77, 78L there is information about how economic
damage to the countries that will be abandoned can and must
be prevented.
There is, incidentally, no thought of a complete evacuation.
Those Jews who have been, or still can be, assimilated, will re
main. The emigration will be voluntary, and the Jews, who will
have been informed in good time, will not regard it as an expul
sion but as an act of mercy on the part of their sovereigns.
But our movement will have two results—and this is some
thing that I barely hinted at in my pamphlet, which is intended
as the basis for public discussion; I should like to direct Your
Royal Highness’ especial attention to these two effects: our weak
ening of the revolutionary parties and our breaking of the inter
national financial power. If we find support, these will be not
merely presumptuous words.
If Your Royal Highness should feel impelled to place my plan
before His Imperial Majesty, I most humbly ask you to empha
size these points.
I beg Your Royal Highness to accept the expression of my
respectful devotion.
Dr. Theodor Herzl,
Vienna IX,
Pelikangasse 16,
April 26
Budapest, May 3
Dionys Rosenfeld, editor of the Osmanische Post of Constan
tinople, called on me here.
He offered his services as an intermediary. He claims to be on
good terms with Izzet Bey, the Sultan’s favorite. I told him in a
few words what it was all about. We shall bestow enormous bene
fits upon Turkey and confer big gifts upon the intermediaries,
if we obtain Palestine. This means nothing less than its cession
as an independent country. In return we shall thoroughly
straighten out Turkey’s finances.
We shall acquire the lands belonging to the Sultan under
civil law—although in that country there probably is not such
a marked contrast between sovereignty and private property.
Rosenfeld says the moment is very propitious, for Turkey
is in serious financial straits. However, he believes that sov-
ereignty would not be relinquished—at best, a status like that
of Bulgaria. This I reject outright.
Rosenfeld wants to hurry up and go home; he believes he can
procure for me the necessary audience with the Sultan for the
end of May. Vederemo [We shall see].
I declared that in any case I would come to Constantinople
only if Izzet Bey expressly assured me of the audience with the
Sultan in advance.
May 7, Vienna
Kozmian published a very flattering article about The Jewish
State in the Lvov official gazette, the Gazeta Lwowska.
Today I paid him a visit in order to thank him and to resume
the threads of our association. I found him still in bed.
Sitting on the edge of his bed, I described to him the situation
into which Badeni has got himself by capitulating to Lueger. He
will either have to continue collaborating with the anti-Semites
and thus incur the insidious hatred of the Jews, or he will again
seek contact with the Jews, and then the anti-Semites, heartened
by their success, will quickly overthrow him.
He can no longer lean on the decaying Liberal Party in the
next House of Deputies. He will seek and find more conservative
helpers. T hat will net him the full hatred of the remaining lib
erals. Then the only way out will be to court the Zionist move
ment and thus create a split among the Jewish opposition.
Kozmian intends to talk to Badeni about this.
May 7, evening
Newlinsky came to see me after I had telephoned him.
In a few words I brought him au courant [up to date]. He told
me he had read my pamphlet before his last trip to Constantino
ple and discussed it with the Sultan. The latter had declared that
he could never part with Jerusalem. The Mosque of Omar must
always remain in the possession of Islam.
“We could get around that difficulty," I said. “We shall extra-
territorialize Jerusalem, which will then belong to nobody and
yet to everybody—the holy place which will become the joint
possession of all believers. The great condominium of culture
and morality.”
Newlinsky thought that the Sultan would sooner give us
Anatolia. Money was no consideration to him; he had absolutely
no understanding of its value—something that may frequently
be observed among rulers. But there was another way of winning
the Sultan over: through supporting him in the Armenian situa
tion.
Newlinsky is even now on a confidential mission on behalf
of the Sultan to the Armenian Committees in Brussels, Paris, and
London. He is to induce them to submit to the Sultan, where
upon the latter will “voluntarily” grant them the reforms which
he refuses to accord under pressure of the Great Powers.
Newlinsky now asked me to procure for him the support of
the Jews in the Armenian situation; in return he would tell the
Sultan that Jewish influence had rendered him this service. The
Sultan would show his appreciation of this.
This idea immediately struck me as excellent, but I told him
that we shall not give our aid away free, i.e., give it only in re
turn for positive counter-services to the Jewish cause.
At this, Newlinsky proposed that no more than an armistice
be obtained from the Armenians. The Armenian Committees
were preparing to strike some time in July. They ought to be
persuaded to wait for a month. We would use that period for
negotiations with the Sultan. Since Newlinsky himself is becom
ing an interested party to the Jewish cause, he wants to drag out
the Armenian matter profitably, so that one cause may promote
the other.
I said: “The Jewish cause will bring you greater returns than
the Armenian. I have nothing to do with money matters, to be
sure, but I shall give you a recommendation to our wealthy men.”
Newlinsky, whose close acquaintance with the Sultan is com
mon knowledge, claims that with this approach we shall be able
to succeed. But on no account should official diplomatic circles
intervene; in fact, it would be better if they put difficulties in
our way. Then the Sultan would do what we desire out of spite.
• * *
In the evening I had my wife’s cousin explain Turkey’s finan

cial situation to me.
As I see things now, the financial plan will have to consist
in our eliminating the European Control Commission and taking
the payment of interest under our Jewish auspices, so that the
Sultan will be relieved of this humiliating control and can raise
new loans ad libitum [at will].
# * •
Today I also wrote to the Sculptor Moïse Ezechiel at Rome.

He is said to be a Zionist and well acquainted with Cardinal
Hohenlohe.
May 8
The Hassid Ahron Marcus of Podgorze again writes me a fine
letter in which he holds out the possibility that the three million
Hassidim of Poland will join my movement.
I am answering him that the participation of the orthodox will
be most welcome—but no theocracy will be created.
May 10
Newlinsky came to say goodbye before leaving for Brussels.
He will in any case work on the Sultan in our behalf, and
even if we do not bring about a settlement of the Armenian
matter, he will tell him that we helped him.
He is relying upon the generosity of the Jews, in case he
achieves anything for us.
He tells me that Kozmian said about me that I reminded him
of one of the great Jews whom Renan writes about, but that my
effort was Utopian.
May 11
Nordau writes that he has tried to establish contact with
Edmond Rothschild through Zadoc Kahn. However, Rothschild
was a proponent of infiltration.
I am writing to Nordau about the Armenians and requesting
his support.
• * •
Talked with Hechler and asked him to notify Ambassador

Monson that a semi-official agent of the Sultan has set out for
Brussels and London in order to conciliate the Armenians.
Monson should inform Salisbury. For Salisbury this would be
a great and effortless diplomatic success.
May 12
Hechler was here. The news was very welcome to Ambassador
Monson, because England desires peace in Armenia. I advised
that Salisbury be induced to renew his conciliatory pronounce
ments.
May 12
Great things need no solid foundation. An apple must be put
on a table so that it will not fall. The earth floats in mid-air.
Similarly, I may be able to found and stabilize the Jewish
State without any firm support.
The secret lies in motion. (I believe that somewhere in this
area of thought lies the invention of the dirigible airship. Weight
overcome by motion; and not the ship but its motion is to be
steered.)
May 13
Letter to Newlinsky at London:
Dear Sir:*
I have done some work for you and hope that you will see the
results of it. In particular, I have had Lord Salisbury aproached,
and it seems to me that we may expect a favorable attitude in that
quarter. As regards my co-religionists, I have already got them
going, in Paris as well as in London. But among my friends there
are some who raise a rather serious objection. They say that we
run the risk of doing the King of Prussia’s work and that once
the pacification is achieved, we shall quickly be forgotten. One
of our most influential friends, who is absolutely opposed to this
intervention, thinks that the dissolution of this great force would
be more advantageous for us.
However, as I told you then and there, I am of the contrary
opinion that it is to our well-considered interest to move in the
direction you indicated. I want to preserve and strengthen
the present powers which will soon realize that they are dealing
with friends.
For the rest, at the first evidence of good will accorded to
our cause, the objectors will rally to my side.
Please write me if there is any important news. I wish you the
fullest success.
Yours sincerely,
T h .H .
May 13
Nordau telegraphs: “No!”
This means that he will have nothing to do with the Armenian
affair. W hether he has had enough all around I do not know, but
I am anxiously awaiting his next letter.
May 14
S. Klatschko, who is taking care of the Russian translation, was
here.
When, in the course of our conversation, he told me that he
used to be a Nihilist, I asked him whether he knew the Ar
menian Committees.
He does! T he leader at Tiflis, Alawerdoff, is the fiancé of a
lady who lives in Klatschko’s house; and Klatschko has a connec
tion with the London chief, Nikoladze, through the Russian
Zaikowski.
I asked him to write to Zaikowski that I have learned the
Sultan desires a reconciliation and has dispatched a negotiator
for that purpose. The Armenians may confidently deal with him.
I consider the peace offer a genuine one, but naturally can answer
for the negotiator only to the extent of what I have learned from
him. But the Armenians wouldn’t be risking anything. If after
their honorable submission the Sultan still does not grant the
reforms within the stipulated period of time, they can openly
declare that they have been cheated and make the entire nego
tiations public. Klatschko promised to write to London immedi
ately to this effect.
May 14
Received at last a long-awaited letter from the Rev. Singer.
I was beginning to think he had dropped off, like Giidemann and
others who had gone with me for a distance.
He writes that Montagu wants to avoid public notice, for
several reasons; but Montagu has given a copy of my book to
Gladstone. Should Gladstone express an opinion, his words will
be given retentissement [reverberation] in the press.
I am answering Singer by informing him for Montagu’s bene
fit that I do not wish to address an “appeal” to the Sultan (which
would be a typically English notion), but will negotiate with him
secretly and possibly summon Montagu to Constantinople so that
he may support me.
I also wrote to Goldsmid and to Solomon that I am planning
to come to London in July to make a big speech (probably at
the Maccabeans) about the results achieved to date. Singer had
thought that I should hold a big meeting “with an admission fee.”
But this I reject. I do not address paying audiences. Although,
for all I know, this may be the usual thing in England.
May 15
Letter to Newlinsky:
Dear Sir:*
I have just received your telegram. T he day before yesterday
I wrote you at the Berkeley Hotel, Piccadilly; please claim my
letter there.
I shall briefly repeat its contents. I have had the ground pre
pared for you with Lord S., and I have asked my friends to make
contact also with the heads of the Armenian movement. In Lon
don, I believe Mr. Nikoladze is the man to talk to. One of my
friends has also undertaken to take steps with the head of the
Russian Committees** at Tiflis.
You will have to overcome the mistrust of the Armenians.
T heir leaders will believe that we want to compromise them
by a fruitless submission which will cripple the entire movement.
Actually, on the basis of information which I received last night,
we could get them to conclude an armistice without any detri
mental effects.
T he Tiflis leader may come to Vienna, and then I shall see him.
With kindest regards.
Yours sincerely,
Herzl.
May 15
Second letter.
Dear Sir:***
I have made a mistake. T he head of the movement in London
is Avetis Nazarbek, and he directs the paper “Hutschak.” Some
one will contact him.
Best regards,
H.
• • Translator's Note: Probably a slip of the pen for Armenian Committees.
• • • I n French in the original.
May 16
Had a good letter from Nordau which makes up for the “No”
telegram that had shaken me a bit.
After he had written me that letter, he talked with Edmond
Rothschild yesterday afternoon. Zadoc Kahn took him to the
Rue Laffitte.
That Rothschild should have this distinguished man of letters
brought to his office rather than his home is somewhat snobbish
and recalls my rendez-vous with the coal-Gutmanns.*
May 18
Nordau reports that he went with Zadoc to Edmond Roths
child. The “audience” lasted 63 minutes, out of which Rothschild
spoke 53, and Nordau “with difficulty and rudeness” only ten.
Rothschild will hear nothing whatever of the matter; he does
not believe that anything can be accomplished with the Sultan,
and at any rate will not cooperate. He considers what I am do
ing dangerous, because I am rendering the patriotism of the Jews
suspect, as well as injurious—namely, to his Palestinian colonies.
Accordingly, we shall pass over him and on to the order of
the day.
After this, there is something comical about today’s dispatches
from Paris, which report street demonstrations against the Jews
and in particular the Rothschilds. In front of the same house on
the Rue Laffitte where on Friday E. R. had rejected my friend
Nordau, the mob cried on Sunday: “Down with the Jews!”
May 19
Agliardi the Nuncio sent me word yesterday through our col
league Münz that he would receive me today, at ten a.m. sharp.
At ten I entered the Nuncio’s quarters, on the “Am Hof”
square, looking around furtively, like a man entering a house of
ill repute. I must record this feeling here, because it was the most
noteworthy one.
• Translator’s Note: “ KohlengutmSnnern"; H enl puns on their name.
Anyone who saw me enter there could easily have misunder
stood my errand.
The nunciature is a musty, chill, old, run-down little palace.
No stately servants, and on the staircase a shabby carpet.
My card was quickly handed to the Nuncio; he quickly had me
shown in and just as quickly came to the point.
He made the one reservation that this must not be an “inter
view!” Naturally, I promised him this.
Then I briefly presented him the proposal, which he knew
only in general outline.
I spoke in French, but was not really in good form today,
although not in the least self-conscious. It seems that I am be
ginning to lose my self-consciousness.
Agliardi listened in fine style. He is tall, slim, well-bred, and
stiff—come to think of it, exactly the way I had pictured a papal
diplomat. His grey hair is sparse; while talking he frequently
adjusts his violet skull-cap. His nose is fine, large, and aquiline.
His eyes are searching.
He interpolated some questions in bad French. Was I keeping
the difficulties in mind? In what way was the government of this
new “kingdom” to be established and how would the Great
Powers be induced to recognize it? Would the Jewish “grand-
seigneurs”—Rothschild and others—contribute money for this
purpose? And the like.
I said: We do not want a kingdom, but an aristocratic repub
lic. We need only the consent of the Great Powers, and in particu
lar that of His Holiness the Pope; then we shall establish our
selves, with Jerusalem extraterritorialized. We shall straighten
out the Sultan’s finances.
Agliardi smiled: “He will be very pleased at that. So you pro
pose to exclude Jerusalem, Bethlehem and Nazareth, and pre
sumably set up the capital more to the north?”
“Yes,” I said.
He thought it was doubtful whether the Great Powers would
give their consent, particularly Russia. Nor did he believe that
this was the solution of the Jewish Question.
“Let us assume,” he said, “that you will be able to withdraw
30,000 of the 130,000 Jews in Vienna. 100,000 would still remain.
Suppose only 50,000 remained in Vienna. They would continue
to cause anti-Semitism—the mild sort of persecution that we are
witnessing now. How do matters stand with us in Italy? We have
perhaps 10,000 Jews in the entire country. 5-6000 of these are in
Rome, a few thousand in Leghorn and Mantua, the rest scattered
about. Now then, these 10,000, or let us say, 20,000 Jews, out of
a total population of 30 millions, give rise to the same complaints
as do the Jews here. People say that they dominate the stock
exchange, the newspapers, and so on.
“It seems, my good man, that you Jews possess a particular
energy which we lack, a special gift from God—”
At that moment the servant knocked on the door.
“Avanti [Come in]l” called the Nuncio.
The servant announced: “Sua Excellenza VAmbasciatore di
Francia [His Excellency the Ambassador of France]!”
The Nuncio rose and asked me to come back another time.
In the ante-chamber waited Lozé, the French ambassador.
Result of the conversation: I believe Rome will be against us,
because she does not see in the Jewish State the solution of the
Jewish Question and perhaps even fears it.
May 21
Sylvia d’Avigdor reports from London that Samuel Montagu
gave her translation of my Jewish State to Gladstone and that
he then commented favorably on it in a letter.
Whit-Sunday
Tomorrow it will be a year since I started the movement by
my visit to Hirsch. If during the coming year I make proportion
ate progress, as from the zero point at that time to today’s achieve
ments, then we shall be leshonoh haboh birusholayim [Next year
in Jerusalem].
Attorney Bodenheimer of Cologne invites me to come to Berlin
to attend the Convention of German Zionists at the end of June.
I am answering him, inter alia [among other things]:
"I have grateful admiration for what the Zionists have done
up to now, but I am fundamentally opposed to infiltration. If
infiltration is allowed to proceed, it will increase the value of land
and it will become harder and harder for us to buy it. The idea
of a declaration of independence “as soon as we are strong enough
over there” I consider to be impracticable, because the Great
Powers would certainly not recognize it, even if the Porte had
weakened enough. My program, on the other hand, is to halt
infiltration and to concentrate all energies on the acquisition of
Palestine under international law. This requires diplomatic
negotiations, which I have already begun, and a publicity cam
paign on the very largest scale.”
Whit-Sunday
Newlinsky wires and writes from London that he is unable
to accomplish anything; he wants me to recommend him to Law-
son of the Daily Telegram and support him with “the Prime
Minister who doesn’t want to do anything.”
I am wiring him a recommendation to Lucien Wolf of the
Daily Graphic and will try later to send Hechler to Monson.
T o Newlinsky I am writing: “La chose a été mal emmanché
et surtout trop tard [The whole thing has been started badly and,
above all, too late].” I told him to come back; I would take mat
ters in hand.
Whit-Sunday
Two fellows from the Kadimah, Schalit and Neuberger, called
on me. At the University the assimilationists seem to be gaining
the upper hand again. At the Lesehalle no one wants to hear
about Zionism. They also told me that a proposal was afoot to
recruit a volunteer battalion of one or two thousand men and
to attempt a landing at Jaffa. Even if some might have to give up
their lives in the attempt, Europe would start paying attention
to the aspirations of the Jews.
I advised them against this fine Garibaldian idea, because these
thousand men, unlike the men of Marsala, would not find a
nationally-prepared population awaiting them. The landing
would be suppressed within twenty-four hours, like a schoolboys’
prank.
May 26
Newlinsky wires: “S veut pas recevoir. Faites possible [Salis
bury) refuses to receive. Do what you can].”
I am answering him:
Advise return home as soon as possible. May procure admission
to S. end of June myself. Let us go to your principal* first.
# # #
Letter to Rev. Singer (reply):

Dear Friend:
I am not writing to Sir S. Montagu directly because I cannot
express myself well in English, and clarity is important. There
fore I ask you to trouble yourself again and explain the matter
to him incisively. None of us knows how much longer he is going
to live—I did not tell Baron Hirsch this when I had an important
conversation with him a year ago yesterday, although I thought it
to myself. Today this man, who had so much feeling for the
Jews, is dead, and all he accomplished was philanthropy—that
is, things for the shnorrers [beggars]. When he could have done
something for the nation 1
Have a serious talk with Montagu, for our cause is an exalted
and serious one. In him I see a suitable force for part of the task.
No material sacrifices of any kind are being asked of him; he
need not give a penny.
•Translator's Note: The reference is to the Turkish Sultan.
If he does not want to participate, we shall simply have to get
along without him.
I am sorry that the beginning of July should again be an un
favorable time. But I cannot leave here before the middle of
June and I want to go to Constantinople first. However, should
my trip there have to be postponed for any reason, I will come
to London first. You will be notified of this in ample time, so
that the evening with the Maccabeans can perhaps be scheduled
for the twenty-first of June.
If I go to Constantinople, and for the time being this must be
kept a closely-guarded secret, I shall give you sufficient notice
of this as well, so that you may prevail upon those members of
your Community* whose presence, when I get there, will be de
sirable, to stay in London until July 5.
In that case we would meet with the Maccabeans on that date.
In a previous letter I asked you to give me the names of some
persons whom we could elect to the Society of Jews. This Society
is to consist of a large Committee on which we shall put distin
guished Jews—Englishmen, for the most part—and of an Execu
tive Committee. On the latter I should like to have you, Gold-
smid, Montagu, Nordau, etc.
Please let me have an early reply on this last point.
Yours sincerely,
Herzl.
May 29
Our colleague Schütz visited Count Leo Tolstoy on his estate
near Moscow and wrote a feuilleton about it.
At the same time he sent me a postcard informing me that
Tolstoy mentioned my pamphlet. But all the feuilleton says is
that with reference to the Jewish Question Tolstoy expressed
opposition to the Jewish State. This is the first time that The
Jewish State has been mentioned in the Neue Freie Presse—
without my name being given and without anyone being able
to understand what is actually meant. At this moment, the prin
ciple of dead silence becomes downright comical.
May 31
Already a split among the young Zionists. Already symptoms
of the ingratitude which I expect. A student called on me and
told me how the Jewish-National organizations are wrangling
among themselves; then he made veiled but comprehensible allu
sions that he and possibly others as well consider my amiability
toward the young people as play-acting.
I was highly indignant and immediately gave him a piece of
my mind. If they sour me on my efforts, I shall simply give them
up; and if I notice ingratitude—of course, not on the part of indi
viduals, who are a quantité négligeable [negligible quantity], but
from the masses—I shall withdraw completely.
# # #
Similarly as with the students, however, a certain dissatisfac

tion with my results already seems to be astir among the adult
Zionists. I hear that “counter-currents” are being formed—so
soon! I am told that Dr. Jacob Kohn wants to establish a “bloc”
that is supposed to take an active part in Austrian domestic poli
tics, i.e., have seats on the Municipal Council, the Diet, and the
Reichsrat. It is obvious to whom these will go.
I received another invitation from Dr. Bodenheimer to come
to the Berlin Zionist Convention. At the same time, he sent me
the “Principles” of the Cologne Zionists which I fully subscribe
to—with the exception of infiltration, which I should like to
see stopped. I wrote Bodenheimer that if I were prevented from
going to Berlin he should initiate resolutions there for use at
our London meeting on July 5. Also, a delegation should be sent
to London and arrive two or three days ahead of time, so that
we might agree on a plan of action. For the Berlin Zionists I
also made a brief sketch of the composition of the Society, which
is to include the Grand Committee and the Executive Commit
tee. Both committees, composed mainly of Englishmen, are to
be reinforced by coopted members from other countries.
* # #
Rosenfeld writes from Constantinople that his contact wants

to know what financial forces are behind me, because he would
be risking his head if the negotiations broke down. Since Rosen
feld made his debut in Budapest by asking me to advance him
some money, I shall have no further dealings with him for the
time being. Incidentally, there is good news from Newlinsky in
London. I think I can gather from his brief letters that he has
confidence in the cause. If this is so—and I shall find out when
he returns—we shall apparently go to Constantinople the middle
of June.
* * *
Received an interesting letter from Klatschko about the steps

he has taken with the Armenians in London. His informant writes
from Harrow that he has spoken with Nazarbek, who distrusts
the Sultan but thanks the “leader of the Jewish movement” for
his kind sentiments.
* * *
Klatschko’s letter, like Nordau’s about his conversation with

Edmond R., will have to be inserted in this notebook according
to their dates.
June l
My yesterday's feuilleton, “The Dirigible Airship,” was quite
generally taken as an allegory on the Jewish State.
# # #
Today the London news services carry Gladstone’s letter to

Montagu about my Jewish State. In our office this news item was
handled like a hot coal. The editor for British affairs, Vincenti,
sent it to the city editor, Oppenheim, who cautiously left it alone.
Thereupon I simply took the bull by the horns and showed the
dispatch to Benedikt, who was especially pleased with me today
on editorial grounds.
“Are you going to run this?” I asked him in the hallway when
he was just about to leave. He read the item attentively and said:
“Yes.”
“Should someone write a few lines of introduction?” I asked.
“No,” he said. “Simply run it under the caption ‘Gladstone
on Anti-Semitism,’ quite casually, as though we had already writ
ten about it. Also send for the novel which Gladstone mentions;
but when you write about it, you mustn’t discuss your Jewish
State.”
“Have I ever given you any trouble?” I asked gently.
* * *
And so, on June 2, 1896, the skimpy item which I am pasting

in at this point was the first to appear in the newspaper on
which I have worked for years. But I should be very much mis
taken if it did not produce a great effect. For the other papers,
which have been thinking that a deep rift exists between the
publishers and myself, will take this as an important sign of
reconciliation; and the readers of the Neue Freie Presse will
start talking about the Jewish State.
Gladstone on Anti-Semitism:
Gladstone has addressed the following letter to Sir Samuel Mon
tagu, M.P., who had sent him Dr. Theodor Herzl’s pamphlet
The Jewish State: “The subject of the publication which you were
good enough to send me is highly interesting. For the outsider it
is not easy to form a judgment regarding it, nor perhaps perti
nent, having formed a judgment, to express it. It surprises me,
however, to see how far-reaching is the distress among the Jews.
I am, of course, strongly opposed to anti-Semitism. In a curious
and arresting novel, The Lim b, you will find a rather unusual
treatment of Judaism.”
June 5
Nordau writes that he would not at any price sign an appeal for
money unless it also included the names of well-known million
aires. He apparently does not want to join the Executive Com
mittee either—only the big showcase and honorary committee
of the Society.
I am answering him that I, too, would not be naive and un
sophisticated enough to sign an appeal for money which was
not above suspicion. But I have made sufficient financial sacri
fices, considering my means, and henceforth must leave it to the
Jewish people to decide whether they want to do anything for
themselves, and if so, what.
June 6
Newlinsky has been in town for three days and has not shown
his face. Has he swung away? I am writing him:
Je compte partir le 15 juin. Êtes-vous avec moi? Mille amitiés,
votre dévoué [I count on leaving on June 15th. Are you with me?
Kindest regards, yours sincerely]
Herzl
June 7
Newlinsky came to see me today while I was in Baden. Ques
tion is, is he still with me or has he lost confidence in the cause—
if indeed he ever had any?
June 8
I called today on Newlinsky who gives me the impression of
having cooled. He said the present moment was not propitious
for the trip to Constantinople: the Sultan thought of nothing but
the Cretan riots, etc.
Perhaps everything he said to me before his trip to London
was said only that I might support him there. Now he backs out
and says he cannot come to Constantinople uninvited.
June 9
Newlinsky spent an hour and a half with me this morning.

I had a showdown talk with him, in the course of which I tried
to instil in him confidence in our cause again. Obviously his
courage has gone out of him in London, and also here. I worked
on him very forcefully. I spoke in a strong, determined, imperi
ous voice. I paraded our resources before him, I advised him to
serve us while he could derive great benefits from it—that is,
early, at the beginning of our operations.
He told me that in journalistic circles, and consequently in
financial and government circles as well, my project was regarded
as Utopian. The director of the Lànderbank had declared it a
fantasy, our editor Benedikt, madness. All the journalists were
laughing at it.
I answered him: “D’ici un an toute cette racaille me léchera les
bottes [A year from now this whole rabble will be licking my
boots].”
He thought I should not go to Constantinople at present, for
no one there now had his mind on anything but the Cretan
rebellion.
I said that if he did not want to join me I would go alone—
although I have no such intention. For, official recommendations,
provided I get them in the first place, will hardly procure me a
private audience. And whether Rosenfeld, who wants to take
me to Izzet, is reliable seems more than doubtful to me.
Newlinski described his English impressions. People there be
lieve in the impending downfall of Turkey. No English prime
minister can dare to declare his support of the Sultan because
he would have public opinion against him. There is some
thought of making the Bulgarian Prince Ferdinand, because he
is a Coburg, heir to the Turkish empire. If this is no diceria
[rumor], it is most interesting. Newlinsky thinks the only salva
tion for the Sultan would be to make an alliance with the Young
Turks—who for their part are on good terms with the Mace
donians, Cretans, Armenians, etc.—and to carry out the reforms
with their help. He said he had given this advice to the Sultan in
a report. Now I said he should add to this program the fact that
he was bringing the Sultan the means to carry this out, in the
form of Jewish aid. Let the Sultan give us that piece of land, and
in return we shall set his house in order, straighten out his
finances, and influence public opinion all over the world in his
favor.
Newlinsky skeptically referred to the attitude the Vienna
papers were taking toward me. To this I replied that if I wanted
to, I could make them all tractable, without exception, by starting
rival papers.
I told him that the Zionists’ declaration addressed to me had
already been signed by three thousand holders of doctor’s degrees
—a fact I had learned on Sunday from my cousin Lôbl.
He left me, I believe, shaken and half re-won. I urged him
to write the Sultan immediately and get himself summoned. This
he promised to do.
# # *
In the Delegation at Budapest, Goluchowski today made a
speech full of serious warnings to Turkey. Thereupon I am
writing to Newlinsky:
Dear Sir:*
The Budapest speech gives you an excellent opportunity of
renewing your no less excellent advice at Constantinople. Be
energetic and highlight all the advantages which we would be
able to confer.
If you decide to travel with me, I certainly hope that you will
give me the honor and pleasure of making that trip as my guest.
Yours sincerely,
Th. Herzl.
In the afternoon at Hechler’s home I met the English Bishop
Wilkinson, a clever, slim old man with white whiskers and dark,
intelligent eyes. The Bishop had already read my pamphlet and
thought it was “rather a business.” * I said categorically: ‘7
don’t make businesses. I am a literary man.” ** Whereupon the
Bishop declared that he had not meant this as an insult. On the
contrary, he regarded the matter as a practical one. Even though
it might start as a business, it might become something great.
After all, England’s Indian empire had also come into being un
consciously. In the end he blessed me and invoked God’s blessing
on the project.
June 15
At night on the train, having boarded the Orient Express in
Vienna, alone.
Newlinsky won’t get on until 2 a.m., at Budapest.
I shall now hastily add here the events of the past week, dur
ing which I was so overworked that unfortunately I didn’t have
a chance to capture my impressions when they were still fresh in
my mind.
After his return from London, Newlinsky was in no mood to
go to Constantinople with me.
He resisted in several forthright conversations; he was evi
dently under the influence of adverse comment on the cause from
my own group. Par ricochet [in a roundabout way] I learned from
a few of them that he had made inquiries about me.
I finally won him over by showing my determination to go to
Constantinople by myself. This might have made him concerned
lest others reap the great benefits which he has in prospect if he
supports me.
On Friday, after a lengthy conversation, we agreed that we
would each sleep on the question of leaving on June 15 for Con
stantinople: I, as to whether I would go ahead with the matter
without him, i.e., with the aid of my “other Constantinople con
nections”—he, whether to participate.
••Translator’s Note: In English in the original. Herzl obviously misunderstood
the Bishop’s use of the word “ business.”
On Saturday I went to see him again. I really no longer ex
pected anything and had practically abandoned the dubious expe
dition. He asked me with subtle watchfulness: "Eh bien, partez-
vous [All right, are you leaving]?”
I guessed what was hidden in this question, and answered
firmly:
"Je pars [I am].”
Since he now realized that I would go in any case, even with
out him, he said he was ready to go with me, and even begged
me “to take along no further introductions.” Bon [Good].
Yesterday we got together again and made the final arrange
ments for our departure. He said he would go on ahead to Pest
this afternoon and catch the Orient Express during the night.
His questions, for which I was really not prepared, then led us
to the financial plan. It had been quite a while since I had oc
cupied myself with the details, and some of them I had yet to
look into.
Unprepared as I was, I merely told him that we imagined we
would give twenty million pounds in return for Palestine. (Mon
tagu offered only two million in the Daily Chronicle.)
Afterwards I went to Baden and telephoned Reichenfeld, my
wife’s cousin, to come out the same evening in order to give me
some information.
He came to Baden at nine o’clock, and I asked him to brief me
on the Turkish national debt. While he was explaining to me the
status of the dette publique [public debt], I worked out the finan
cial scheme.
We spend twenty million Turkish pounds to straighten out the
Turkish finances. Of that sum we give two millions in exchange
for Palestine, this amount being based on the capitalization of its
present revenue of eighty thousand Turkish pounds per annum.
With the remaining 18 millions we free Turkey from the Euro
pean Control Commission. The bond-holders of Classes A, B, C,
and D will be induced by direct privileges we shall grant them
—increased rate of interest, extension of the amortization period,
etc.—to agree to the abolition of the Commission.
Reichenfeld was surprised at this plan which I immediately
elaborated with all details and foreseeable eventualities, and he
asked me what financier had worked it out. I wrapped myself in
mysterious silence.
Today I brought Newlinsky his ticket for Constantinople. The
expedition is costing me quite a bit. Newlinsky also asked me to
take along some fruit for the Turkish court. He has even made
out an order which I was supposed to have filled at the Hotel
Sacher: strawberries, peaches, grapes, asparagus—all imported
from France. The basket cost seventy guilders—and yet luckily
there were only half the quantity of grapes to be had, only six
peaches instead of twenty-four, and only one bunch of asparagus.
I took all there was. Ultra posse nemo tenetur [no one can be
required to do more].
My poor Hechler was less demanding when we travelled to
gether.
June 17
On the Orient Express, six o'clock in the morning, outside
Eski-Baba.
Yesterday’s portion of the trip was extremely interesting. When
Newlinsky got on at Budapest at 2 A.M., he told me that several
pashas were on the train—particularly Ziad Pasha, head of the
Turkish delegation at the Moscow coronation.
Later yesterday morning Newlinsky introduced me to Ziad,
Karatheodory, and Tewfik Pasha, the Ambassador at Belgrade.
Afterwards he briefed Ziad Pasha, the most important of these
Excellencies, on the purpose of my trip to Constantinople. Ziad
immediately became interested in the matter, and we only
awaited the moment when we should be alone in order to let
him in further on the secret.
Ziad Pasha is a small, elegant, graceful, Parisianized Turk,
who despite his small stature knows how to give himself an air
of due respect. There is a serious and bold look in his dark eyes;
his features are fine and sharp, his nose curved, and the short,
pointed beard as well as his thick hair are black and on the verge
of turning grey.
Karatheodory is white-bearded, fat, smart, full of fun, speaks a
brilliant French; reads, when not chatting, a new History of Rus
sia; tells wonders about the riches of the Moscow coronation—
and at train stations he doesn’t think twice about eating the na
tive fruits and washing them down with the local water.
Tewfik is a young pasha, speaks of the Neue Freie Presse with
admiration, quotes passages from old editorials.
In the afternoon, when Karatheodory had left the smoking-
room of the dining car and only Ziad, Newlinsky, and I were
there, I set forth my plan to Ziad who listened earnestly and in
tently.
He said: “I can see that you speak without ulterior motives.”
(For I had declared that we wished to acquire Palestine as a com
pletely independent country, and if we could not get it as such,
we would go to Argentina.)
“You come right out with your idea,” said Ziad, “but I must
tell you that no one is likely even to have pourparlers [parleys]
with you if you demand an independent Palestine. The benefits
in money and press support which you promise us are very great,
and I would say that your proposal is a very favorable one; but it
is against our principles to sell any territory.”
I replied: “T hat has occurred in history countless times.”
Newlinsky interjected that only recently England had relin
quished Heligoland to Germany.
Ziad persisted: “Under no circumstances will you get Palestine
as an independent country; maybe as a vassal state.”
I replied that this would be a bit of hypocrisy from the start,
for, after all, vassals constantly think of nothing but how to be
come independent as soon as possible.
The conversation went on until we got to Zaribrod. There the
Bulgarian minister, Natchowitch, was waiting for Newlinsky,
having come to meet him there.
I in turn was met by a delegation of Sofia Zionists. I had tele
graphed them the day before yesterday that I would be passing
through.
The two gentlemen asked me how my Zionist work was coming
along. I told them as much as I could. T hen I had to leave them
in order to eat with Newlinsky and Natchowitch in the dining
car. Natchowitch made a special point of requesting that on the
occasion of his next resignation from office the Neue Freie Presse
refrain from devoting any flattering post-mortem to him, because
otherwise he would be regarded as too much of an Austrian
favorite in Bulgaria, which is at present Russophile; this would
hamper his activities in behalf of Austria.
In Sofia a touching scene awaited me. Beside the track on
which our train pulled in there was a crowd of people—who had
come on my account. I had completely forgotten that I was actu
ally responsible for this myself.
There were men, women, and children, Sephardim, Ashkena
zim, mere boys and old men with white beards. At their head
stood Dr. Ruben Bierer. A boy handed me a wreath of roses and
carnations—Bierer made a speech in German. Then Caleb read
off a French speech, and in conclusion he kissed my hand, despite
my resistance. In this and subsequent addresses I was hailed in
extravagant terms as Leader, as the Heart of Israel, etc. I think
I stood there completely dumbfounded, and the passengers on
the Orient Express stared at the odd spectacle in astonishment.
Afterwards I stood on the carriage steps a while longer and
surveyed the crowd. The most varied types. An old man with a
fur cap looked like my grandfather, Simon Herzl.
I kissed Bierer farewell. They all pressed about me to shake
my hand. People cried “leshonoh haboh birusholayim [Next
year in Jerusalem].” The train started moving. Hat-waving, emo
tion. I myself was quite touched, particularly by the story of a
Rumanian who had told me his troubles. After completing
his military service he had been obliged to emigrate, because he
was denied his civil rights.
Newlinsky and Ziad were less struck with the demonstration
than I had expected them to be. Or were they not showing how
much they had been impressed? Newlinsky, for his part, had
been met by the Bulgarian church dignitary Gregory, to whom
he had likewise telegraphed his arrival in advance—possibly so
that I might take note of his (N’s) reputation in Bulgaria.
* * *
In the evening Newlinsky and I sat by ourselves in the dining

car, and I outlined for him the financial plan based on the 20
million pounds—of which two millions would be earmarked as
an immediate advance for the cession of Palestine, and 18 mil
lions for the freeing of the Turkish government from the Control
Commission.
Newlinsky objected violently. He said he had already told
Ziad that I was proposing the liberation from the Control Com
mission in the following form:
One third we pay in cash. For the second third we take the
responsibility (or rather, if we become a vassal state, this third
is credited against our tribute). On the remaining third we pay
interest from the revenues taken away from the present Commis
sion and assigned to us.
Newlinsky thinks we could not possibly dare to offer the Sultan
20 million pounds for the land of Palestine. That was its mere
commercial value, so to speak; but we would have to pay a pre
tium affectionis [premium]. However, we could perhaps stipu
late several additional concessions and thus facilitate our pay
ments—e.g., an electric-power monopoly for all of Turkey, etc.
But this triple division, he said, must definitely be maintained.
# # *
I have slept on this and think that Newlinsky is right. I can

even derive a fresh advantage from this turn in the affair. I can,
and shall, say in Constantinople that the conditions must remain
absolutely secret because I have to familiarize my Committee
with everything first. In this way I shall prevent the possibility
of Montagu or E. Rothschild making protests against my pro
posals.
But if I come to London strengthened by my conversation with
the Sultan, I shall carry through whatever I wish.
If necessary, I shall establish contact with Barnato.
* * *
Bierer told me at Sofia that Edmond Rothschild sent his repre

sentative to Constantinople a few days ago in order to offer the
Sultan money for permission to continue the colonization.
Might this be a chess move against me?
June 18, Constantinople

Newlinsky is extremely valuable to our cause. His skill and
devotion are beyond all praise. He will have to be given a very
extraordinary reward.
We arrived in Constantinople yesterday afternoon. At the sta
tion we were met by Baron B. Popper of Vienna as well as by
two local journalists who are at Newlinsky’s disposal. The pashas
who had been on the same train and had put on their formal at
tire even before our arrival, so as to be able to go to the Sultan
right away, were met by a crowd of people.
We drove through this astonishingly beautiful, dirty city. Daz
zling sunshine, colorful poverty, dilapidated buildings. From a
window of the Hotel Royal our view extends over the Golden
Horn. The houses on the slopes are situated among greenery, and
it looks like grass growing between stones—as if nature were
slowly recapturing this crumbling city.
* * *
Newlinsky has a fine reputation and much influence here. He

is on the same good terms with many prominent Turks as he is
with our traveling companions, Ziad and Karatheodory.
As soon as he had changed his clothes, he drove to Yildiz Kiosk.
I accompanied him in the carriage. The street life is strangely
poverty-ridden and gay. T he latticed harem-like windows present
a charming mystery. Behind them, disappointment presumably
awaits the intruder.
A wonderful view of the Bosporus from the white palace of
Dolma Bagjehl
* * *
After Newlinsky got out at Yildiz, I rode and strolled by myself

through the bumpy streets of Pera and down to the old bridge.
# * *
Newlinsky returned late and in a bad humor. Izzet Bey, the
First Secretary of the Sultan, had displayed a bluntly negative at
titude toward our project. “Too many commissions are being
promised in this matter!” he said; and Newlinsky thinks that the
man who has already taken some preliminary steps here has gone
about it clumsily. We will have to make amends for this, and it
may not be easy.
Another difficulty: the Sultan apparently is ill. Newlinsky was
not received. What ails the Sultan cannot be learned. Baron
Popper heard from his sister that Dr. Nothnagel of Vienna was
asked whether he could come here. It would be a terrible contre
temps [mishap] if this were to wreck my audience.
* * *
After dinner we went to the open-air concert hall of Pera where

a visiting Italian light-opera company was performing. During
the first intermission we ran into Djawid (or Djewid) Bey, the
son of the present Grand Vizier. I was introduced and immedi
ately plunged médias in res [into the midst of things]. We sat on
a garden bench, the operetta tunes sounded distantly from the
arena stage as I acquainted the still youthful State Councillor
with the project.
His objections were: the status of the Holy Places. Jerusalem,
he said, must definitely remain under Turkish administration.
It would run counter to the most sacred feelings of the people if
Jerusalem were ceded. I promised a far-reaching extra-territorial
ity. The Holy Places of the civilized world must belong to no
one, but to everyone. In the end, I believe, we shall have to agree
to Jerusalem’s remaining in its present status.
Djawid Bey further inquired what the relationship between the
Jewish State and Turkey would be. Much like Ziad’s question
about vassalage.
I said that I would see complete success only in independence,
but we would at any rate discuss a status like that of Egypt or
Bulgaria, that is, a tributary relationship.
Finally, Djawid asked about the form of the future govern
ment.
“An aristocratic republic,” I said.
Djawid protested vigorously: “Just don’t mention the word
'republic' to the Sultan! People here are frightened to death of
it. They are afraid that this revolutionary form of government
will spread from one province to another like a contagion.”
I explained to him in a few words that I had in mind a form
of government like that of Venice.
At length I begged him to be present at the audience which
his father, Khalil Rifat Pasha, the Grand Vizier, is to grant me.
The young Excellency promised me this, and he wishes to help
us with advice and action in other ways, too. In reply to his ques
tion concerning the proposals which I planned to make, I said
that I could communicate the details only to the Sultan.
June 18
Newlinsky told me today that Russia has gained the upper
hand in Yildiz Kiosk. The position of Turkey was not consid
ered to be in danger as long as the friendship with Russia lasted.
Izzet, he said, was leaning toward Russia. Whatever I told the
Grand Vizier would be submitted to Russia.
Therefore we agreed that I would speak with Yakovlev, the
influential dragoman of the Russian Embassy, before I went to
see the Grand Vizier.
I immediately wrote to Yakovlev asking him for an appoint
ment, which he promptly gave me for one o’clock. Evidently
their attention has already been drawn to my arrival by the news
papers and by gossip in diplomatic circles.
June 19
Yesterday was a hectic day—with an unfavorable ending.
My first call was on the Russian dragoman Yakovlev. He lives
in the consulate at Pera. A building run down in Turkish fashion.
In the courtyard, Kavasses and seedy-looking servants. An un
kempt maid received my card and took it to Yakovlev, who was
still at table, to judge from the clatter of dishes in the adjoining
room. Yakovlev had some cigarettes brought out to me. Ten
minutes later he appeared—gaunt, tall, dark-haired, with a nar
row face, a scraggly beard, and small, slit-like eyes.
His manner was likeable.
I briefly told him the purpose of my visit, but in order to pre
pare him for the shock, I took the precaution of speaking at first
only of colonization. I asked him to take note of the fact that I
was calling at the Russian Embassy before talking with the T urk
ish government. I said it was my intention and hope to obtain an
introduction to the Czar through a member of the latter’s family
(by whom I meant the Prince of Wales, but without naming him).
By way of reply Yakovlev gave me an account of his experiences
when he was Consul at Jerusalem. The Jews he met there inspired
him with little sympathy, although he treated them benevolently
and, if they were Russians, accorded them all the privileges of
Russian citizens. He said they behaved deceitfully toward the
Consulate, tried to evade the consular taxes they owed, and
claimed to be Turks or Russians, whichever suited their con
venience.
To this I remarked that considering the persecutions to which
my people had been subjected for many centuries, it was no won
der if they displayed moral defects. He agreed.
Then I went into my plan more deeply, saying that it was not
a matter of colonization on a small but on a large scale. We
wanted the territory as an autonomous one.
He listened with growing attention and sympathy, and thought
it was a great, fine, humanitarian plan.
I said: “Je crois que cette idée doit être sympathique à tous
les honnêtes gens [I believe this idea ought to appeal to all decent
people].”
In conclusion he remarked that the project would require
many decades. I would probably not live to see its fruition, but
he wished me every success and was glad to have made my ac
quaintance. He wished me strength and good health to carry out
the task, and then I took my leave.
As we were saying good-bye he advised me to call on the local
Russian chargé d’affaires, and he accompanied me to the stairway.
Then, as though to make amends for his previous disparaging re
marks, he said: ‘‘You have among your people perhaps twenty
per cent who are not much good ethically, but that is what one
finds among other peoples, too.”
“Yes,” I said, “but in our case they are counted double, so that
one could believe it was forty per cent.”
* * *
From Yakovlev I drove to the Sublime Porte, where I had al

ready been announced. My dragoman sat on the coach box next
to the red-fezzed coachman.
A drive through winding, filthy streets to Stambul. The Su
blime Porte is a decaying, old, dirty, imposing building, hum
ming with the most remarkable activity. T he soldiers on guard
duty stand on small pedestals in the entrance halls.
Poor devils squat on the ground. Countless officials and serv
ants run up and down.
My first call was on His Excellency, Khair Eddin Bey, Secre
tary-General to the Grand Vizier. I am writing down by ear the
names of all the functionaries. I don’t know whether correctly.
I learned only today that the son of the Grand Vizier is not
named Djawid, but Djewad Bey.
Khair Eddin is a man of about thirty years, nice looking, with
smooth, pale cheeks, a handsome black beard, and prominent
ears. At every word he gives a smile that is friendly and astonished
at the same time. After a few minutes we were called to the
Grand Vizier. We crossed a vestibule and several ante-chambers.
In a large salon, with his back to the wall, was His Highness, the
Grand Vizier, Khalil Rifat Pasha. He rose at my entrance and
gave me his hand. He is a tall, stooped old man with a white beard
and a wrinkled, withered face. On the desk in front of him lay
two sets of religious beads.
He sat down and motioned me to an armchair next to him;
facing us, beyond the large desk, Khair Eddin took a seat as in
terpreter.
After handing me a cigarette, the Grand Vizier inquired about
my arrival, the traveling weather, the probable duration of my
stay.
Then he paid a few compliments to the Neue Freie Presse.
Khair Eddin translated the banalities with amiable seriousness,
I replied with other salaams: the N. Fr. Pr. had always had
friendly sentiments toward Turkey and would always be happy
when it could report something favorable about the Empire. At
times, perhaps, we were insufficiently informed about the facts;
but we desired nothing better than always to report the truth.
The Grand Vizier wanted me to know that our correspondent
could call at any time and he would be told everything.
I thanked him for this assurance.
Then I had the interpreter ask His Highness whether he knew
the purpose of my trip.
“No,” came back his reply, and as he spoke his half-closed eyes
kept glancing downward at the edge of the table or at his large
hands which were toying with the beads.
So I presented my proposal to Khair Eddin to have it con
veyed to the Grand Vizier.
The Grand Vizier listened imperturbably. He asked questions
such as this: “Palestine is large. What part of it do you have in
mind?”
I had the interpreter answer: “T hat will have to be weighed
against the benefits we offer. For more land we shall make greater
sacrifices.”
His Highness inquired about the terms.
I begged pardon for not going into detail. I said I could state
the scope of our proposals only to His Majesty. Should they be
accepted in principle, Sir Samuel Montagu would submit our
financial program.
Khalil Rifat Pasha made long pauses during the conversation,
while he ticked off his beads between his fingers, one by one, as
though he had to take time for reflection between every word.
I was left with the impression that he is not only averse to this
project, but actually distrusts it.
During our conversation there was a constant stream of offi
cials and servants, bowing low, bringing messages and documents,
and then backing out of the room.
Following the appearance of another solemn old man, Khalil
Rifat had the interpreter indicate to me that the conference was
at an end. He half rose and gave me his hand.
In the ante-chamber I asked Khair Eddin, who had a friendly
smile on his face, whether the Grand Vizier had taken it amiss
that I had kept silent on the terms for the present.
“No,” said the smiler, “he is a philosopher and can only be
pleased that you fulfill your obligations as he fulfills his. It is
quite all right with him if you establish direct contact with his
exalted master.”
Khair Eddin also showed me a magnificent view of the Bos
porus and the distant Dolma Bagjeh; then he gave my hand a
long and cheerful squeeze.
* # #
Down many corridors, past guards, servants, idlers, and offi

cials, I was taken to the Foreign Office and to Nuri Bey.
He is a russet-haired, elegant, intelligent, cultured Armenian
who has lived in Paris for a long time and is quite Parisianized.
A few foreign diplomats came and went. T he talk happened to
be about two women who had fallen into the hands of brigands
somewhere and were to be released in return for ransom. An at
taché of some embassy begged Nuri Bey to defer all non-urgent
matters because he didn’t want to tackle anything new before
going on his vacation. One could tell that absolutely nothing
seemed urgent to him.
When we were alone, I told Nuri Bey what I wanted. His eyes
lit up. He got the point right away.
“C’est superbe [That’s splendid],” he said when I told him—
as I had told the Grand Vizier previously—that we wanted to
liberate Turkey from the Debt Control Commission. Then there
would be the means to carry out all the needed reorganization.
Nuri was delighted and sold on it. But he had grave doubts re
garding the Holy Places. Who is to administer them? “That can
be arranged,” I remarked; “just consider that we are the sole
purchasers of an article that is worthless to everyone else and
unproductive—and purchasers at a stiff price.”
Thereupon Nuri Bey took me to Davout Efendi, who is a Jew,
but also First Dragoman and thus the Foreign Minister’s right-
hand man, regarded as the most influential person in the Foreign
Office.
I recognized his high position by the low salaams of those who
enter. The officials deposit the documents at his feet, so that he
always has to stoop and therefore is less comfortably served. He
works seated in an armchair, with no table in front of him, and
as he writes he holds the paper in his hand unsupported.
He is a tall, fat man with a short, grey beard. His eyeglasses are
perched on a curved, fleshy nose in front of bulging eyes.
He understood me at once. But he was visibly afraid. He saw
the tremendous benefits to Turkey, but as a Jew he must impose
the utmost reserve upon himself.
There would be enormous difficulties, he said; in fact, he
thought the matter impracticable. Soon he was speaking to me
like a brother, with earnestness and concern. He said I should
have someone else introduce me to the Foreign Minister, but he
accompanied this refusal with an amiable glance that begged my
forgiveness. I am supposed to come and see him again before my
departure.
The Jews are doing well in Turkey, he said, and they are good,
loyal patriots.
As though by way of illustrating this, when he walked with
me through an outer corridor, the two guards on the pedestals
presented arms to him, clattering and rattling.
I also saw Nishan Efendi, the Chief of the Press Bureau, in his
little office where a few editors were manufacturing the public
opinion of Turkey out of European newspaper reports.
Nishan complained about the editorials in the N. Fr. Pr. and
about Goluchowski’s latest speech.
* * *
In the evening Newlinsky returned from Yildiz Kiosk with a

long face and bad news.
He ordered only half a bottle of champagne— en signe de deuil
[as a sign of mourning]—and told me in two words: "Nothing
doing. The great lord won’t hear of itl”
I took the blow stout-heartedly.
“The Sultan said: ‘If Mr. Herzl is as much your friend as you
are mine, then advise him not to take another step in this matter.
I cannot sell even a foot of land, for it does not belong to me,
but to my people. My people have won this empire by fighting
for it with their blood and have fertilized it with their blood.
We will again cover it with our blood before we allow it to be
wrested away from us. The men of two of my regiments from
Syria and Palestine let themselves be killed one by one at Plevna.
Not one of them yielded; they all gave their lives on that battle
field. The Turkish Empire belongs not to me, but to the Turkish
people. I cannot give away any part of it. Let the Jews save their
billions. When my Empire is partitioned, they may get Palestine
for nothing. But only our corpse will be divided. I will not agree
to vivisection.’ ”
Then they spoke of other things. Newlinsky advised him to let
the young Turks participate in the government.
The Sultan said ironically: “A constitution, then? As far as I
know, Poland’s constitution did not keep your fatherland from
being partitioned.”
# # #
I was touched and shaken by the truly lofty words of the Sul
tan, although for the time being they dashed all my hopes. There
is a tragic beauty in this fatalism which will bear death and dis
memberment, yet will fight to the last breath, even if only
through passive resistance.
June 19
Newlinsky showed himself pleasantly surprised at my not be
traying my disappointment through a fit of depression. I imme
diately tried to think of other moves, and I hit upon the follow
ing, which I asked Newlinsky to take care of: We will endeavor
to give the Sultan’s circle “proof of our devotion” right from the
start.
Newlinsky was to do his utmost through Izzet Bey and directly
to get the Sultan to receive me after all. I want to planter un
jalon [drive in a stake] at least. I will present our proposal to
the Sultan, tout en m’inclinant respectueusement devant sa vo
lonté [while respectfully bowing to his wishes]. He should know
that whenever he sees fit to fall back on this resource, the Jews
will be ready to place their financial power at his disposal for the
straightening out of Turkey’s finances.
June 19
The selamlik, Friday.
On this sunny day we drove out to Yildiz Kiosk. En route,
troops in full-dress uniform. The Bosporus gleamed.
At Yildiz, in front of the guest pavilion, we were received by
two adjutants of the Sultan in gala uniform. Within less than
an hour the most magnificent images rushed past us: The white
Yildiz Mosque in the sunlight; over on the other side, the blue
Bosporus; in the distance, the islands in a haze. Troops came
marching up. Sturdy, sinewy, sun-tanned fellows, full of energy,
“hardship-defying,” splendid battalions. On the right, cavalry
regiments came riding down the hill, their red pennants aflutter.
In front of us, up the hill, zouaves with their green-and-red tur
bans were marching along at a smart goose-step. The buglers
held their horns to their lips, ready to blow.
Pashas in gala uniform came driving or riding toward us.
Worshippers in the most colorful costumes were filing into the
fore-court of the mosque.
A riot of color. Each moment brought fresh gorgeous hues.
Small boys in officers’ uniforms, the sons of pashas, made their
appearance with droll grandezza [grandeur].
At last came the Court. First, the Sultan’s sons and other
princes. They mounted their horses at the foot of the Yildiz hill
and there in imposing line-up awaited the appearance of the
Caliph. Among the ranks of the princes were two grey-bearded
officers, their military tutors.
The Chief Eunuch, a large, fat castratus, moved past majesti
cally.
Three closed royal equipages with heavily veiled ladies of the
harem.
Next a double line of palace officers came down the hill at a
ceremonious pace. And then the Sultan’s carriage, a half-closed
landau with outriders, flanked by a thick, walking hedge of
guards and officers.
In the carriage sat the Sultan; facing him, Ghazi Osman Pasha.
From the minaret, a muezzin called to prayer in a clear voice.
Between calls, military music.
The troops hailed the Caliph with two loud shouts.
He is a slight, sickly man with a large hooked nose and a me
dium-sized beard which looks as though it had been dyed brown.
He gave the Turkish salute with a flourish close to his mouth.
As he passed the terrace on which we were standing, he sharply
stared at Newlinsky and me.
Then he drove in behind the railings of the mosque, left the
carriage at the protruding angle of the left wing, and slowly
ascended the steps.
Cheering. He saluted again and entered the mosque toward
which all the soldiers of his guard now turned their faces.
The service lasted about twenty minutes. In the courtyard of
the mosque the pilgrims spread out prayer rugs and knelt or
crouched on them.
The soldiers in the burning sun were given water.
After his devotions, the Sultan reappeared and boarded an
open two-horse carriage, which he drove himself.
In the courtyard, a low-bowing lane of pashas and generals.
The princes mounted their horses again.
When the Sultan passed us the second time, he stared at me
(whom he could identify at Newlinsky’s side) with a steely look.
A bustle of officers scurrying up the hill behind the carriage.
Then thispicture of fairy-talesplendor faded away.
« * *
After the selamlik I saw the whirling dervishes in the mosque

on the Rue de Pera.
One little boy among the old gaunt “fanatics,” with their apa
thetic yet sly look, who perform the solemn, grotesque dance rou
tine.
Homespun music, snuffled prayers, a walk-around like a sort
of chaine anglaise in a quadrille, with low bows; then the dizzy,
senseless whirling. After throwing off their colored cloaks, they
continue in white garments d la Loie Fuller, the left palm turned
toward the ground, the right turned up.
# * *
In the afternoon, at the Sweet Waters of Europe with Mar

gueritte, the favorite of the Grand Vizier.
Margueritte offered me his services. He claims he can get any
thing he pleases from the Grand Vizier. He said he would shortly
receive a concession for the oil-wells of Alexandretta. He told me
the story of Baron Popper’s abortive loan. The latter had wanted
to handle the loan of three million Turkish pounds which was
later made by the Ottoman Bank. He had already concluded
everything and enlisted the interest of Izzet, Tahsin, the Sheik of
the Palace, and a few other people. The Grand Vizier accepts no
gifts, but P. was going to present the Vizier’s wife with a neck
lace or something like that.
The embassies abroad were instructed to support Popper. Then
it turned out that the bank whose representative P. claimed to be
stated that it did not know him.
That created ill-will against him here—parbleu!—without,
however, compromising him permanently. Margueritte said that
Popper was now competing for the Alexandretta-Damascus rail
road concession, which would draw off the Asiatic traffic from the
Suez Canal.
Margueritte further informed me that late last night Newlinsky
had sent him a request in my name—without having informed
me of it—to drop the matter which I had presented to him.
Margueritte promised me to interest Djewad Bey, the Grand
Vizier’s son, in my cause.
With Djewad, he said, it was possible to “speak openly.’’
June 20
Each morning at breakfast we hold a council of war in our
parlor with its long green damask sofa. Today I proposed to
Newlinsky that we hold out the prospect of an initial transaction
to the people at the Palace and the Porte. I would try to induce
them to take a small loan of one or two million, since in my opin
ion this would not compromise our future plan. The money
would be thrown into a bottomless well, but with it we would
gain a firm footing and become popular.
I begged Newlinsky to do everything possible to get the Sultan
to receive me. If I return home without an audience, with a
“No,” people will take everything for a dream.
At present, of course, no one dares mention me to the Sultan,
after the formal refusal which he gave Newlinsky in the presence
of Miinir Pasha, Izzet Bey, etc.
Izzet Bey, however, advises the following: the Jews should ac
quire some other territory and then offer it to Turkey as a trade
(with additional payment).
I immediately thought of Cyprus.
Izzet’s idea is good, and it shows that he is thinking with us
and for us.
He declines a personal share in it. But he has his family in
Arabia, numbering— 1500, for whom something would have to
be done.
June 21
Yesterday afternoon I saw Nuri Bey again, just after New-
linski had left him. I waited for Newlinski in the carriage out
side the Sublime Porte. A hot afternoon.
After an hour Newlinski appeared. He had discussed our matter
with the Grand Vizier and Nuri Bey. The Grand Vizier is against
it, Nuri Bey all fire and flame for it.
Nuri Bey received me very cordially. Then he took me from
the room, in which there were visitors, to a private room next
door and there spoke to me quite openly. He said he was com
pletely on our side, but unfortunately the large number of
wooden heads here must be taken into account.
He acted a bit coquettish about his European education and
intelligence and said complacently: “Among these blind people
I am a one-eyed man.”
He really is of a much higher intelligence than most of the
others.
This is what he advises: T he Jews ought to buy up the Turkish
issues and put their own people on the Commission of Bond
holders* This Commission, according to him, has great influ
ence and steps in whenever there is a crisis.
He has also communicated this idea to Newlinski, as I found
out later. Newlinski opposed it immediately, because this would
make the Jews just as detested here as the Commission is at
present.
Newlinski even tempers my singing of N uri’s praises by re
marking: “It would be proof of his intelligence if he were giving
this advice only to compromise the Jewish cause.’’
Nuri promised me his fullest support, particularly if we pro
ceeded against the Ottoman Bank, which is here held responsi
ble for the financial troubles.
# * *
Then with Davout Efendi, in my view the most irreproach

able of the functionaries I have met thus far. I am proud of the
fact that he is a Jew. The Sultan has no more loyal official. At
heart he is with us, but he must be careful not to show it.
He considers it possible that we shall reach our goal one day,
when Turkey “sera dans la dèche, et si vous dorez la pilule [is
completely broke, and if you sugar-coat the pill]”—that is, es
tablish our State as a vassal state.
He promised me to be on hand when I visit Tewfik, the For
eign Minister, today. Only, it must appear as if we did not know
each other.
* * *
Last evening Newlinski informed me that Izzet Bey would

receive me today.
June 21
I am writing Davout Efendi that for the time being he should

not speak with his Minister about the matter. The moment is
not auspicious.
* * *
Yesterday the Sultan told Newlinski that he would not receive

me as a journalist, because following Bacher’s interview, the
N. Ft. Pr. had made a violent personal attack on him.
Yesterday morning I drove with Newlinski to Yildiz Kiosk in
order to see Izzet Bey. It had been agreed in advance that the
conversation must consist only of polite nothings.
At half-past nine we were driving along the familiar route,
which is bordered by colorful scenes of the poverty-stricken life
in the Orient, past the Dolma Bagjeh, where the blue Bosporus
lies shimmering, and up the hill to Yildiz.
We entered the palace courtyard where repair work on the
buildings is going on.
Izzet Bey happened to be standing in the courtyard. We
greeted him and went to the building where his office is located.
It looks rather shabby. The individual offices look like beach
cabins. Even the room of Izzet Bey, the all-powerful, is small and
paltry. Izzet’s desk, a smaller one for his secretary, a few arm
chairs, and a curtained four-poster (in case he has to spend the
night there on continuous duty): that is all. But a window faces
the wide, laughing beauty of the Bosporus, overlooking the white
minarets of the selamlik mosque as far as the hazy Princes Islands.
Another man waiting for Izzet Bey was a Jewish jeweller who
had brought a silver pendulum-clock ordered by the Sultan. This
clock is a reward for the army doctor who, a few days previously,
had operated on the Sultan’s boil.
Izzet Bey came in and, after I had been introduced to him, took
care of the jeweller.
Izzet Bey is a man in his forties, of medium height and slight
build. His wrinkled, tired, but intelligent face is almost ugly.
Large nose, sparse, semi-long, dark beard, intelligent eyes.
I spoke the prearranged banalities. I did not wish to leave
without having made the acquaintance of one of the most out
standing men of this great country. I should be very pleased if I
succeeded, through my newspaper, in imparting to others the
favorable impressions I was carrying away from Constantinople.
I planned to write a series of articles about the political circles
of Turkey, and would be glad if I could be of some use.
Izzet Bey smiled at all this very affably and was “delighted to
have made your acquaintance” when, after a quarter of an hour,
I took leave of him.
Newlinski had forewarned me that all the servants must be
given baksheesh. Izzet’s servant in the second-floor corridor took
two mejidiyes, the servant on the ground floor, who had held my
cane, one mejidiye. But at the Yildiz exit the thing became comi
cal. There stood two gatekeepers. As I reached into my pocket,
both held out their hands, side by side, and I deliberately de
layed the donation for a few seconds in order to spin out my en
joyment of the symbolic spectacle of these baksheeshites at the
court gate. Each got a mejidiye.
T hen we drove along the Bosporus out toward Bebek, past
daydreaming harem-castles. T he sun was burning hot, but a gen
tle breeze came from the Bosporus.
Only then did Newlinski tell me what he had accomplished
the day before (Saturday) at the Porte and the Palace. He had
felt constrained to keep this from me so that I might not make
even the slightest unintentional allusion to it in my conversation
with Izzet.
T he Grand Vizier, he said, was opposed to the proposal I had
made. (Margueritte, the Grand Vizier’s confidant, had told me
the contrary. Who was lying? Could it be that the Grand Vizier
was only giving Newlinski diplomatic double-talk because he
wanted to keep me guessing?
Newlinski begged the Grand Vizier, even though he was op
posed to it himself, at least not to say anything about it to the
Sultan. For the Grand Vizier is not supposed to know that the
Sultan is against it. Everybody here has the servile habit of con
firming the Sultan in whatever he already desires, and of boldly
opposing whatever he is already against.
At Yildiz Kiosk, according to what Newlinski observed on Sat
urday, the disposition toward me had improved somewhat. The
Sultan at least permitted Newlinski to speak of me. Newlinski
had told the Sultan on Saturday that I had thought his first re
fusal sublime and had admired it greatly. He said I was a friend
of Turkey and wished to be of service to the Sultan. The Sultan
ought to receive me.
T he Caliph declined to do this. He could not and would not
receive me as a journalist after the experience he had had with
Bâcher and the N . Fr. Pr. A few months after Bacher’s audience
our paper had published the most malicious attack on his person
that had ever appeared in the press—including the English and
Armenian papers. The Sultan complained about this to the Aus
trian ambassador, Calice, and expressly regretted that the latter
had introduced Bâcher to him.
On the other hand, he could and would receive me as a friend
—after I had rendered him a service. The service he asks of me
is this: For one thing, I am to influence the European press (in
London, Paris, Berlin, and Vienna) to handle the Armenian
question in a spirit more friendly to the Turks; for another, I
am to induce the Armenian leaders directly to submit to him,
whereupon he will make all sorts of concessions to them.
In his talk with Newlinski the Sultan used a poetic locution:
“To me all my peoples are like children I might have had by
different wives. They are my children, all of them; and even
though they have differences of opinion among themselves—
with me they can have none.”
I immediately told Newlinski that I was ready à me mettre en
campagne [to start my campaign]. Let them give me a pragmatic
presentation of the Armenian situation: which persons in Lon
don are to be brought round, what newspapers to be won over,
etc. Of course, my efforts would be greatly facilitated if the Sultan
were to receive me.
Newlinski said: “He will receive you afterwards and confer a
high decoration on you.”
I answered: “I don’t need a decoration. All I want now is an
audience with him. Planter le premier jalon [drive in the first
stake]—that is our only task now.”
We carried on this conversation in the garden café at Babek
on the Bosporus. We were sitting under the shade of a tree, in
the great noon-day heat.
* * *
Afterwards we rode up the hill to Madame Gropler, a remark

able, dear old invalid lady. Hers is a Polish emigrant’s house
where for the last forty years all exiled politicians, every itinerant
artist and diplomat en rupture d’ennui officiel [escaping from
difficulties with the government] have been in and out.
A Polish violinist, the nephew of our hostess, played to us after
the meal. There also appeared His Excellency Reshid Bey, son
of the famous Reshid Pasha and grandson of Fuad Pasha.
Reshid is a fat, intelligent man, still young, who used to be
attached to the embassy in Vienna. His two little boys, whom
he had brought along, speak German and sweetly sang German
songs for us.
After lunch Newlinski had spoken about my project with
Reshid, who is in the Sultan’s good graces. Reshid’s reaction to
it was sympathetic; and when, before leaving, I stood with him
on the terrace for a few minutes, he promised me his support.
* * *
In the afternoon I attended a training session of the fire bri

gade, to which Count Széchényi, an easy-going old gentleman,
who here holds the rank of a pasha, had invited me very urgently.
The firemen are fine, sturdy specimens from Anatolia. It is
easy to understand that the master of such troops, which don’t
need to get any pay and yet gladly serve, will not soon, if ever,
regard his situation as lost.
Unfortunately, the great worries caused by my political efforts
have made me half blind to the beauty of the place, the wonders
of its history, and the colorfulness of the figures that are con
stantly before my eyes. At the firemen’s exhibition, too, there
were groups of people by the side of the road on the slopes of
the hill, women squatting about in their mysterious garb, and
much else that ordinarily would have been a feast for my eyes.
# * *
In the dilapidated graveyards, tombstones many centuries old

on which people sit or hang out their clotheslines.
In the evening, Newlinski returned from Yildiz Kiosk tired
and upset. Bad news had come in from various parts of the Em-
pire. Bloodshed in Crete; the Druse (in the Lebanon?) have ex
terminated an entire battalion of regulars, i.e., killed them off
one by one; and recently Armenians broke in across the Russian
border and massacred three hundred Mohammedans.
The Sultan would like to make peace with the Armenians at
any cost. He takes a gloomy view of the future and said to New-
linski: “C’est une croisade déguisée contre la Turquie [It is a
crusade in disguise against Turkey].”
This magnanimous, melancholy prince of decline reminds me
of Boabdil el Chico whom Heine wrote about.*
The hill of Yildiz is perhaps the “mountain of the last Caliph's
sigh.” *
After sundown I sailed up the Bosporus on a small yacht, in the
direction of Büyükdere.
The veils of evening slowly draped themselves around the beau
tiful, white, proud castles where the harem wives dwell, the wid
ows of former sultans and the widows of the present one. For he
does not live with them.
June 22
Newlinski, whose diplomatic acumen and finesse I admire more
and more, thinks that first of all I ought to have some position in
the palace from which I personally—without using anyone as a
go-between, for it might look as though he were bought—could
keep reiterating the proposal of the Jews.
That is an excellent idea.
Every hour I press Newlinski to get me that audience with the
Sultan, so that my London friends may believe that I was here.
If the Sultan had said yes, he need not have received me. I
would have left town and got things started.
Since he is saying no, it is indispensable that he receive me, so
that my friends may realize que tout n’est pas rompu [that all is
not lost yet].
• Translator's Note: Cf. Heine's poem, Der Mohrenkônig.
June 23
Nothing much happened yesterday. Také Margueritte spoke
to the Grand Vizier and told him that I wanted to do him the
service of interviewing him. Khalil Rifat Pasha sent me word
that he would receive me.
I thereupon wired Benedikt that I was going to talk general
politics with the Grand Vizier and would telegraph the whole
interview, but on condition that the editorial comment would
acknowledge the amiability with which I was received here.
Benedikt wired back: “Shall do everything you wish.”
That was what I expected.
* * *
Newlinski is an uncommonly interesting man to whom peo

ple in Vienna are doing a grave injustice. T he better I get to
know him, the more his character appeals to me. If he had had
enough money, he would have become one of the finest grand-
seigneurs and a diplomat with a name in world history. He is a
warped man, but very sensitive and full of noble impulses. He is
an unhappy Pole and often says: “Since I cannot shape the pol
icy of my nation, I don’t care a rap for anything. I go on artist’s
tours in politics, like a piano virtuoso— that is all.”
It is hard not to be touched by this noble Polish melancholia.
He is much more cultivated than most aristocrats; he has a
feeling for art and a sense of tact. I intended to use him only as
an instrument, and I have come to the point where I esteem and
love him. He is obliging but proud, crafty and yet sincere, too,
and his unmistakable gentlemanly qualities are detrimental to
his reputation only because he moves among the bourgeoisie. He
is the most interesting figure I have had to deal with since I have
carried on the Jewish cause.
June 24
Yesterday I had that interview with the Grand Vizier for the
N. Fr. Pr. It lasted an hour and a half. Haireddin Bey again was
the smiling interpreter. He said cheerfully: “It was nothing—just
a couple of hundred dead.”
I sat by the window in the sunshine and sweated while I wrote
on my knees. T he sunlight fell on the paper, too, and blinded
me. It was very tiring.
An Oriental touch: As we were crossing the bridge over the
Golden Horn, a beggar boy kept pestering me even after I had
given him something. I asked Také Margueritte to get him to
leave me in peace. He simply spat in the poor boy’s face.
Half an hour later we were at the hotel. Newlinski was writing,
and suddenly he said to Také in a gruff tone of voice: “Sonnez
[ring]-”
And Také obediently rang. The beggar boy was avenged.
Newlinski, to whom I had related the scene at the bridge,
later mocked Také further by saying: “Ici on reçoit des crachats,
et on les rend [Here one is spat on, and one spits on others].”
# # #
Newlinski spent the whole afternoon yesterday with Izzet and

Nuri Bey at the palace. I am reported to have made a most fa
vorable impression on both of them. Izzet said that I was an
"inspire [inspired man],” which is the highest praise among the
Moslems, and Nuri called me an homme hors ligne [a swell per
son].
# * *
Of course, the main thing, my reception by the Sultan, has

proved unattainable.
It is, at any rate, a tremendous thing; because Széchényi Pasha,
for example, at whose house we had lunch yesterday, has not
spoken with the Sultan in ten years, although he never misses a
selamlik and will shortly be promoted by the Sultan to the rank
of marshal.
June 25
Yesterday the Sultan sent me word that I should not leave to
day; he would probably have something to say to me before my
departure. This is a success—though an uncertain one.
Yesterday I telegraphed the N. Fr. Pr. a rather long entrefilet
[notice], presenting the local, undeniably critical situation in a
manner friendly to the government.
Then, in the afternoon, I sailed on a small yacht to Büyükdere,
to see the Austrian ambassador, Baron Calice.
He received me more graciously than he probably would have
if I had turned to him in the first place.
Calice is a well-preserved man in his late sixties. Bald head,
large nose, moustache, a rather grand manner, not inconsiderable
loquacity. From time to time in his stream of words he suddenly
remembers what an exalted person he really is— et alors il se
reprend [and then he checks himself].
We sat in the beautiful big salon of the embassy’s summer
residence at Büyükdere. Through the large windows one’s eyes
lovingly embrace the rosy and blue beauty of the Bosporus.
Calice expounded to me in detail his understanding of the
situation. He spoke approximately in the style of the diplomats
in Gregor Samarow’s novels. He “presented the situation on a
chess board.” Anyone who knew the game, he said, looking up
meaningfully, would understand the importance of this piece or
that.
Russia’s influence was great because of her geographical posi
tion. England had lost her position here, because the Turks saw
that she did not force the issue of the Dardanelles, not even after
her threat. On the other hand, the Bosporus was open to Russia.
Added to that was the present complexion of Bulgaria which
has become Russianized.
As for Turkey’s position, Calice considers it rather serious—
but the vitality of this Empire has already been demonstrated
so often that it will perhaps continue to exist. Of course . . .
the many rebellions, the lack of finances, etc. He hopes that Tur
key will find a way out again, but he is not sure. He presents the
Armenian question in a way fundamentally different from that
of the Turks who always falsify the facts. Now, of course, they
don’t want any foreign intervention, they are going to do every
thing themselves, reforms, etc. But once the emergency is past,
they no longer think of that.
There could be no question of a croisade déguisée [crusade in
disguise], rather of a “crusade of the crescent,” for the Turks
were persecuting the Christians.
Austria, he said, was, as always, observing a policy of preserv
ing Turkey. He praised my proposal for friendly counsel which
Goluchowski was to give the Armenians as a patriotic one.
On the whole, a barren conversation.
Later we dined at Petala’s on the shore of the Bosporus. A
wonderful evening by the sea.
We sailed back to Constantinople in the moonlight. An in
effably delightful night.
Také Margueritte was drunk.
June 25
Sent off the Grand Vizier interview to Vienna today, by a
passenger on the O rient Express.
In the evening Newlinski came from the Palace where, it ap
pears, people are already very favorably disposed toward me.
They are taking to the Jewish idea.
Right now they seem to be in a very bad fix in regard to
money. However, the m atter would have to be presented in
some other form. Sauver les apparences [Save face] I
Izzet (through whom, of course, the Sultan speaks) or the Sul
tan (through whom Izzet speaks) would be willing enough to
yield Palestine if the proper formula could be found for the
transaction. Precisely because things are going badly for them
they must not sell any land, Newlinski reports; but he observes
that my idea is making good progress.
In a few months’ time, the people in Yildiz Kiosk will perhaps
be ripe for it. L ’idée les travaille visiblement [it is plain to see
that the idea agitates them].
Nuri Bey, too, is very sympathetic toward our cause. Today he
said that we should endeavor to win over the Czar.
* * *
Bad news again today from Anatolia.

New massacres at Van.
June 26
Another selamlik. Exactly the same spectacle as a week ago.
Newlinski says he is convinced that the Turks are willing to
give us Palestine. He says it is just like when a man has a hunch
that a woman is willing to surrender; in such a situation one
may not even be able to say as yet what this hunch is based on.
“I say she’s a whore—I don’t know why; I just feel sure,” he
said in his broken Polish-German.
# * *
After the selamlik I drove to Therapia, while Newlinski was

received by the Sultan.
In the evening, after my return, he gave me an account of his
audience.
The Sultan began to speak about me of his own accord. He
expressed his thanks for the article I had telegraphed to the
N. Fr. Pr.
Then he brought up the subject of Palestine. T o begin with,
he reproached Newlinski for having submitted the matter in a
thoughtless way. As someone acquainted with the local situation,
Newlinski should have known that Palestine could never be
given up in the proposed form of a purchase. But according to
what he—the Sultan—had heard, Mr. Herzl’s friends were think
ing of a possible exchange.
This idea of an exchange, which originated with Izzet Bey,
seems to have been presented by Izzet to the Sultan as coming
from us. Izzet also was the interpreter at Newlinski’s audience
today.
Newlinski did not know immediately what to say to this, and
referred the Sultan to the information which I would be able to
give. He said it was my most ardent desire to be received by
His Majesty.
To that the Sultan replied: “I shall see. In any case, I shall
receive Mr. Herzl—sooner or later.”
Newlinski pointed out that I have to speak with my friends in
London early in July. The Sultan repeated: “I shall see.”
It is possible, then, that I shall be received after all.
The Sultan then made Newlinski a further and rather surpris
ing disclosure: he had already been sounded out by a Great
Power as to his attitude toward my proposal.
Which Great Power that was Newlinski was unable to ask.
(Here I must make a parenthetical remark on my own behalf:
I have already accomplished a thing or two after all, if my plan,
which quite a few people have called crazy, is already the subject
of diplomatic steps among the Great Powers. Poor Friedrich
Schiffl Poor Moritz Benedikt!)
The Sultan then asked: “Do the Jews have to have Palestine at
all costs? Couldn’t they settle in some other province?”
Newlinski answered: “Palestine is their cradle; that is where
they wish to return.”
The Sultan rejoined: “But Palestine is the cradle of other re
ligions as well.”
Thereupon Newlinski said:
“If the Jews cannot get Palestine, they will simply have to go
to Argentina.”
Following this the Sultan continued talking about me with
Izzet in Turkish. Newlinski caught only the repeated recurrence
of my name. Izzet seems to have spoken about me in friendly
terms.
Then the Sultan put another question to Newlinski: “How
many Jews are there in Salonica?”
Newlinski didn’t know. Neither do I.
Does he perhaps want to let us have the region around Sa
lon ica?
Next the Sultan discussed the general situation. He said that
the day before yesterday the Powers had made an unjust joint
protest against the Van atrocities, when it was actually the Mos
lems who had been massacred by the Armenians at Van.
He also spoke about the financial situation which is anything
but rosy.
Newlinski concludes: “It’s a whore!”
June 27
Newlinski tells me stories of Yildiz Kiosk. Dreams play a great
part there. There is Lufti Aga, the Sultan’s chamberlain and a
great dreamer. Lufti Aga is around the Sultan all day, waits on
him personally, has great influence. If Lufti Aga says: I have
dreamed such and such, it makes an impression on the Sultan. If
Lufti Aga were to say one day: I dreamt that the Jews are com
ing to Palestine, this would be worth more than the “steps” taken
by the entire diplomatic corps.
It sounds like a fairy-tale, but I have absolute confidence in
Newlinski.
When the reconciliation with the Prince of Bulgaria took
place, Lufti Aga’s dreams played a great part. He does not dream
gratis. The Prince of Bulgaria didn’t immediately understand
why this chamberlain should receive a gift of 20,000 francs. But
Ferdinand owed his appointment as a mushir to a dream.
# # *
Diplomatic gossip.
I had told Calice that Széchényi Pasha would probably go to
Vienna with a holograph letter from the Sultan. Calice gave a
superior smile and said: “C’est de la menue monnaie [That’s
small change].”
However, at yesterday’s selamlik he stepped up to Széchényi
and said: “I am told by Dr. Herzl that you are to get a mission
to our Emperor”—when I had told him this only in confidence.
Széchényi, who had already seen himself as a mushir (marshal),
as a reward for putting out Constantinopolitan conflagrations
over many years, is quite beside himself now. He is afraid of los
ing his leave, his mushirship, and his “mission,” because Calice
will be jealous and work against it.
* * *
Idea for London.

I must make the m atter palatable to the English lords of finance
in the following form:
“Convinced that the Jewish Question can be solved only ter
ritorially, we are forming a Society for the acquisition of an
autonomous country for those Jews who cannot assimilate in
their present places of residence.”
This formula will unite Zionists and assimilationists. Both
Edmond R. and Lord Rothschild can subscribe to it.
June 27
Nuri Bey, the most intelligent mind in the Foreign Office,
and very popular with the Sultan, has, it appears, made a favor
able report to the Sultan on my proposal. Nuri Bey is all for
my idea. Perhaps the noticeable change in the Sultan’s attitude
can be traced back to N u ri’s report.
Izzet Bey was a bit annoyed—but not at me—because Nuri
had made this report behind his back.
Incidentally, Izzet and N uri are friends.
June 28
Yesterday morning, as the ultimate insight of my wisdom,
I said to Newlinski with reluctance and secret shame:
“If the Sultan won’t receive me, he should at least give me a
visible token that, after listening to my proposal and rejecting
it, he still wants to remain en coquetterie [on flirting terms] with
me. A high decoration would be suitable for that. But I implore
you not to take me for a decoration hunter. I have never given
a hoot for decorations, and I don’t give a hoot now. But for my
people in London I badly need a sign of favor from the Sultan.”
Newlinski immediately wrote this to Izzet Bey; but no reply
came in the course of the day.
Instead, in the afternoon there came a message from the
Master of Ceremonies, Munir Pasha, informing me that today
I would be shown the Sultan's castles and treasures by an adju
tant.
At that moment there arose a slight ill feeling between New
linski and me.
I said I was a bit disappointed. Thereupon Newlinski made
a point of emphasizing the honor of this invitation. But I said:
“Je ne suis pas assez fabricant de chocolat pour être touché jus
qu'aux larmes par cette faveur [I am not enough of a chocolate
manufacturer to be moved to tears by this favor].”
Newlinski disagreed with this, a bit irritated, saying that he
himself was very receptive to such attentions and grateful for
them.
However, in the course of the evening, I tried to erase this
disagreeable impression.
Later the Greek Constantinides called, an obsequious journal
ist for whom Newlinski obtained a decoration today.
The sycophantic Greek wore his brand-new ribbon in his but
tonhole and kissed Newlinski’s hand.
For my benefit, Newlinski evinced a perceptible satisfaction.
* * *
Tonight we are leaving for Sofia.

This trip is costing me about three thousand francs.
The fonds perdu [irrecoverable expenses] are increasing.
June 28
At the Jardins des Petits Champs at Pera, which is situated in
an old Turkish cemetery, a visiting Italian light-opera company is
performing. T he star is the singer Morosini—pretty, graceful,
dissolute, Newlinski had repeatedly spoken of asking her to sup
per. It never worked out. He calls her “la Morosina/’ Of these
ten days during which we manipulated a bit of world history—
for this very attempt to found a Jewish State will live in the
memories of men, even if the plan remains a dream—of these
colorful and serious days the name of la Morosina will surely
stick in our memory, precisely because it remained only a word.
Every day Newlinski would tell his henchmen, the fat Danusso,
the comical Roumanian Také Margueritte, and the fawning
Greek Constantinides: “Invitez-moi la Morosina [Invite la Moro
sina for me].”
There was something inimitably grand-seignorial about it.
I loved the view over the Golden Horn from our hotel win
dows. Whistler-like dusk and nights aglow with lights, wonderful
rosy morning mists; the thick violet and grey-blue splendor of
the evening vapors. T he big ships disappearing in the fog and
then emerging again. On moonlit nights, light powdery veils.
Today it is sunny. T he heights over there—Eyub, I believe—
stretch between two sheets of blue. Above, the delicate sky;
below, the oily waters on which the silver strokes of oars flash.
# * *
One can understand the greed with which the whole world
eyes Constantinople.
Everyone wants it—and this is the best guarantee for the con
tinued existence of Turkey.
None of the pirates will let any of the others enjoy this beauty
—and so perhaps it will remain unplundered.
June 29, Sofia

Yesterday afternoon, accompanied by the Sultan’s adjutant,
I saw the treasures of Eski Serai and the Bosporus palaces of
Dolma Bagjeh and Beylerbey.
The adjutant spoke little French, but had enormous respect
for me; to each question he replied, “Oui, Monsieur [Yes, Sir],”
and then switched to Excellency: “Oui, mon Excellence [Yes,
Your Excellency] 1”
The castles are magnificent.
The baths at Beylerbey, a sultry Oriental dream.
The Sultan’s caique, in which we traveled, was rowed by eight
of the Caliph’s sturdy boatmen; the helmsman, squatting cross-
legged in the stem, wore a frock-coat.
* * *
When I got back to the Hotel Royal from this hot but beauti
ful trip, Newlinski, who was writing letters in his underwear,
said to me: “He sends you that!” and handed me a box contain
ing the Commander’s Cross of the Mejidiye Order.
# # #
We then took our leave of the edundi exercitus [eating army]

Danusso, Margueritte, and Constantinides, and left by rail.
On the train Newlinski related the following:
“The Sultan told me he would have given you a decoration
even if I hadn’t asked for it. But he could not receive you on this
visit, because your plan hadn’t remained secret and several per
sons had even made reports about it—namely, the Grand Vizier,
Nuri Bey, Davout Efendi, and Djawid Bey. Under such circum
stances the audience would no longer have had an intimate char
acter; and since the Sultan is obliged to reject your proposal in
its present form, he did not care to talk about it at all. But he
did tell me: ‘The Jews are intelligent; they will find some accept
able formula.’ From this we may gather that the Sultan merely
wants to sauver les apparences [save face], and I believe that in
the end he will accept. He seems to have in mind some form of
trade; in any case, in diplomatic dealings one must not discuss
the heart of the matter too plainly. Often people negotiate for
a long time and dodge the main issue. Izzet Bey seems to be
working for you; that is the impression I have.
“The Grand Vizier submitted an unfavorable report, saying
that he did not regard the plan as seriously meant, but as fantasy.
Nuri Bey also made a report and only stressed those aspects that
militate against it, although in our presence he acted so cordially.
Nuri Bey had probably learned that the Grand Vizier would op
pose the plan, and he wanted to be on the safe side. But it will
be easy to win him over again as soon as the wind veers. The most
intelligent report was written by Davout Efendi. He gave a clear
analysis of the whole plan and added that as a Jew he could
counsel neither for nor against it. Djawid Bey, the son of the
Grand Vizier, in his report categorically declared himself in favor
of the plan, but on the stupid grounds that the Jews were such
good subjects of His Majesty that one could only welcome the
immigration of more of them.
“The Sultan takes this last view and mentioned a report by
the Governor of Salonica to the effect that the Salonican Jews
emigrated as soon as they had got some money. I explained this
to the Sultan by saying that, after all, the Jews had no real home
and that it was precisely a matter of obtaining a foyer [home]
for them.
“The Sultan now expects you to help him in the Armenian
matter. Moreover, he wishes you to procure for him a loan based
on a lien on the revenue from the light-houses. For that purpose
he is sending you the contract with Collas. The revenue is 45,000
Turkish pounds annually. T he loan is supposed to amount to
two million pounds.”
* * *
We were on our way to Sofia. En route we discussed the next

steps. Bismarck is to be interested in the cause. Newlinski has
connections with him as well as with the Roman Curia which,
after all, we must also approach.
• • *
On the train Newlinski again told me a lot of stories about

court, diplomatic, and government circles. I have long since felt
intuitively that the great of the earth are composed only of the
respect we have for them. Every little anecdote confirms me in
this assumption. E.g., what Newlinski tells me about Petrow,
the Bulgarian Minister of War. To this man the Sultan once
promised a horse, and because it has not materialized so far,
Petrow is quite furious. Every week he writes to the Bulgarian
envoy at Stambul: “Where is my horse?”
And he declares he will not give orders to shoot at the Mace
donian rebels, because he has not received the horse.
When Prince Ferdinand was visiting the Sultan, the latter
distributed gifts among the Bulgarian ministers. They compared
the boxes etc., and were incensed when one present had less
value than another.
June 30
At the station in Sofia I was met by two gentlemen from the
Zionist Society, who had been informed by telephone from
Philippopolis that I was just passing through there.
Sensation in the city; hats and caps were thrown in the air
everywhere. I had to request that there be no welcoming parade.
At the Zionist Society, speeches. Afterwards I had to go to the
synagogue, where hundreds were awaiting me.
I warned against demonstrations and advised calm behavior
so as not to arouse popular passions against the Jews.
After I had spoken in German and French, my words were
repeated in Bulgarian and Spaniolic.
I stood on the altar platform. When I was not quite sure how
to face the congregation without turning my back to the Holy
of Holies, someone cried: “It's all right for you to turn your back
to the Ark, you are holier than the Torah.”
Several wanted to kiss my hand.
* * *
In the evening, dined with Minister Natchevitch. I mentioned

the grievance of the local Jews, whose synagogue grounds are
to be expropriated. On this site the synagogue has stood for 500
years.
The liberated Bulgarians are more intolerant than the Turks
were.
Natchevitch promised to take care of the matter favorably.
July i
Baden-bei-Wien, at my parents’ house.
Even the last day on the train with Newlinski was full of
stimulation. He is a rare, unusual person of great gifts.
He had the following idea. It ought to be suggested to the
Sultan that he take charge of the Zionist movement and proclaim
to the Jews that he would throw Palestine open to them as a
principality, under his suzerainty, with its own laws, army, etc.
In return, the Jews would have to pay a tribute of about a mil
lion pounds each year. This tribute could then be immediately
mortgaged against a loan (which we would raise).
I consider this idea excellent. I had thought of something
similar in Constantinople, but didn’t speak about it. For that is
an acceptable proposition, and up to now I was allowed only to
make unacceptable ones, because I am not sure whether the
Londoners won’t leave me in the lurch at the last moment.
Now I am taking this proposal to London where I am already
expected with some impatience.
Newlinski proposes further that Bismarck be interested in the
Jewish cause through his friend Sidney Whitman. Whitman is
to be called from London to meet Newlinski at Carlsbad, and
from there go to Friedrichsruh. All this at my expense. Whitman
will be doing Newlinski a friendly turn, of course, but we shall
have to reimburse him largement [generously] for his expenses.
Bismarck should then write the Sultan a letter containing the
proposal which Newlinski made on the train. The Sultan will
receive me, issue the call to the Jews, which I will spread all over
the world—and the thing is done.
Newlinski says: “Si vous arrivez a pacifier les Arméniens, si
vous faites l’emprunt de 2 millions de livres sur les phares, et si
nous avons la lettre de Bismarck— nous enlevons la chose en
huit jours [If you succeed in pacifying the Armenians, if you
make a loan of two million pounds on the light-houses, and if
we have Bismarck’s letter—we will carry the thing off in a week]I”
* * *
We took cordial leave of each other in Vienna. I promised

Newlinski my friendship for life.
If it is through him that we obtain Palestine, we shall give him
a fine estate in Galicia as an honorific recompense.
July 2
Last night I spoke with the Armenian Alawerdow in my par
ents’ apartment. Mr. Klatschko served as interpreter.
I offered the Armenians my services as a conciliator. Alawer
dow did not dare to speak out, because he is a Russian and afraid
of his government. Also, he didn’t seem to trust me. We finally
agreed that he will announce me in London as a friend of the
Armenians and act as a pacifier in his circle.
* * *
I spoke with Reichenfeld of the Union Bank about the two-

million loan. He wasn’t sure; one would have to see, ask ques
tions, talk it over. I refused to make further inquiries.
* * *
Hechler telegraphed me from Karlsruhe yesterday that an au

dience had been promised. Therefore I am leaving for Karlsruhe
today in order to obtain a conference with the Kaiser through
the Grand Duke.
July 2
On the Orient Express, on the way to Karlsruhe.
All these days I have forgotten to note down a splendid mes
sage which Bismarck sent to the Sultan via Whitman-Newlinski.
The Sultan had sent Bismarck via Newlinski-Whitman a wired
request for advice on his present difficulties. Bismarck replied:
“ Fermeté, pas se laisser intim ider, et loyauté éclairée aux traités
[Firmness, a refusal to be intimidated, and enlightened loyalty
to treaties].”
Loyauté éclairée is absolutely delightful.
* * •
Newlinski said a num ber of times: “When I hear Bismarck

talking about politics, I feel like a musician who is listening to
Rubinstein’s playing.”
# # #
At the station this morning I was a bit upset by Schnirer, the

president of the Vienna Zionist Association, whom, like Landau,
I had asked to see me before my departure.
When I outlined the favorable results of Constantinople, and
especially when I mentioned the decoration, his face darkened.
I immediately took the opportunity to tell him that I wanted
to induce Edmond Rothschild to join the movement by resigning
my leadership. For, I said, there are Yids and there are Jews.
The Yids will be in no mood to support the cause, for fear of
thereby lending me personally a helping hand.
July 3
On the train, bound for Brussels.
Yesterday Hechler met me at the station in Karlsruhe. The
Grand Duke had gone to Freiburg and requested me to join him
there, that is, at St. Blasien.
Since I don’t need the Grand Duke at the moment, I had
Hechler wire him that I was pressed for time, being expected
in London, and could I have permission to report to him on my
way back. T he Sultan, I added, appeared to be well disposed
toward our project.
July 5, London
Once again in London. This time fine weather* and every
thing enchanting.
The approach, incidentally, was bad. On the crossing from
Ostend to Dover we ran into some ugly waves. I had wished for
bad weather in order to test my will-power. Sure enough, one
by one all the passengers had got sea-sick by the time we ap
proached Dover. I, too, had a slight touch of faintness, and I
don’t know how my psychological experiment would have turned
out if the thing had lasted a quarter of an hour longer.
I arrived here a bit depressed and found other depressing
things awaiting me.
Goldsmid excused himself. He can’t get away from Cardiff
tomorrow on account of a batallion inspection.
Montagu invited me by letter to come and see him—but he
said he had to leave in the evening (yesterday). I wrote him I
could not come immediately, but begged him to sacrifice his
Sunday for me, because I had brought along from Constanti
nople the presque-certitude [near certainty] that we would regain
Palestine. Despite this, Sir Samuel Montagu went away and
merely gave me an appointment for tomorrow at his office. I
don’t know whether I shall even go there. I am preparing myself
for his complete elimination from my plan, although this is cer
tain to do me harm in Constantinople where I have already men
tioned his name.
The Rev. Singer came to see me in the evening. I stirred him
up a bit. In fact, I shall first have to light a fire under everybody
here.
# # *
This morning was better. I put the finishing touches on my

speech for the Maccabeans and in the course of the forenoon
sent it to Sylvie d’Avigdor, bit by bit, to be translated.
* In English in the original.
Lucien Wolf of the Daily Graphic came to interview me.
During the past few days all the local papers have started to
make a noise.
Singer said yesterday that I should ask Lord Rothschild for
an interview. I rejected this as something beneath my dignity.
Singer said: “Lord Rothschild is a ‘patron.’ A patron has been
defined by an English writer as follows: ‘One who looks with
unconcern on a man struggling for life in the water, and when
he has reached ground, encumbers him with help.’ *
When you have triumphed in the Jewish cause, he will invite
you—together with other lions—to dinner.”
I said: “So a dinner at Rothschild’s is the victor’s prize! M oi,
je m’en fous [Me, I don’t give a damn about it], if you know that
expression.”
So today, hearing about the stir that is starting in the news
papers, I am asking myself with amusement whether this is
already enough for that Rothschild invitation.
Then I went to see our correspondent, Schidrowitz. If I can
not have the superos [top men] of Jewish finance for the light
house loan which the Sultan desires, I shall move Acheron.
I promised Schidrowitz a commission for procuring this loan.
But even if he made money on it, I said, the truth must be made
known at all times and to everybody—namely, that I am not mak
ing anything on these transactions and am carrying them out only
as entrée en matière [means of entry] in order to do the Sultan
a favor with a view to the Jewish cause.
J«!y 5
At noon, Lucien Wolf of the Daily Graphic came to interview
me, after an interview with Zangwill, concerning me, had already
appeared in today’s Sunday Tim es.
During lunch, Wolf took notes for his story.
In the afternoon there came Claude Montefiore and Frederic
Mocatta of the Anglo-Jewish Association. I had requested Monte-
•Translator's Note: Dr. Samuel Johnson in a letter to Lord Chesterfield (1755).
fiore to postpone the meeting of their Executive Committee, as
it conflicted with tomorrow’s Maccabean banquet. I said I wanted
to consolidate all the Jewish committees into a single big organ
ization; and lest anyone believe that I wanted to promote myself
in this way, I offered, in return for the acceptance of my simply
formulated program, to resign the leadership of the movement.
I stated the program as follows:
“The Society of Jews sets itself the task of acquiring, under
international law, a territory for those Jews who are unable to
assimilate.”
The gentlemen asked for time to think this over, and I natur
ally acceded. However, I said that I did not want to take into the
Society the associations as such, but simply the outstanding indi
viduals.
It was an exhausting battle of words. Mocatta, who had not
read my book, brought up all the old arguments.
Montefiore said with gravity that I was demanding a revolu
tion in all the ideas he had held up to now.
July 6
Finished the speech for the Maccabeans tant bien que mal
[after a fashion], tired as I am.
I wrote to Montefiore and Mocatta that I accepted the pro
posal, advanced in the course of yesterday’s discussion, to make
the Society of Jeios, in the beginning, a société d’études [study
commission].
(To such a body I would not, of course, make available the
connections I have already acquired. My resources for action I
would give only to a committee geared for action.)
* * *
A few hours later Mocatta answered that he considered the

whole plan unacceptable, and the Jewish State neither possible
nor desirable.
The funny part of it is that I had not even sent for Mocatta,
but only for Montefiore. Mocatta came along with Montefiore as
Antonin Proust once went along with Spuller to call on Casimir-
Périer, when the latter had been asked to form a cabinet. Casimir-
Périer thereupon took Proust as well into the cabinet, because he
had happened along.
Mocatta impressed me somewhat like an officious second at
a duel.
Schidrowitz came in order to worm out of me what the loan
to the Sultan was to be based on.
Because I am afraid that he would peddle it around as a
“deal'’ and offer it to every Tom, Dick, and Harry, thus com
promising me in Constantinople, I didn’t tell him anything. It
is true, it would be excellent for the project if I could make the
light-house loan through bankers of the second rank, through
the Africanders like Bamato, etc., because I could control them
better than the Rothschilds, Montagus, etc. But I cannot risk
letting myself be compromised by Schidrowitz’s business treat
ment. I’d rather not have the loan raised at all.
Juty7
Last evening, the Maccabean Dinner.
I hadn’t been able to get Miss d ’Avigdor’s translation type
written until yesterday afternoon.
At five o’clock I received the clean copy and read it through
with the Rev. Singer’s aid. I learned English, as it were, an hour
before the meeting. I jotted down the pronunciation of the words
between the lines.
The banquet had a very festive character. To the toast pro
posed by Chairman Singer I replied in German and in French,
which caused Zangwill to say jokingly that I was like the new
periodical Cosmopolis, which appears in German, French, and
English.
Afterwards we moved to the auditorium, and I courageously
read off my speech.
It was a very great success. There followed a debate with the
old arguments which I rebutted with the familiar material. With
the exception of two almost impolite people—the political econo
mist Levy or Leve, and a Russian whose name I did not catch—
even the opponents spoke respectfully.
L. Wolf moved the appointment of a study commission, to be
composed of Maccabeans and others, for an examination of my
proposal.
This elicited a debate, which only once again strengthened my
antipathy to organizational claptrap.
July 7
Colonel Goldsmid telegraphed he would be here on Thursday.
# # #
Schidrowitz telegraphs he cannot undertake the transaction

the way I proposed it.
* * #
Nordau wrote yesterday about Zadoc Kahn’s visit. Zadoc came

to complain because—as he and Edmond Rothschild surmise—
due to my publication the Turkish authorities in Palestine are
giving the recent arrivals among the colonists a hard time and
have even destroyed the latest colony.
At the same time, Nordau, in a manner indicative of his cool
ing, excused himself for his absence from today’s Maccabean
dinner.
I immediately telegraphed Zadoc Kahn:* Have just arrived
from Constantinople. Your apprehensions unjustified. Sultan
displayed much good will. If subordinates commit acts of bru
tality I am authorized to complain directly to him. Give details
Hotel Albemarle.
Herzl.
To Newlinski I wired:
Lighthouse and Armenian affairs effectively launched. But
everything hopeless if it proves true that Turkish authorities
in Palestine are forcibly deporting newly arrived colonists. Please
inquire Constantinople immediately. Report results here. Re
gards, Theodor.
July 8
I am already very tired.
Yesterday I got the Armenian matter started with Lucien
Wolf. I asked him to initiate a little press campaign for the
cooling of tempers in the Armenian question.
# * *
Then I drove to the House of Commons to see Montagu.

The Gothic stone carvings and the activity in the waiting hall
interested me greatly.
At the sight of these imposing parliamentary trappings—after
all, externals have a dramatic effect—I experienced a touch of
dizziness such as I had felt that time in the ante-chamber of the
Grand Duke of Baden. At the same time I began to understand
why the English Jews should cling to a country in which they
can enter this house as masters.
Montagu appeared and led me into a charming little confer
ence room with Gothic windows which looked out on a Gothic
courtyard.
I recounted for him the practical results, from the Grand
Duke to the Sultan.
He was greatly surprised and soon regained his enthusiasm.
A splendid old fellow.
His first and foremost misgiving was that the Sultan, once he
had been paid the Jewish tribute-loan, would kick the Jewish
immigrants around.
The violent sound of a bell signal summoned Montagu to
a vote on the tea tax. During his ten minutes’ absence, the solu
tion of this difficulty occurred to me.
We accept a tribute of one million pounds, on which a loan of
20 millions is to be raised. We pay the tribute and the loan in
instalments.
For the first years, 100,000 pounds tribute, and a loan of two
millions on that. Gradually, as the immigration proceeds, the
tribute increases together with new portions of the Jewish loan
based on it, until the entire amount is paid up and there are
so many Jews in Palestine, accompanied by Jewish military
power, that one need no longer fear that the Turks will attempt
to get a stranglehold on them.
I then drove with Montagu to his house. On the way he told
me that we must try to win over Edmond Rothschild without
fail.
Further, he told me in confidence, yesterday evening, that the
Hirsch Foundation had at its disposal a “liquid” sum, the actual
amount of which no one had any idea of. It is ten million pounds
sterling.
If we win over the Hirsch Association for our plan and obtain
something like five million pounds, this could assure the tribute
for the first few years of immigration.
* # #
A Jewish mass meeting is to be called for me here on Sunday.

Montagu, in whose constituency—the East End—the meeting
is to take place, thinks it would be premature to address this
gathering.
I am still reserving my decision on this. Flectere si nequeo
superos Acheronta movebo [If I cannot bend the powers above,
I will move the lower world].
July 8
Received a letter of thanks from Zadoc Kahn, which I am
answering as follows:
Reverend Grand Rabbi: *
I am making an immediate démarche—if the word does not
seem to you too diplomatic and “puissant”—to Constantinople.
# la French in the original.
I shall let you know the result, maybe in person, next week in
Paris.
My plan, scornfully referred to as a dream, has been taking on
the shape of reality for some time.
I have already achieved astonishing results—astonishing even
to me. It is imperative that Edmond Rothschild be with us. In
order to obtain his assistance, I am offering to withdraw com
pletely from the leadership of the movement, in order to dispel
any suspicion of personal ambition. Let him accept my program
and undertake to continue the work that is already started, and
I shall give my word of honor to occupy myself with the matter
only as a soldier in the ranks.
Together with Sir Samuel Montagu and Colonel Goldsmid
I shall endeavor to find the form in which we could offer Edmond
Rothschild the presidency of the Society of Jews—and later some
other title.
All this is absolutely confidential—and important, believe me.
I shall supply you with proof of this. Please prepare Rothschild.
Herzl.
July 9
I slept on this letter to Zadoc Kahn and then didn’t send it off.
As Newlinski says, "Let ’em simmer!”
Yesterday I spoke with Alfred Cohen and asked him to get
me an introduction to Salisbury through Lord Rothschild. I
said I wanted to do Lord Salisbury’s policy the favor of settling
the Armenian question and thus restoring the lost English influ
ence in Constantinople.
Alfred Cohen is a pleasant, intelligent gentleman. He took
down a sort of protocol in which the facts are set down elegantly
and clearly for Lord Rothschild. He plans to discuss it with
Rothschild while riding horseback today.
July 10
Goldsmid is here.
After luncheon we talked in his smoking room which is half
in the basement. His house in Princes Square is a bit quaint.
The Goldsmid-d’Avigdors are one of the best Jewish families,
and the house contains beautiful mementoes.
Goldsmid seemed cooler than he did that time in Cardiff—
or was I more easily satisfied in the early days?
Nevertheless, I stirred him up with an account of my results
up to date. But what he liked best of all, unless I am mistaken,
was my word that I would withdraw from the leadership of the
movement if Edmond Rothschild joined it. By this I want to
show the latter that I do not care about my personal leadership.
Goldsmid pointed out that he could not play any prominent
part as long as he was on full pay.* Incompatibility, etc. Still,
I could see that he agreed in principle.
I requested him to introduce me to Arthur Cohen, Queen’s
Counsel, as the latter is a friend of the Duke of Argyll, who is
important on the Armenian Committee.
I also asked him to get the Prince of Wales to give me an intro
duction to the Czar.
July 10
Paid the publisher David Nutt 19 pounds and a few shillings
for the English edition. He has sold only 160 copies.
Had to send 300 francs to Paris, too, a few days ago, to Nordau,
for the French translation.
July 11
The Russian journalist Rapoport (from Novosti) came to
interview me.
As we talked it turned out that he has connections with the
Armenian Committees, particularly with Nazarbek, the leader
of the Hindjakists. Rapoport indicated to me that he suspected the
Armenian revolutionaries were being supported with money by
the English government.
I asked him to put me in touch with Nazarbek. I want to
make it clear to this revolutionary that the Armenians should
now make their peace with the Sultan, without prejudice to
their later claims when Turkey is partitioned.
# # *
Wrote to Newlinski, telling him that Montagu and Goldsmid
agree to the idea of a vassal state. I also outlined for him the
plan of a graduated immigration loan, beginning with a tribute
of 100,000 pounds sterling—that is, a loan of two millions as
earnest—and rising up to a million annually—which would
bring the total loan to 20 millions.
Also informed him of the steps I have taken in the Armenian
affair to date.
Luncheon at Montagu’s. Also present were Colonel Goldsmid
and a Polish Jew, Landau, who lives here. The latter has an ag
gressively sharp mind, but seems to have influence in local Jew
ish circles and also is a member of the Hirsch Committee.
After the meal, a short practical debate. I explained to the
three what the record is so far, and that we want to induce Bis
marck to write to the Sultan and launch the idea of vassal status.
Montagu laid down three conditions for his public adhesion:
1) The consent of the Great Powers.
2) That the Hirsch Fund give us its liquid capital, that is,
ten million pounds.
3) That a Rothschild, which means Edmond, join the Com
mittee.
Landau proposed the formation of a secret committee which
would come out into the open as soon as the matter were assured.
Goldsmid said, pointing to me: “H e is more than any com
mittee” *
He pledged himself to write a letter of recommendation to
Edmond Rothschild.
All three voiced apprehension with regard to tomorrow’s East
End meeting. They said it was premature and meant incitement
of the masses.
I said that I did not want a demagogic movement, but if worst
came to worst—if the aristocrats proved too aristocratic—I
would set the masses in motion, too.
July 12
Last night at the Rev. Singer's. Lucien Wolf and Solomon
also present. The discussion dragged pitifully and kept repeating
itself.
The greatest zeal for organization and ability was displayed
by the painter Solomon. Lucien Wolf would have liked to
“learn details about the Sultan,” but he is a very fine young
fellow, too. Rev. Singer is not sure whether he would not weaken
his position if he participated in the Society of Jews.
Finally we did agree to form an enquiring or watching com
mittee*—namely, from among those Maccabeans who last Mon
day had spoken in favor of my plan.
The name of the committee should not be “Society of Jews”—
Rev. Singer said this name was ”colourless” *—but a name
that would in some way express a relationship to Palestine.
All these people, no matter how decent and likeable they may
be, by their vacillation make me the leaderl
J ulY »3
Letter to the Grand Duke of Baden :
Unfortunately I was not fated to make use of your kind per
mission to come to St. Blasien when I arrived at Karlsruhe after
Your Royal Highness had departed. Meetings which had been
arranged for months were awaiting me here in London.
Now, however, I could report on important developments in
the Jewish cause in which Your Royal Highness is taking such
a gracious interest. Notable advances in Constantinople as well
as here in London may be registered. Tomorrow I am leaving
for Paris, and from there I plan to go to Austria at the end of
the week. May I now again ask for the great favor of being re
ceived by Your Royal Highness on Monday the 20th or Tuesday
the 21st of this month for the purpose of rendering my report to
you? If you will kindly state the place where I am to make my
appearance, your answer will reach me at Paris, Hotel Castille,
rue Cambon.
Permit me, Your Royal Highness, this expression of my re
spectful devotion.
Dr. Theodor Herzl.
July 13
Yesterday noon I went to Westboume Park Chapel with an
introduction from Rev. Singer to hear the “non conformist”
preacher Dr. Clifford. I listened to the soporific last part of his
sermon in which with passionate gestures and in an oratorical
voice he served up hoary platitudes.
The audience was hypnotized—mass psychology—and after
wards the collection plate went around.
On the way out I spoke with Clifford and told him that I had
come for the reconciliation of the Armenians.
He sent me to Mr. Atkin.
Then I took the Underground to Shepherd’s Bush to see the
Armenian revolutionary, Nazarbek. When I arrived at his house,
he had just left for the Underground with Georg Brandes.
The house is noisy, second-rate, middle-class elegance, and from
time to time wild Armenian faces appear in the crack of the door.
They are refugees who find shelter here.
The Russian Rapoport had introduced me. Together with
him and Mme. Nazarbek I waited in the living-room for the man
of the house. I said that I had not had my lunch yet, whereupon
the tvoman with an unfriendly expression had a piece of meat
brought out to me.
Nazarbek came home. T he head of a genius, the way they are
fixed up in the Quartier Latin. Black, tangled serpentine locks,
black beard, pale face.
He mistrusts the Sultan and would like to have guarantees
before he submits. His political ideas are confused, his acquaint
ance with the European situation downright childish. He said:
Austria is building fortifications on the Black Seal
And, as it seems, his word is obeyed by the poor people in
Armenia who are being massacred. He lives in London, not un
comfortably.
I asked whether he knew who was finally benefitting from all
this unrest, Russia or England?
He replied that he did not care; he was revolting only against
the Turks.
The woman kept interrupting us, speaking in Armenian and
evidently against me. She has a wicked look; and who knows
how much she is to blame for the bloodshed. Or is it the evil look
of the frightened, the persecuted?
I promised I would try to get the Sultan to stop the massacres
and new arrests, as a token of his good will. But he would hardly
release the prisoners in advance, as Nazarbek desired. I explained
to him in vain that, after all, the revolutionaries could watch
the course of the peace negotiations without disarming, with
their guns at their feet.
* # *
In the evening, my mass meeting in the East End, at the Work

ingmen’s Club.
Posters in English and Yiddish on the walls; the Yiddish text
stated erroneously that I had spoken with the Sultan.
The workingmen’s clubhouse was full. People crowded into
every comer. A stage served as the platform from which I spoke
extemporaneously. I had merely jotted down a few catchwords on
a piece of paper. I talked for an hour in the frightful heat. Great
success.
Succeeding speakers eulogized me. One of them, Ish-Kishor,
compared me to Moses, Columbus, etc. The chairman, Chief
Rabbi Gaster, made a fiery speech.
Finally, I thanked them with a few words in which I pro
tested against their effusiveness.
Great jubilation, hat-waving, hurrahs that followed me out
into the street.
Now it really depends only on myself whether I shall become
the leader of the masses; but I don’t want to be, if in some way
I can buy the Rothschilds at the price of my resignation from
the movement.
# # *
In the East End propaganda committees are springing up

spontaneously. Program: T he Jewish Statel
Party leaders: Rabbinowicz, Ish-Kishor, de Haas, and others—
fine, enthusiastic people 1
July 14
Last night I did the most stupid or the most clever thing I
have yet done in this matter.
The Hovevei Zion Society had invited me to their “Head
quarters Tent.” This is being held out in the East End, at the
Spanish synagogue at Bevis Marks. I came late; the discussion had
been going on for an hour and a half
(Continued at Folkestone, July 15)
and I had been its subject before my arrival—as young de Haas,
who had been waiting for me at the gateway, informed me. The
Hovevei Zion want to offer to join in with me if I pledge myself
not to attack them again.
My entrance was greeted with friendly drumming on the
tables, and as usual I was given the place of honor. On the other
side of Chairman Prag sat Goldsmid, looking a bit gloomy.
They read lengthy reports about a settlement which is to be
founded and is to cost I don’t know how many hundreds of
pounds: so-and-so-many oxen, so-and-so-many horses, seeds, tim
ber, etc.
The question was asked whether the colonists were protected,
and it was answered in the negative.
I tied onto that when my project came up for discussion. I
said I wanted only the kind of colonization that we could pro
tect with our own Jewish army. I had to oppose infiltration. I
would not interfere with the efforts of the Zionist societies, but
Edmond Rothschild’s sport must cease at all costs. Let him sub
ordinate himself to the national cause and then I would not only
be prepared to give him the highest position, but also pay for his
assumption of leadership with my own resignation.
A storm ensued.
Dr. Hirsch spoke against me at great length.
Rabbinowicz, my friend from the East End, declared that no
Hovev Zion could ever come out in opposition to Edmond Roth
schild. He hoped that Jewish history would not have to record
any strife between Edmond Rothschild and myself.
Ish-Kishor asked Colonel Goldsmid up to what point a Hovev
could go along with me unofficially.
Goldsmid gave an evasive answer, saying that naturally he
could dictate no one’s actions outside the Hovevei Zion.
I got up and said:
“I shall formulate Mr. Ish-Kishor’s question more precisely.
He means: does the Colonel regard my secret steps to be in any
way practical and to be taken seriously?”
The Colonel said haltingly: “Well * . . . if Dr. Herzl—I
mean, if the people to whom he spoke—if they are not acting in
bad faith, then Dr. Herzl has already achieved a remarkable
result.”
I then declared that I could not abandon my stand on infiltra
tion even if I thereby lost the support of all the Hovevei Zion
societies, which are now under a central organization.
Thereupon the chairman, Mr. Prag, adjourned the meeting
with a dry, curt “Good-bye, Dr. Herzl I” *
Goldsmid drew me aside and told me that in the afternoon,
at the Queen’s garden-party, he had not been able to get to the
Prince of Wales and therefore had been unable to do anything in
the matter of an introduction.
Accordingly, now as previously, it will be left for me to do
everything by myself.
In the street I immediately took Rabbinowicz by the arm and
said: “Organize the East End for mel”
Then I drove with H erbert Bentwich, who is devoted to me,
to the House of Parliament, where I wanted to speak with
Stevenson about the Armenian problem.
Bentwich called my attention to my mistake: I had been
too brusque; I should not have told the Headquarters Tent that
they had bungled things, but should have praised their ideas and
past achievements as exemplary.
He was right. And yet I immediately had the feeling that in
addition to having been frank, my attitude could have been wise,
despite its momentary bad effect.
Folkestone, July 15
As I was packing my things at the hotel yesterday morning,
I was surprised by a visit from Ish-Kishor. He is the poor Rus-
sian-Jewish teacher whose speech in the Jewish jargon at the
East End meeting had moved me deeply and carried away the
other listeners.
As I sat on the platform of the workingmen’s stage on Sunday
I experienced strange sensations. I saw and heard my legend
being born. T he people are sentimental; the masses do not see
clearly. I believe that even now they no longer have a clear image
of me. A light fog is beginning to rise around me, and it may per
haps become the cloud in which I shall walk.
But even if they no longer see my features distinctly, still they
divine that I mean very well by them, and that I am the man
of the little people.
Of course, they would probably show the same affection to
some clever deceiver and impostor as they do to me, in whom
they are not deceived.
This is perhaps the most interesting thing I am recording in
these notebooks—the way my legend is being bom.
And while I was listening, on that people’s tribunal, to the
emphatic words and the cheering of my adherents, I inwardly
resolved quite firmly to become ever worthier of their trust and
their affection.
* * *
Ish-Kishor, then, came yesterday to offer me the formation of

an organization which would recognize me as its head. A hundred
men would join together in the East End, recruit comrades in
all countries, and carry on agitation for the Jewish State.
This I accepted; and when de Haas, who wishes to be my
"honorary se c re ta ry * came, I proposed that they name this as
sociation The Knights of Palestine.* However, I said that I
would have to remain outside its ranks, because I must not belong
to any propagandizing organization.
# # #
De Haas understood my position and explained it to Ish-

Kishor: I intended to unite the poor in order to put pressure
on the lukewarm and hesitant rich.
When I went to Montagu later to ask him to get the Armenian
matter rolling for me with Stevenson, the Vice-President of the
Anglo-Armenian Committees, I could tell from his at-your-serv-
ice manner the effect of my success in the East End.
* * *
I am satisfied with the result of my trip to London.

The conditional promise of Montagu and Goldsmid to join
in with us if Edmond Rothschild and the Hirsch Fund partici
pate and the Sultan enters into positive negotiations, suffices
me for the present.
July 16, Boulogne-sur-mer
Nevertheless, it should not be forgotten that both Montagu
and Goldsmid declined to preside at the East End meeting. Nor
did either of them attend the banquet of the Maccabean Club.
But I need them—consequently---------
July 17
In Paris again.
It was in one of the rooms I am now occupying at the Hotel
Castille that I wrote The Jewish State (in the form of the Address
to the Rothschilds).
Telegrams from Newlinski were waiting for me.
One of them reads: *
Sidney Whitman has just arrived, wants to undertake mission.
How much can I offer him in addition to traveling expenses?
Kind regards, Newlinski.
The second one: *
Special request: buy two sets of mantel clocks, two silver
candlesticks, first quality, half a meter or more in height, massive,
renaissance style, one Oriental or Moorish style, each two or
three thousand francs cash. I need them urgently for His Majesty
himself. Unobtainable here. In any case, come see me at Carlsbad.
Prince of no use at moment.
Newlinski
The third:
Would be good if you came to discuss everything again. Day
after tomorrow Whitman returning from Herbert.** Reply about
sets, have to wire Constantinople whether obtainable. Regards,
Newlinski.
* * *
That business with the mantel sets I don’t quite understand.

Why am I to get them, of all things? In any case, I am in no
•• From here on in French in the original.
position to pay for them out of my pocket. I wired back he should
indicate whether I should suggest to my friends that they make
the Sultan a present of two sumptuous sets. If not, to whom
should it be sent C.O.D. I told him that I could not spare Whit
man any more than his expenses. But if he participated, our fu
ture gratitude would be all the greater.
• # *
Talked with Bernard Lazare. Excellent type of a fine, clever

French Jew.
* * *
Nordau has fresh scruples: it would be an internal Russo-

Jewish affair, etc.
I told him, as well as Lazare, that I intend to purchase the
enrollment of Edmond Rothschild and the Hirsch Fund by my
own withdrawal. This seemed the right thing to both of them.
July 18
Nordau said yesterday: “The story goes that they entered into
conversations with you in Constantinople. Didn’t the people
ask, whom are we talking to? who has the money?”
I said: “I have made the connection, that is all. I had a right
to make reference to Montagu. And, incidentally, this is where
my tremendous risk lay. Montagu had merely declared to me,
in absolute privacy, his conditional willingness to join in with
me. I ran the risk of his telling me, on my return: that was only
smoking-room talk, not serious. However, he has stuck to his
word even now; and so today I am covered.”
* • *
Yesterday afternoon the likeable Bernard Lazare brought me

Mr. Meyerson of the Agence Havas and of the local Zionist asso
ciations.
Nordau and the sculptor Beer joined us later. This gathering
of intellectually notable men in my own room and on my own
ground once again gave me a distinct feeling of what enormous
progress my idea has made.
Meyerson raised many, all too many, objections, particularly
with regard to the ability of Jews to become farmers.
I finally begged him: “N e me faites donc pas tant de misères.
Nous ne pouvons pas prévoir l’avenir. Marchons, et nous ver
rons [Don’t make me mountains with your mole hills. We can't
foresee the future. Let us go forward and we shall see].”
That mollified him. He took it upon himself to go to Edmond
Rothschild and tell him that I was prepared to call on him. I
did not hide from the gentlemen the fact that this was one of
the greatest sacrifices I was making for the Jewish cause. For
Edmond Rothschild’s treatment of Nordau has soured me on
him. As for Albert Rothschild’s parcheschkat toward me in Vi
enna, I kept silent about that.
I asked Meyerson to formulate my standpoint clearly: I am
demanding the unification of all Zionist groups, particularly
of the Hirsch Fund and of Edmond Rothschild. The latter need
declare his adherence only conditionally. When I have completed
the diplomatic side of the whole matter, the gentlemen desig
nated by me are to take over its direction. For my part, I shall
give my word of honor to abstain from assuming the leadership
of the masses. I do not want a demagogic movement, although
in case of need I am prepared to create one. The consequences,
to be sure, could be serious.
But if my program is accepted, I shall withdraw completely
from the leadership of the movement.
* * •
In the evening, had some beer with Schiff. I reminded him

of last year. He said: Well, so perhaps I was wrong.
Actually, he is still quite obdurate and uncomprehending.
July 18
Telegram from St. Blasien, dated July 17:
Grand Duke unable to receive you at time stated. Requests
you to present matter in writing.
Secret Cabinet.
July 19
Yesterday I delivered the “Address to the Rothschilds.”
Thus everything I proposed to do comes to pass, even though
at another time and in another way, and the goal will undoubt
edly be attained, although I myself shall hardly live to see it.
Yesterday morning I visited Leven in his appartement de bour
geois cossu [upper-middle class apartment]. Leven treats the
Jewish question rather nonchalantly. H e’s not badly off. While
we were talking, Meyerson was announced. He had come from
“Baron Edmond” to invite Leven and me to a conference at
which he was also going to be present. Time: one-thirty p.m.
At half past one I was in the rue Laffitte. T he attendant took
my card and ushered me into the first waiting room, for general
visitors who have business with this banking house. A few min
utes later I was shown into another wood-panelled reception
room where Meyerson was already waiting and where he pre
pared me for the fact that the Baron was a human being like
ourselves.
I was not surprised at this piece of information.
After we had been waiting for about ten minutes, a door
opened and Leven came in, followed by a tall, slim man in his
forties. I had thought he was much older. He looks like an
aging youth, his movements are quick and yet shy, and he has
a light-brown beard on the verge of turning grey, a long nose,
and an offensively large mouth. He wore a red necktie and a
white waistcoat which flapped about his thin body.
I asked him to what extent he was acquainted with my plan,
whereupon he began to spout: he had heard about me as a new
Bernard I’hermite—and lost himself all over the map in a refu
tation of my program, of which he had no exact knowledge.
After five minutes I interrupted him, saying: “You don't know
what it is all about. Let me explain it to you first.’’
He stopped in bewilderment.
I began: “A colony is a little state, a state is a big colony. You
want to build a small state, I, a big colony.”
And once again, as so many times previously, I unfolded the
entire plan. He listened at times with surprise; at a few points
I read admiration in his eyes.
However, he has no faith in the promises of the Turks. And
even if he did believe in them, he still would not engage in such
an undertaking. He thinks it would be impossible to keep the
influx of the masses into Palestine under control. T he first to
arrive would be 150,000 shnorrers [beggars] who would have to
be fed. He didn’t feel equal to it, but perhaps I would be. He
could not undertake such a responsibility. There might be mis
haps.
“Are there none now?” I interjected. “Isn’t anti-Semitism a
permanent mishap with loss of honor, life, and property?”
The adherence of the Londoners is not enough for him. Sir
S. Montagu wanted to stand behind him, that he could well
understand. But as for Colonel Goldsmid, in a letter he had just
received Goldsmid had represented my undertaking as downright
dangerous.
This news staggered me greatly. I should never have expected
this from Goldsmid. If he is against me, why didn’t he tell me
so with military candor, why did he leave me confident and on
that Hovevei Zion evening expressly assure me of his sympathy
in my undertaking, provided that I was not being led astray in
Constantinople?
Colonel Goldsmid will no longer be counted upon.
Mr. Leven nodded pleasantly to every word “the Baron” said;
Meyerson, too, agreed with everything.
After two hours of this battle of words, I picked up my um
brella from the floor and rose:
“By way of concluding this conversation, which has been a
serious one and which we have not carried on for our entertain
ment, I say to you: By what do I recognize the power of an idea?
By the fact that a man commits himself when he says Yes and
commits himself also when he says No.”
The Baron made a very uncomfortable face, indeed, an angry
one.
I added: “You were the keystone of the entire combination.
If you refuse, everything I have fashioned so far will fall to pieces.
I shall then be obliged to do it in a different way. I shall start
a mass agitation, and that way it will be even harder to keep the
masses under control. I was going to turn the direction of the
whole project over to you, the philanthropic Zionist, and with
draw. Once the affair with the Sultan had been straightened out,
you could have made public or kept secret as much of it as you
pleased. The regulation of mass immigration is a matter for the
government. If, e.g., a “run” were to set in, unfavorable reports
about housing or the employment situation could be published,
which would slow down the torrent. All these are details of ad
ministration. You think that it would be a misfortune to operate
with such masses. Reflect whether the misfortune will not be
greater if I am forced to set the masses in motion by unplanned
agitation.
“This is precisely what I wanted to avoid. I have shown my
good intentions, and that I am no intransigeant entêté [obstinate
cuss]. You are not willing—I have done my share.”
Then I took my leave. We both declared that we were
delighted to have made each other’s acquaintance, and then I
left.
Rothschild detained the other two by their coat buttons; I
think, he had asked them there for his protection, in case I
turned out to be an anarchist.
A half-hour later Meyerson came to my hotel with a sweet-
and-sour expression. Was he under unofficial orders from the
Baron when he advised me to start on a small scale, and obtain
small concessions in Turkey for Edm. R.’s colonies? Then, he
said, the Baron might gradually show himself more favorably dis
posed toward my plans.
General impression: Edmond is a decent, good-natured, faint
hearted man, who absolutely fails to understand the matter and
would like to stop it, the way a coward tries to stop necessary
surgery. I believe he is now aghast at having got himself involved
with Palestine, and perhaps he will run to Alphonse and say:
“You were right; I should have gone in for racing horses rather
than resettling Jews.”
And the fate of many millions is to hang on such men!
# * *
To Newlinski I telegraphed:
Edmond R. is making difficulties which are threatening to have
repercussions in London. He first wanted small concessions for
which he would presumably offer small counter-services.
July 20, Paris

Addendum to Rothschild conversation.
Actually, I have noted down very little on the preceding pages
about this talk which was one of the most important I have had.
I had to combat feelings of listlessness yesterday. When I think
how easy and obvious the whole thing will appear to people once
it is accomplished and against what idiotic obstacles I get sick
fighting and wearing myself out---------
Among other things, Edmond R. said, piqued: “I didn’t need
you to come along and tell me that we now have machines at
our disposal.”
I answered: “I had no intention of instructing you.”
At another point in the conversation he said:
“Et qu’est-ce que vous me demandez [and what do you want
me to do]?”
I answered brusquely: "Pardon, vous ne m ’avez pas compris.
Je ne vous demande rien du tout. Je vous invite seulement de
donner votre adhésion sous condition [I beg your pardon, you
did not understand me. I want nothing at all from you. I am
inviting you only to give your conditional adherence].”
Leven and Meyerson, as I said, quite agreed with him.
Ils abondaient dans le sens indiqué par lui [they echoed what
ever line he took], they obligingly provided him with arguments.
When Edmond said that there would be no curbing the masses,
Meyerson said darkly: “Yes, just like what happened on the
Chodinko plain.”
Leven even had the presumption to declare that up till now I
had not achieved anything.
Twice Edmond R. said: “Il ne faut pas avoir les yeux plus gros
que le ventre [one mustn’t have eyes bigger than one’s stomach].”
That, I believe, is the extent of his philosophical insight.
July 20, Paris

I am writing de Haas in London that they should begin to
organize the masses. This will be the reply to the Chodinko argu
ment.
July 21
On the train past Jaxtzell, on the way to Carlsbad where New-
linski has urgently summoned me.
Another addendum to the Rothschild conversation:
I mentioned the fact that I was being aided by three people
whose traveling expenses I was paying: a diplomat (Newlinski),
a journalist (Sidney Whitman), and an English clergyman
(Hechler). I did not give him their names. I said that the clergy
man was not expecting any reward but that if success comes we
would have to buy the diplomat a fine estate and give the jour
nalist some decent compensation. When I said this, Rothschild
gave Leven a very sly look which was intended to mean “Aha!”
July 2i
Talked with Nordau and Beer yesterday and told them the
answer I had found to Rothschild’s objection: the organization
of our masses, without delay. O ur people will be organized be
fore their departure, and not merely upon their arrival. No one
will be allowed to enter without a certificate of departure.
Nordau expressed his complete agreement with me and even
wishes to join the Paris Committee, as I put it, “as Chief of the
Movement in France.” He dem urred a little against the title
“Chief,” but accepted the post.
# * #
In the afternoon I spoke in the club rooms of the Russian
Jewish students, out in the Gobelins quarter. B. Lazare was pres
ent, also three Jewish female students from Russia. T he room was
packed. I made the speech with which I am familiar by now,
but was not in good form.
I spoke with forbearance of the moneyed Jews who are in no
hurry, and concluded with the words: “Je ne vous dis pas encore:
marchons—je dis seulement: la jeunesse, debout! [I am not
saying to you as yet, ‘Forward march!’ All I am saying is, ‘Youth,
to your feet!]”
I called on them to start organizing the cadres.
# * #
Et nous voilà repartis de Paris [And here we are, leaving Paris
again].
Never has this charming city so enchanted me as on this part
ing-day.
When shall I see Paris again?
Contents
Volume II
Page
Book Four
July 88, 1896-June 10, 1897 433
Book Five
June 11, 1897-October 5, 1898 561
Book Six
October 5, 1898-April s i, 1899 681
Book Four
Begun on July 21,1896
O n the way to Carlsbad

July 22, Carlsbad
Newlinski was waiting for me with the following information:
1) T h e Prince of Bulgaria will receive me here.
2) T h e Turkish ambassador in Vienna categorically denies
the news about Jewish colonists being persecuted in Palestine.
3) Jewish circles are intriguing against me in Yildiz Kiosk.
I, for my part, told him about my trip. I said I seemed to my
self like an officer who goes into battle with raw recruits and has
to stand behind them with a gun to keep them from running
away.
I called the attitude of Edmond Rothschild in particular dis
turbing, because the entire combination now depended on him.
However, I said, it was by no means a foregone conclusion that
in the end he would not go along with us after all.
Newlinski said that this news discouraged him for the first
time in this matter. He had not known that my troops were that
bad.
July 22, Carlsbad
1 am telegraphing to Edmond Rothschild:*
T h e Turkish ambassador at Vienna writes:

"You can deny categorically the false news item, evidently
fabricated with malicious intent, that the Turkish authorities
have expelled existing Jewish colonists or refused to admit new
ones." However, 1 have learned that someone has tried to in
trigue against me at Yildiz Kiosk. If it was one of your overzeal-
ous underlings, he has made you seriously responsible. I hope
this is not so; we must understand each other.
Theodor Heizl
Hotel Erzherzog Karl
* la Frendi in the original
4M
July 22
This morning I had breakfast with Newlinski in the Posthof
garden. Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria and his party occupied a
table not far from ours. 1 noticed that 1 was being pointed out
to him. Then he sent over Fürth who had previously said that it
was doubtful whether the Prince would receive me today at all.
Fürth told me the Prince would talk to me in the arbor-walk
later.
We now watched for his rising. When he left, Newlinski,
Fürth, and 1 hurried after him.
He was waiting behind some shrubbery. T en steps away from
him I took off my hat, and he advanced two paces toward me.
There actually was no introduction. He gave me his hand, and
I immediately began to present the Jewish cause. We walked up
and down as I talked. His retinue kept at a respectful distance.
Occasionally, visitors to the spa would gape at us. At one point
the Prince impatiently stamped his foot when two people had
stopped nearby and were listening, and he made a motion with
his umbrella as if to strike, saying, “ It is scandalous the way one
is bothered here. And the Christians are even worse than the
Jews."
(Those two were obviously Jews.)
I expounded my project for him with laconic brevity. He was
quickly gripped. “ It is a magnificent idea," he said; “ no one has
ever talked to me about the Jewish Question this way. But I
have often thought about what you say. Actually, I was
raised by Jews. I spent my youth with Baron Hirsch. So I know
the whole background; people often reproach me for being half
a Jew. Your idea has my full sympathy— but what can I do for
it?”
"I should like to ask Your Royal Highness to prepare the
Czar for my plan and, if possible, to obtain an audience for me."
"That is very difficult,” he said doubtfully; “ it is a matter
which involves religion. As it is, I don’t stand in well with the
orthodox. There are delicate matters in that area in which I
often have to subordinate my convictions to political necessity."
As he said this, he drew himself up and looked down at me in
a truly grand manner with his head thrown back. But most of
the time he stood in front of me, leaning on his umbrella and
bending slightly forward. When I took one step back so as to
stand more respectfully, he immediately moved forward, even
stepped on my foot, and said: "Pardon me I”
This way I always saw his fine, slightly obese face with the
pointed beard, the long nose, and the intelligent, bright eyes
close before me.
He stated repeatedly that he was a friend of the Jews, and was
pleased when I told him that the Sultan and the Grand Duke
of Baden were, too.
"The Grand Duke,” I exclaimed, "is the Good Old King out
of a fairy-tale. He is only afraid that his participation in my plan
could be considered anti-Semitic. It will therefore be my task to
explain to the world, particularly to the Jews, that it is not a
question of expulsion, but an act of kindness on the part of the
potentates."
He nodded his satisfaction and promised me his full support,
on condition that this be kept secret. In Russia, he said, at most.
Grand Duke Wladimir might be interested in the matter. All
others speak of the Jews as though they were not human. I
should send him, the Prince, my book in German, Russian, and
English.
He said he would disseminate it. He also gave me permission
to report to him from time to time how the project was going.
He dismissed me very benevolently; and later Newlinski told
me that he had expressly promised his participation in our pro
ject and that I could certainly count on him.
July ss
Went walking with Newlinski in the afternoon. We discussed
our next move. Bismarck's cooperation could not be counted on
for the time being. Bismarck had told Sidney Whitman he al
ready knew my book; Chrysander, his secretary, had told him
the contents. Bismarck regards my draft as melancholy fantasy.
Later Whitman went to Herbert Bismarck and asked him to in
fluence the old Prince. Herbert promised to do so.
(Newlinski also read me the letter which Bismarck addressed
to the Sultan about the Cretan, Armenian, and Syrian incidents.
Very interesting. Bismarck advises him not to be afraid of Eng
land, whose power is dissipated all over the world, and to woit
with Russia. All the latter wanted was the passage of warships
through the Bosporus. Bismarck considers the Sultan’s present
situation as not dangerous, and speaks in a very scornful tone
about the Cretans.)
Since we cannot count on Bismarck now, we must have the
invitation to the Jews suggested to the Sultan from some other
quarter.
T o counter the Jewish intrigues— it is incredible— in Yüdiz
Kiosk, we decided on the following: Newlinski is going to write
to Izzet that the Jews who have been agitating against me my
have no personal interests— although this, too, would be con
ceivable— but do have two kinds of disinterested misgiving!. Id
the first place, they are afraid that anti-Semitism would be in
tensified in their present places of residence if the call to mignte
were issued to the Jews. In the second place, they are worried that
we would have an unmanageable mass influx of penniles Jew
on our hands in Palestine. For these reasons, the Jewish origi
nators of these intrigues may want to thwart our project from
the start. However, Izzet should not let them rob him of his con
fidence in me.
Newlinski feels that right now it would still be possible, era
easily possible, to ruin the whole thing at Yildiz Kiosk. If my
opponents knew how matters stand at present, they could do 10
with ease. This makes me reflect that it is evidence of Newlimkfi
decency and his confidence in me if be does not go over to my
wealthy opponents.
July 24, Gmunden
In my rude telegram to Edmond Rothschild there was a gram
matical error: "si ce serait [if it were]” instead of "si c'était [if
it was.]”
• • •
From Rothschild's negative attitude I must salvage everything

possible. In particular, his No must aid me to get a Yes from the
German Kaiser.
Sent Newlinski 500 francs for Sidney Whitman’s unsuccessful
trip.
T h e thought keeps recurring how little gratitude the Jews will
show me for the giant service 1 am performing them. If today I
simply dropped the project, it would surely remain undone and
would not materialize for decades— and even then only through
the utilization of my ideas.
Letter to Zadoc Kahn, Aussee, July 26, 1896:
Reverend Sir:
I have regretted very, very much that you had left Paris before
I arrived. It is our cause which may have suffered the greatest
harm from this, for it was an important moment. Through seri
ous, good counsel you might have been able to bring about a
different turn.
I am writing you in German, which you do understand, be
cause 1 write French too slowly and poorly. As it is, the Jewish
cause is making great claim on my energies, what with the grow
ing extent of the movement
Here, in brief and in the strictest confidence, are the facts. I
have been to Constantinople and there have obtained results
which actually surprised even myself. T h e Sultan took cognizance
of my plan ‘'Palestine for the Jews!” ; and even though he resists
the idea of a simple sale, he did treat me with distinction in vari
ous ways and gave me to understand that the deal could be made
if a suitable formula is found. Il s’agit de sauver les apparences [it
is a matter of saving face]. From the Sultan’s circle the following
proposition was advanced: T h e Sultan could ceremoniously in
vite the Jews to return to their historic homeland, to establish
themselves there autonomously as vassals of the Turkish Empire,
and in return pay him a tribute (on the basis of which he
could then raise a loan).
With this result I went to London, where Sir S. Montagu and
others promised me their adherence on three conditions: 1) the
consent of the Great Powers, *) the accession of the Hirsch Fund,
3) the accession of Edmond Rothschild.
The first condition I hope to be able to meet because two
reigning princes have already held out the prospect of their aid
to me. So I went to Paris and spoke with Edmond Rothschild.
I told him as well as the other gentlemen clearly what it was all
about. I requested that he join the cause conditionally, i.e., be
should participate in it only when it was signed, sealed, and de
livered. I told him that he need not appear, that I would arrange
everything with the Sultan and the other governments. But as
soon as the plan was to be put into effect, he as well as Montagu
and the others should take over from me. So that not even the
shadow of a doubt could rest upon me that I want to unite all
our forces only in order to snatch the leadership for myself, 1
pledged myself to withdraw completely as soon as this committee
for action has been formed. In return for these gentlemen's word
of honor to make my goal their goal I wanted to give my word of
honor henceforth not to interfere in anything. Then they could
direct the movement to the best of their knowledge and con
science, since I had confidence in those who have been friends of
Zion up to now. They could, above all, work in secret, and at any
given time make public only as much as would be necessary—in
short, they could organize and channel the great movement sen
sibly.
I believe that this was an honest proposal which attested to my
good intentions and my absolute selflessness, and that 1 did not
thereby make any immoderate demand.
THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HER2L 441
Unfortunately, Edmond R. would not or could not understand
me. He replied that even if all diplomatic premises were correct
and if we obtained Palestine, he considered the matter imprac
ticable, because the masses of the poor Jews would swarm into
Palestine in an unmanageable fashion, and it would be impossible
to give them employment or sustenance there.
You have read my pamphlet about the Jewish State. You know
in what great— even superfluous— detail I described the organiza
tion of the masses which is to precede the migration. It is pos
sible to reject my detailed proposals; but in any case, the princi
ple that the emigrants must be organized when they depart and
not just when they arrive is a workable one. No one will be en
rolled without the proper papers— passport, etc. These are sim
ple problems of administration and pose no greater problem
than other tasks of a state.
If, then, this is a disinterested reservation on Edmond Roth
schild’s part, it ought to be possible to get at it with rational ar
guments, and I beg you— I may fairly say— in the name of our
unhappy brethren to place all your talents and your recognized
authority at the service of this cause.
A t the same time I am undertaking to demonstrate practically
that our masses can be organized by recommending to my friends
in all countries to form the cadres for a possible migration. I be
lieve that in just a few months, possibly by spring, the nationalist
Jews in all countries will be tightly organized.
Th e movement will be continued, and it will grow dramati
cally— let no one deceive himself on that score. Despite the bitter
pills I am given to swallow and the obstacles that are placed in
my path, I am conducting this movement as a prudent man who
is at all times conscious of his tremendous responsibility. I am
certainly not inciting the masses; but can I prevent tumultuous
misunderstandings if it can happen that whole chapters of my
exposition are overlooked?
By this refusal Edmond Rothschild is bringing on the very
calamity that he seeks to avert. Added to this is the incalculable
factor of how the nations among whom we are dispersed will re
act to this movement if we are obliged to conduct it through
public agitation instead of directing it from the top with all
quiet and order.
I have demonstrated my good intentions; I have spared do
pains or personal sacrifice. My conscience is at ease. People
should understand what storms of indignation will be aroused
among the penniless Jews and among all non-Jews if it becomes
known some day that in my campaign of rescue I was left in the
lurch by those who had the power and the duty to help me. 1
am an opponent of the House of Rothschild, because I regard it
as a national misfortune of the Jews. As for the only one who has
aroused sympathy through his past behavior, Edmond Rothschild
— a man whom I regarded, and still regard, as a decent, good
Jew— should he refuse to contribute to our national salvation?
And it is not any sort of material sacrifice that is being asked of
him. He is not called upon to part with a penny, lift a hand, or
appear at all. A ll he has to do is accept the completed project;
until diplomatic arrangements are made he can remain entirely
under cover. If he does not agTee to this— he, upon whom de
pends the joining of the Londoners and of the Hirsch Fund,
which means: everything— then a cry of anger will sweep the
world. It may seem unfair to him that his philanthropic experi
ments in Palestine should now have confronted him with such
an eventuality. Well, it simply was no game, no pastime, but s
terribly serious matter upon which he embarked with his Pales
tine colonization.
Explain this to him, I beg of you. I may have been too clumsy
or too impatient. But the cause must not suffer for my blunders.
Your office and your love for the cause make it your duty to
participate to the best of your ability. Make it your special con
cern to prevent Edmond Rothschild from forming a wrong con
ception of my intentions. Convince him that I desire what is
good and right.
We now have an official statement that the Turkish authori
ties neither expelled the resident Jewish colonists nor turned
back the new arrivals. T h e Turkish ambassador at Vienna writes:
" Vous pouvez démentir catégoriquement cette nouvelle inventée
dans un but évident de malveillance [You can categorically
deny this item which was invented with an obviously malevolent
intent].”
I wired Edmond Rothschild this. At the same time I learned
something absolutely monstrous from the palace at Constanti
nople where I have devoted friends— namely, that there are
intrigues against me on the part of Jews. It sounds so wild that I
can scarcely believe it. Perhaps the people in Yildiz Kiosk cook
too seriously the malicious remark dropped by some Jew who
does not have as much respect for me as is my due in the opinion
of the Turks. But by such actions— whether they be committed
out of thoughtlessness or with malice aforethought— a man can
incur an extremely serious responsibility. And it is getting time
for us to sort out and fix responsibilities clearly.
The Jewish national movement is as serious as— nay, much
more serious than— anti-Semitism. People should understand this
in good time.
Up to now the destitute Jews have been the anvil, and the
anti-Semites the hammer. Woe to those who get caught between
the hammer and the anvil!
If you reply to me immediately, your letter will still reach me
here. Beginning August 3 I shall be in Vienna again, c/o Neue
Freie Presse.
With sincere respect,
Yours
T h . Herzl.
Mailed on July 27.
• • •
Letters sent on July 27:
Herbst] „ , ,
Bierer I ^°“ a (or?an^^n& in view of E.R.’s objection)
B. Lazare, Paris (to take care of a French edition; I waive my
claims to the expenses I incurred on the trans
lation).
444 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HER2L
J. de Haas, London (organizing, with Rabbinowicz, Ish-Kishor).
Schnirer, Vienna (invitation to Kokesch, Mintz to discuss or
ganizing).
All the above with mention of E.R.’s refusal.
Hechler, Vienna (announcing my visit).
Klatschko, Vienna (pamphlet in Russian).
July 30, Aussee

Hechler telegraphs from Tegemsee:
Am at Tegemsee, Villa Fischer, made speeches in the castle
and at homes of important people. Everybody enthusiastic.
"Can you come immediately to lend dignity? I want to leave
here about Saturday— if possible.
Hechler.
I am answering him that I could hardly get away because I

have to go to Vienna within the next few days. At any rate, I
would first like to know to whom he made speeches and who
wished to see me.
If it is Empress Elizabeth, I’ll go.
• • •
Aussee, August 1. 1896

I did not want to write from France, because the post offices
there are suspected of prying, and a letter to a German sovereign
would surely have attracted attention. Then, too, I was traveling
about restlessly for some time. That is why I can only now com
ply with your kind invitation to give you my report on the Jew
ish cause in writing.
I have been to Constantinople and explored the ground there.
H.M. the Sultan took cognizance of my proposal, and even
though he spoke out in no uncertain terms against the cession
of Palestine to the Jews as an independent state, he still did not
discourage me completely. In fact, he even treated me with dis
tinction in various ways, and it was indicated to me indirectly
that the transaction could perhaps be made if the proper formula
were found. Then the idea was proposed from the Sultan’s circle
to permit the Jews to establish a vassal state in Palestine. Their
immigration was to be favored by the granting of autonomy, and
they would have to pay an annual tribute to the suzerain.
When I had the honor to present the matter at Karlsruhe,
Your Royal Highness likewise expressed yourself in favor of a
gradual immigration into Palestine.
With the results attained in Constantinople I went to London.
Our financiers there are prepared to go through with this way of
establishing a state for the Jews; but they are making conditions
— first of all, the obvious one that the Powers approve of the
whole thing.
Then, that Edmond Rothschild of Paris join in.
I have spoken with this Edmond Rothschild. He is afraid. He
thinks that we would not be able to oiganize, employ, or feed
the poor people who are to migrate there. But these are all ad
ministrative problems, no harder and no easier than other tasks
of a state.
I do not wish to repeat here all the things that I explained to
Him. Suffice it to say that he does not understand. Now, it would
really be a crying shame if the development of this serious, great,
philanthropic plan were to be thwarted by the opposition of a
single person of insufficient intelligence. Can this be the will of
God?
This is the way matters stand at the moment. One way out of
the present difficulties would be to make the course of events
public and to break the will of this recalcitrant man through
agitation. But I would not want to carry on the movement
demagogically.
The gradual exodus of the Jews in good ordeT, the way I in
tend it, can only be directed from the top. That is why I cling
to the hope that the truly high-minded sovereigns of Europe will
bestow their gracious protection on the cause. Then we could
easily pass over the refusal of individual wealthy Jews.
It would be of inestimable value to our future course if His
Majesty the German Kaiser allowed me to present the plan to
him.
Some steps have already been taken with a view to my recep
tion by His Majesty the Emperor of Russia.
Your Royal Highness has been the first ruler who generously
took an interest in this movement, and I shall never forget the
royally unpretentious words with which this interest was ex
pressed. I venture to make reference to the favor of that audience
if I now ask Your Royal Highness point-blank to induce His
Majesty the German Kaiser to give me a hearing.
Today this solution of the ancient Jewish Question exists in
embryonic form. Many people, Gentiles as well as Jews, would
breathe a sigh of relief. A social difficulty of a serious nature
could be eliminated. It would be a blessed and glorious deed
which would be bound to affect far-distant times.
But if we find no help, the seed may perish.
I remain Your Royal Highness* respectful and grateful servant
Dr. Theodor Herzl

(Address: Thalhof, Reich enau bei Payerbach, Lower Austria.)
August l, Aussee
Hechler telegraphs from Tegemsee: ‘T oday fifth and last
presentation. Leaving today or tomorrow morning. Hechler.”
This means, then, that the important people mentioned in his
first wire are not issuing a direct invitation to me.
Or did he merely want me to come on a chance? In any case,
I did well not to start off right away.
August i
The effectiveness of my movement shows up first in begging-
letters.
August l
At the beginning of July a letter came from Wolffsohn of
Cologne which I only received here. At the Berlin Zionist Con
vention there was violent opposition to me. Wolffsohn was the
only one to stick by me, and he had trouble preventing the Zion
ists from taking a public stand against me. Nevertheless, Hildes-
heimer and Bambus were willing to meet with me in Cologne,
but I missed this opportunity.
I am answering Wolffsohn that hostile acts on the part of the
Zionists could well cause me to drop the whole matter. I am
informing him of Edmond Rothschild's refusal and telling him
that the need for an organization in which he, too, would have
a function, is developing. Furthermore, I am willing to get to
gether with the Berlin Zionists. We would shortly hold a con
ference in Vienna at which the convening of a general Zionist
assembly is to be discussed.
August l
A good letter from Zadoc Kahn at Weggis. He proposes a
secret conference of representatives of the largest Jewish com
munities, since no individual has the authority to get a matter
of such immeasurable importance rolling all by himself. There
fore, there ought to be a debate with all the pros and cons. For
the rest, right after his return to Paris (between the soth and
the 25th of August) he wants to have a serious talk “avec qui de
droit [with the proper penon]"— with Edmond Rothschild, then?
— but he does not seem to expect much from it.
I accept the proposal for a secret conference, because I believe
by that time I shall have achieved further diplomatic success,
and then I shall manage to rouse this debating assembly to some
action.
August 2, Aussee
Letter to Zadoc Kahn:
Reverend Sir:
I accept youT proposal to convene a confidential gathering of
representatives of all large Jewish communities, provided you
are the organizer and it has a practical character from the be
ginning. I will no longer have anything to do with purely aca
demic discussions. This does not mean that I reject refinements
of my idea, advice, limitations, etc. If I am willing to attend this
conference, it is actually because I wish to prove for the ump
teenth time that I am not a fanatical agitator, but would like
to proceed prudently and in cooperation with our calmest and
best men. My consent, which I am giving you in principle today,
will be definitive as soon as I am acquainted with the agenda of
the conference and the names of its participants.
Naturally I shall not interrupt my activities while awaiting this
conference. As you have already observed, I move rapidly; and
if you postpone the deliberation for long, it may come after the
action. Therefore you can already take the necessary first steps
from Weggis.
Thanking you for the appealing tone of your letter, I remain
Th. Herzl.
August t, Aussee
Wrote to Nordau to take care of the French edition, because
I urgently need it for the Russian court and for Rome.
What I don’t do myself doesn’t get done.
S. Whitman writes from Constantinople that he will be coming
to Vienna in three weeks and afterwards will go to see Bismarck
again.
August 3, on the train to Vienna

I have just now read a communication from the Arabian ex
plorer Dr. Glaser which arrived during my trip to England. It
is a memorandum from the year 1890, directed to Baron Hirsch.
It is written in an obsequiously enthusiastic tone and culminates
in the exclamation: Long live the King of Israel!— and after the
preceding sentence there is no doubt that "Moritz Freiherr
[Baron] von Hirsch" is thought of as the King of Israel.
But the contents of the memorandum shows excellent think
ing. This Glaser is a man to remember. In any event, he possesses
considerable knowledge of the Orient, and he may even have a
talent for military organization. Since it is possible that I shall
need a replacement for the unreliable Goldsmid, Glaser is to be
cultivated.
T o be sure, he makes the absurd proposal to select Southern
Arabia as the territory for the Jewish State; but the way in which
he motivates this idea for colonization is excellent.
I am going to write him from Vienna today or tomorrow that
I am welcoming him to our ranks as a promising co-worker.
m m •
Dr. L. Ernst, the author of a book about secret remedies for

venereal diseases, has written a cute answer to my pamphlet,
with the title No Jewish State!
Breitenstein the publisher asked me whether I had any ob
jection to his publishing this droll booklet, too, under his im
print. I had absolutely no objection.
(At the same time Breitenstein gave me a financial statement
on my pamphlet. 1 owe him a few guilders. And he is already on
the fourth printing!)
I read Ernst's pamphlet on the train, in the galley-proofs. Sim
ple-minded pontification, ignorance, narrow-mindedness on every
page.
No answer.
August 3, Vienna
At the office again.
A brief, vigorous clash with Bâcher. He asked whether I wasn’t
going to write a feuilleton about Constantinople.
"No," I said. "At Constantinople I had only historical experi
ences, not feuilletonistic ones."
He laughed foolishly.
“You don’t believe me?” I said.
“No, I don’t believe that,” he countered.
I added, gruffly: “You'll believe, all right!”
Then we parted, rather irritated.
• • •
In the afternoon at Newlinski’s.

A t Carlsbad he also spoke with King Milan about my project.
Milan thinks that I am overlooking the difficulties that France
would make. France wants to have her Syrian protectorate and
an Arabian Empire. (Funny that this should coincide with
Glaser’s information.)
Newlinski claims that Milan had already received my book in
Paris from Dr. Milicevic and discussed it in detail with French
politicians.
Newlinski also spoke once more in Carlsbad with Prince Fer
dinand who is supposed to have declared himself a champion of
my idea. Ferdinand— like Bismarck— believes that the matter
ought to be patronized from Rome.
Newlinski was quick to de interesting fancies onto this. A
trip to Rome in October, fifteen cardinals— the entire Conclave
to be won over. T h e Pope would receive me, possibly issue an
encyclical about my plan. T h e Catholic church ought to take
the matter under its worldwide protection. T h e Sultan would
accept advice from the Pope more readily than from the Czar.
It is my opinion, too, that we must work from Rome. How
ever, even though I am very favorably disposed toward New
linski, I did not want him to nodee how very well this suits me.
For he is clerical-minded and in any event more devoted to the
Pope than he is to me.
I must look back and see whether I have noted down this habit:
on the train bound for Stambul and in the bedroom at the Hotel
Royal, Newlinski always crossed himself before he went to sleep.
And, I believe, he is sincerely working for the Jews.
T H E C O M PLE TE DIARIES OF T H E O D O R H ERZL 451
Evidence that my proposal is truly the redeeming reconcilia
tion between Christians and Jews.
• • •
Gave Newlinski 184 guilders for Whitman’s expenses.

• • •
August 5, Vienna
Spoke with Schnirer about the accomplishments of my trips
and the need for an organization. He explains Edmond Roth
schild’s attitude to himself by the fact that any number of peo
ple want a split between E. R. and me. Schnirer knows that for
every house that is built in Palestine, two thousand francs are
allegedly paid out in baksheesh.
I told him about the presumed intrigue of the Rothschild
director Scheid against me in Yildiz Kiosk, and asked him what
Scheid deserved if it was true. Schnirer said indignantly: “ He
would deserve to be strung up.”
T h e present organization of the Zionist associations leaves
everything to be desired. T h e Zionist Federation is an unservice
able instrument and must be reorganized. T h e associations, above
all, have no money. I cannot advance any more for propaganda
since my capacity is already exhausted.
We agreed that the Zionist administration in Vienna should
send a regular “ Information Bulletin” to its members, who are
to make some payment for it, so that the Zionist Federation could
at least pay for the printing of stationery.
This is how poor the financial condition of the Zionists is at
the present time— the Zionists, whom I shall probably raise high,
and soon, and who will then presumably forget what I have
brought about.
August 7
Newlinski writes from Hungary that he has just received a
letter from Whitman in Constantinople with an interesting item.
Whitman had breakfast at Therapia with the former Prussian
Minister of War, Verdy du Vemois. The latter, an expert on the
Orient, had expressed himself very favorably on my Palestine
project and “ thought it was a blessing for Turkey, about which
he is crazy.”
“Vemois thinks the idea is conceived on such a grand scale
that it must materialize, and he believes in you! . . . He is really
somebody; I wanted to tell you this in order to compensate you
for the contumely and the disappointments that you get from
others. Don’t let them get you down, and remember my words:
Precisely among your co-religionists will you encounter the
basest intrigues, stupidity, lack of principles, and ingratitude. But
God will help you! . . . So will I!
Yours,
Newlinski"
• • •
I am including Newlinski’s charming letter here as a souvenir.

What Sonnenschein (Court Secretary in the Ministry of Rail
roads) had just told me is like an illustration of it, namely, that
the London Chief Rabbi Adler told David Gutmann: “ Dr. Herzl
had a fiasco in London.”
And David Gutmann cheerfully spread this around.
I am writing this to de Haas in London. My people in the
East End shall answer the Chief Rabbi.
August 10
De Haas sends me clippings, among them one from the
Daily Chronicle, in which my trip to London is connected with
a conversion of the Turkish loan. I am not even issuing a denial
of this. A t the same time de Haas tells me the rumor is going
around in London that a banking house (Barclay, Bevan & Co.)
has placed two million pounds sterling at my disposal for my
undertaking. I am not protesting against this nonsense either,
because fairy-tales, jokes, caricatures are vehicles for disseminat
ing an idea.
• • •
Newlinski today sounded me out by inquiring whether in

case of a “Non possumus [We cannot]!” from Turkey we wouldn’t
want to content ourselves with a lesser firman [imperial order]
from the Sultan in which the Jews would merely be invited
to establish colonies.
In this I smelled his desire to work with Edmond Rothschild
and the Zionist associations, which he deemed financially solvent,
and told him: “ If it should really turn out to be impossible to
obtain the basis for a state, I shall personally put you in touch
with the Zionists and Edmond Rothschild (lest he try to do that
himself), but I draw your attention to the following: in the first
place, in the case of such colonization, the go-betweens get little
baksheesh; in the second place, I am fundamentally opposed to
this form and would fight it vigorously afterwards. Just keep
your confidence in the cause. Dans cette chose il faut avoir de
Festomac, comme disent les joueurs [in this project one has to
have a stomach, as the gamblers say].”
Thereupon, visibly reinvigorated, he asked me if he should
write to Cardinal Rampolla in Rome to initiate action with the
Pope.
Naturally I fully agree to this.
• • •
At Reichenau yesterday I spoke with Horn, the former editor-

in-chief of the Journal de St. Pétersbourg. He is a brother of
the late Hungarian State Secretary Eduard Horn, whom I knew
in my boyhood. For thirty years he was a semi-official journalist
in Russia and naturally is well acquainted with the situation
there. He does not think that Russia would let the Jews have
Palestine. He said there was a “Society of the Holy Sepulchre”
under the chairmanship of Grand Duke Sergius. He also feels
that the serviceable Jews would not be allowed to leave. Anti-
Semitism in Russia, he says, is due to the fact that the city dwell
ers there number at most eight million; and if these include five
million Jews— who, in addition, rush into the learned profes
sions, on account of certain military advantages— this is an un
bearable situation. As for the peasant areas, the Jews cannot be
integrated there, because in Russian village communities there
is common pasture-land, and the Jews cannot participate in it.
But he has not been to Russia in six years and no longer knows
how the wind is blowing.
About Ignatiew he tells me that when the latter was Minister
of the Interior he had virtually encouraged persecution of the
Jews.
Pobedonostsev he called a fanatic who defied even the Emperor
and who would hardly have any dealings with me.
August is, Vienna

Haas reports from London that a "T en t” of the Hovevei Zion
had offered to "revolt” in my favor; another one had attacked me.
T h e Daily Chronicle report that I had been on a financial mis
sion for the Sultan was souring people on me.
I am telegraphing Haas:
"Pay no attention to false newspaper reports. T ell Prag I want
collaboration with Hovevei.
Herd.”
• • •
In the Allgemeine Israelitische Wochenschrift of July 17 one
D t. Singer-Coblenz makes a venomous attack on me.
August 13, Vienna

Today called on the Turkish ambassador, Mahmud Nedim.
He spoke uninterruptedly for one hour, without saying one single
thing— not out of rouerie [craftiness], howeveT, but out of un
speakable naiveté.
Some ambassador 1 A haberdashery clerk on Kartnerstrasse
displays more acumen.
He was very amiable— without understanding. Or is he in
finitely discreet???
Interesting that Izzet should have written me about him.
Mahmud Nedim gave me the desired explanation which he
had first addressed to Newlinski: that the Turkish authorities are
not expelling the Jewish colonists. He asked me, however, not
to make his letter of today public. I should say only: “Comme
nous apprenons de source certaine [As we learn from a reliable
source]"— or “Vambassadeur turc m’a dit [the Turkish ambassa
dor has told me]”— or “nous sommes en mesure d’affirmer [we
are in a position to affirm]"— in short, he enumerated all the
clichés of the Havas News Agency.
Which once again is confirmation of my definition of diplo
mats: "People who put together notes out of our notices."
August 18, Aussee
De Haas sends me bad news from London. T h e opponents

in the Hovevei Zion, etc., are gaining the upper hand.
Meyerson has reported from Paris that I met with failure
there. Also, my reception by the Russian Jewish students is sup
posed to have been an unfavorable one. On the other hand, Mr.
Prag is said to have adopted a friendly attitude toward me lately.
I am writing de Haas a few compliments for Mr. Prag, and
am authorizing him at the same time to publish the Turkish am
bassador's denial in the press— only the substance, not the word
ing.
August 18, Aussee

Newlinski telegraphs from Vasvar:
"Have good news Rome."

(From Cardinal Rampolla, then.)
August 23, Baden
Had a long talk with the electrical engineer Kremenezky.
He is a good Zionist, with modem ideas. On the shores of the
highly saliferous Dead Sea great chemical industries could be
established.
The streams of fresh water which now flow into it would have
to be diverted and used as drinking water. T h e tributaries would
be replaced by a canal from the Mediterranean which on ac
count of the mountains would have to pass through a tunnel
for part of the way (an internationally famous sight). The dif
ference in level of the two seas (waterfall) could be used to run
machines. Many thousands of horsepower.
Elsewhere in Palestine, too, there is plenty of water power
that can be converted into electricity.
We must found a National Arbor Society for the afforestation
of the land. Every Jew donates one or more trees. T en million
treesl
During the talk I had an idea concerning organization.
The young professional men want to found a Zionist society
for university graduates. I think it will be even better to establish
specialized Zionist societies for here and for over there: awocia-
tions of Jewish lawyers, physicians, engineers, electricians, build
ing contractors, civil servants, merchants (chambers of com
merce). These professional people have mutual interests even
here. Practical problems and plans can be placed before them, for
appraisal, discussion, etc. If the plan is carried out, we shall have
in them pépinières [hothouses] for the men we shall need.
These professional societies are to become integrated into the
Zionist Federation, which will thereby be shaken out of its uni
versally deplored slumber.
August 25, Vienna

Yesterday I had Colbert buy 50 SteyrermUhl shares for me at
the Stock Exchange. It was the first business deal of my life.
I was forced into it by the mean, ignominious conduct of the
Viennese press which is passing my idea over in silence. I must
endeavor to gain influence over a newspaper. I can have such in
fluence only as an owner of shares. Any other attempt to gain
journalistic power would be wrecked on the local newspaper situ
ation, and I would bleed to death on it.
Therefore I chose the Steyrer Tagblatt as a locus minoris
resistentiae [place of least resistance], and I intend to gain con
trol of it through gradual purchases of stock. Or, rather, the
Steyrermiihl Company is to produce a new paper which I shall
edit.
I am staking my property as well as that of my parents on it.
Dessauer promises me lombardization of my shares on a large
scale.
August 25, Vienna

I own 150 Steyrermiihl shares.
• • •
Newlinski is back from Hungary and today gave me the fol
lowing information:
The Turks have a knife at their throats, financially speaking.
Izzet Bey wrote him that he would be willing to submit the
modified plan to the Sultan if we were quite in earnest. Be
cause it could cost him his head if afterwards nothing came of it.
Therefore Newlinski calls on me to give a final formulation of
the proposal.
I am doing this in the following manner, which still leaves
Izzet (and myself) the possibility of pulling our heads out of
the noose. I make a few vague conditions, during the discussion
of which even "serious” proposals can come to naught. While
negotiations with the Sultan are going on, I shall tame the Lon
don and Paris Jews as well. For the rest, my proposals are based
completely on the admittedly vague agreements with Montagu,
Landau, etc. Outline which Newlinski intends to submit to the
Sultan in revised form:
Our group wishes to place at His Majesty's disposal a gradu
ated loan of so million pounds sterling. T h is loan is to bt
funded on the annual tribute which the autonomous Jewish
settlers in Palestine have to pay to His Majesty. T h e tributt
guaranteed by our group will amount to one hundred thousand
pounds sterling in the first year and increase up to one million
pounds sterling annually. T h e gradual rise in the tribute will bt
correlated with the gradual immigration of the Jews into Pale*
tine, and the detailed procedure is to be worked out in the per
sonal conferences which are to be held in Constantinople.
In return, His Majesty should graciously make the following
concessions:
The immigration of the Jews into Palestine, which is not only
to be completely unrestricted but is to be encouraged in even
way by the imperial Turkish government. T h e immigrant Jew
are to be given autonomy, guaranteed under international lav,
in the constitution, government, and administration of justice in
the territory assigned to them. (Palestine as a vassal state.)
In the Constantinople negotiations it will have to be deter
mined in detail in what form the sovereign protection of Hu
Majesty the Sultan will be exercised in Jewish Palestine and hov
the preservation of law and order is to be managed by the Jew
themselves through security forces of their own.
The agreement could take the following form: His Majesty
issues a most gracious invitation to the Jews to return to the land
of theiT fathers; this invitation will have the force of law and
will be made known to the Powers in advance.
Naturally, this invitation shall be made only afteT all the
separate details have been arranged in a preliminary agreement
• • •
Letter to Montagu:
My dear Sir Samuel:
I have received some sensational and decisive news from Con
stantinople. People there are inclined to enter into negotiations
with us immediately on the basis which I have already mentioned
to you in London. In return for a graduated loan of twenty mil
lion pounds sterling, which would be distributed over a number
of years, the Sultan would, with previous notification of the
Powers, invite the Jews all over the world to return to the land
of their fathers where they are to have autonomy and pay him
an annual tribute. It is on this tribute that the loan would be
based.
Turkey’s financial distress has reached a climax. It is now or
never that we shall obtain Palestine. I am asking you. Sir Samuel,
if you are willing to go to Constantinople with me in order to
carry on the negotiations. I know it would be a great sacrifice
for you to decide to make this trip. But if you make this sacrifice,
Sir Samuel Montagu will be spoken of with gratitude as long
as there are Jews alive.
If you decide on it, I shall give you details about the time
later. It will, in any case, not be before the end of September,
when the heat in Constantinople is no longer so bad.
Edmond Rothschild gave me an evasive answer in Paris—
neither Yes nor No. He will undoubtedly join in with us, just
as all Jews will enthusiastically join in as soon as we have achieved
success.
Consider well, Sir Samuel, in what a historically memorable
situation you now find yourself! Understand the full greatness of
the task which is confronting you! Be the man we need!
Sincerely yours,
Herzl.
• • •
Letter to Zadoc Khan:

Reverend Sir:
(strictly confidential!)
From Constantinople I have received the sensational and
decisive news that they are ready at any time for further negotia
tions. The financial distress there has become acute. It is now
or never that we shall obtain Palestine.
What steps have you taken since we last corresponded?
Events press. I beg you for a speedy reply.
Herzl.
August 29
Terrible news has come from Constantinople. T h e building
of the Ottoman Bank was stormed by Armenians. Murder, kill
ings, bombs, street-fights. Order appears to have been restored,
but the impression on the world is deplorable. A t any rate, for
the moment I am abstaining from sending off the above letten
which I drafted yesterday. T h e Englishmen Montagu etc. prob
ably won’t have anything to do with the Sultan now. On the
other hand, of course, the moment would be very propitious for
negotiating with the Sultan, because at present he isn’t likely to
get money from anyone.
August 29, afternoon

I am mailing the letter to Zadoc Kahn after all.
September 5, Breslau
1 was prevented by some hectic newspaper work from record
ing the events of the last few days.
Zadoc Kahn sent a reply to the effect that he cannot do any
thing at the moment, because he had received ’’dilatory, that is
to say, evasive replies" from the people to whom he turned.
His own answer, too, is dilatory, that is to say, evasive. Nobody
helps.
On Tuesday, September 1, Bâcher asked me if I would like to
go to Breslau and report on the Kaiser's visit there. Naturally
I said Yes.
That same evening I was in the Café Louvre on Wipplinger-
strasse where the Viennese Zionists get together every Tuesday
and for months have been debating the question of how to ac
quire some club rooms. If I should succeed in winning something
greater for the Zionists and obtaining more for them th a n club
rooms for an annual rent of 800 guilders, many are sure to attack
me. 1 recognize a few of this ilk even now: they “feel crowded
out” by me, etc. They will have to be reminded of how impotent
they have shown themselves to be and how they have done noth
ing but indulge in idle talk.
Incidentally, this time they made me a formal offer to become
head of the party's Executive Committee. I accepted.
Among those present was the “Christian Zionist” Baron Man-
teuffel, who pays to have agricultural training given to penniless
Jewish boys.
• • •
I telegraphed Hechler, who has gone to Hdritz for the peasant

passion plays, that I was going to Breslau.
Thereupon he asked me whether I wanted him to come; he
had written at once to the Grand Duke at Baden.
I immediately asked Hechler by telegram to come to Gdrlitz.
Today he informs me that he will arrive there tomorrow. I am
going to send him to Prince Heinrich of Prussia; perhaps we
shall manage to obtain that audience with the Kaiser.
September 9, Gôrlitz
Arrived here the day before yesterday. I am staying at a cosy
private residence, the house of Music Director Stiehler. I found
Hechter's card waiting for me; he had tracked me down although
I had not been able to give him my address. He himself is staying
at the “ Evangelical Clubhouse,” which gave me the impression
of a Christian-Socialist consumers' cooperative. Bare, spotless
walls with Bible verses. A big bar parlor where, to be sure, drinks
are served and perhaps even a small profit is made, but the peo-
pie are evidently kept well in hand. T h e whole establishment
gives the impression of a cleverly disguised political institution.
Hechler was sitting in a cheerful room which was adorned
with Biblical maxims, Evangelical style. This is most decidedly
Stocker territory, and one of the most curious places I have
visited so far in the course of my movement.
Hechler had already oriented himself a bit. On the trip from
Hôritz he composed a letter to the Kaiser, written in English on
the stationery of the Vienna embassy, about the return of the
Jews.* The British official stamp gave the whole thing a vaguely
official character.
Unfortunately, Prince Heinrich of Prussia, whom Hechlei
was counting on, has left for Kiel in order to receive the Czar
there. "By the way," says Hechler, “who knows if this isn’t an
advantage. I am told that in recent times Prince Heinrich has
made only mocking remarks about religion. And one shouldn't
cast pearls before swine, as the Bible says.”
However, Günther of Schleswig-Holstein, a brother of the
Empress, is here. He is kindly disposed toward Hechler and is
interested in social problems. He has been to England in order to
study the condition of the working class. His rank is that of a
Major— on the general staff, I believe. Hechler also told me on
this occasion that Prince Günther recently was suspected of being
involved in that affair of the anonymous court letters which led
to the duel between Schrader and Kotze: gossip which I wasn't
interested in before and which I now like to hear, because it
shows me the small side of the big people. And this is necessary if
one is not to be confused by the outward glamor of the tinsel
surrounding them and is to associate with them without self-
consciousness.
That is why I paid such close attention to the infirmity of the
German Kaiser during the past week when I saw him so fre
quently. Isn't it strange that people really don’t know that he,
one of the most "highly regarded” men in the world, has only
one arm? Such men truly dwell in a cloud. Here is a figure
known from a hundred thousand pictures; and when you
see him, you notice that his most significant characteristic is
hidden from the crowd. Yes, throngs see him daily and are hardly
aware of it. Th e most sharp-sighted say: he has a stiff arm. Actu
ally, it is a child's arm that hangs down from his left shoulder.
The arm is said to have been stunted by rickets. According to the
version which Hechler gives me— evidently the court version—
Wilhelm was dropped as an infant by his wet-nurse, and the con
sequences were not discovered until it was too late.
In any case, this abnormality is important for his image. T o
me it brings him closer as a human being. It shows that, in
reality, under his many uniforms of the regiments he commands,
he is only a helpless human being after all. When I was watching
the manifestations of his power, the glamor of his court, the
martial magnificence of his legions on the parade field, I kept
my eyes on his crippled arm, in order not to let my mind be
dazed should I ever speak with him face to face.
His being a cripple also explains his whole character, I be
lieve. This Supreme Warlord would be rejected by the medical
board if he were an ordinary man called up for military service.
His pathological predilection for all things military may stem
from this. Nor can he adopt any natural pose, because he must
always have to think of how to conceal his defect. As a matter of
fact, he does deceive many people by the way in which, when on
horseback, he holds the reins with his short left arm. This bridle-
arm enables him to get by on horseback. He also loves dazzling,
shiny uniforms and gleaming helmets which attract, distract the
eye.
However, he is, it seems to me, a likeable man; to put it even
better and more briefly: a man!
He wants to make a big impression on the crowd, to be sure,
and he plays the emperor with might and main. But he wishes
to charm those who meet him by amiability. He has an engaging
way of shaking hands, like a party leader. He looks everyone with
whom he speaks full in the eye by stepping up close to him. He
was at his most charming at Breslau at the gala performance of
a little military comedy by Moser. He laughed aloud at the in
nocent soldiers’ jokes; he fairly shook with laughter. In fact,
there was a trace of exaggeration in this unconstraint, which he
knew was being observed by so many eyes. He is inclined to
overdo things.
There is no doubt that he is a man of great and varied talents
who, however, wants to tackle too many things with his one aim
and always has his hands full because he wishes to hide the fact
that he has only one hand.
If I understand him aright, 1 am going to win him for our
cause, provided that I manage to get close enough to him.
• • •
Hechler went to see Prince Giinther yesterday afternoon when
the latter returned from the parade ground. Unfortunately one
minute too late. The Prince was already taking a bath, or at
least he sent word by a servant that he was already in the bath;
Hechler was asked to return in the evening before the court
dinner.
Hechler did so; but a high general was with the Prince. As
Giinther left he spoke only a few words with Hechler, asking
him to come back this evening at half past six.
This just about finishes the prospect of getting to the Kaiser
here. Because for three full days starting tomorrow morning
the Kaiser will be at the manoeuvres. And I have to leave to
morrow.
September is, Vienna

The afternoon before yesterday Hechler came and reported
that Prince Giinther had spoken about the matter like someone
who was acquainted with it. The Kaiser seems to have discussed
it with him even before this. But they evidently don’t want to
touch the matter; princes shrink from the whole question. "It
is so strange/'• said Prince Giinther to Hechler. But the latter*
* In Engliih in the original.
may be received by the Kaiser after all, although Günther
wouldn't take Hechler's letter to transmit to the Kaiser.
I realized that I wouldn’t accomplish anything in Gôrlitz now,
and immediately decided to depart. Hechler took me to the sta
tion. There I impressed it upon him that he should try to do
what he could, and in any case tell the Prince, and possibly the
Kaiser, that I had had to leave hastily, but would be willing to
appear at any time and in any place to present and explain the
matter.
• • •
Poor Hechler had tough luck. He left Horitz without giving

a forwarding address. T h e day before yesterday the Embassy
was looking for him because an Englishman had died here and
Hechler was supposed to conduct the funeral service. I tele
graphed him this, but of course too late.
Hechler's cook, with whom I had checked at his request,
mournfully told me of this incident and said: “ What a pity!
It was a wealthy funeral.”
• • •
During my absence a letter from Zadoc Kahn arrived, con

taining fresh laments and accusations by the Rothschild director
Scheid. W ho’s lying? Scheid or the Turks who formally denied
the expulsion of Jewish colonists? This must be cleared up now.
I am writing Newlinski about it.
• • •
From London comes the news that the Powers are giving some
thought to deposing Abdul Hamid. If this comes about, the Zion
ist idea will be dead for a long time to come. For a new Sultan
will find money and won't need this combination.
466 T H E COMPLETE DIARIES OF TH EO D O R HERZL
Hechler wires from Gôrlitz:
“Very friendly letter (presumably from Giinthcr), only not
enough time.”
September 16, Vienna

Yesterday, endless debate of the Zionist Federation at the
Café Louvre, later at Robicsck's Restaurant.
A representative of the Lvov Zionists was present, and he
demanded quick action. In one year, 400-600,000 signature)
could be raised in Galicia for a petition to the Powers. He said
there was great distress and the desire to emigrate was immeasur
able. Dr. Gabel is the name of this delegate.
I took him at his word; let him get those signatures. They
would be proof of the strength of our movement and a backbone
for our action, which, however, must not be expected to be ready
tomorrow.
Everybody wanted action, and in the end it turned out that
Schnirer had not even sent out my circular letter about the need
for organization, which 1 had given him weeks ago.
They argued about the wording of the first paragraph in the
party program drafted by Schnirer.
September 16
Reverend Sir:
Having just returned from a trip, 1 hasten to answer your
kind letter of September 7.
I had already been informed that Mr. Scheid is working against
me. From your letter I see that this is true. I am asking myself
what might motivate this gentleman to proceed in this way.
The movement that I started may not have the approbation of
all Jews; but for the present it is incomprehensible to me that
people who have to do with colonization should be fighting it.
Following your first complaint in July, which was transmitted
to me by Dr. Nordau, I immediately took steps at Constantinople
and received an official denial from the Turkish ambassador in
Vienna. This denial I telegraphed to Baron E. Rothschild who
has not acknowledged it to this day.
In August 1 had the ambassador reiterate this denial for me,
because his first letter contained other things which I did not
want to show around. You will find enclosed the letter, which
you will kindly show to Baron Rothschild and Mr. Leven and
then return to me as soon as possible.
Now Mr. Scheid comes with specific accusations. 1 am sending
these to the proper authorities for investigation. 1 shall ask for
a statement as to l) whether the facts are correct, s) whether dif
ficulties of this sort did not arise before 1 came on the scene, 3)
whether the alleged disciplinary measures have any connection
with my efforts.
Since it is pan of the Jewish misfortune that a great deal de
pends on M. de Rothschild’s decisions, this incident has to be
given some attention.
Let anyone who comes close to our project realize its full seri
ousness.
Until now I have conducted the movement considerately and
as a calm man; this is common knowledge. It is known as well
that to me Zionism is neither a sport nor a business. I am not
living on it, but for it. I am making sacrifices of all kinds, which
in proportion to my means are surely no smaller than those of
M. de Rothschild. Therefore I demand that, even if people do
not work with me, they do not work against me.
I believe that we are at a great turning point in our history.
You arc acquainted with the events in Turkey. Never has the
general situation been more favorable to us. 1 am not going into
details of this now, because I regretfully conclude from your
letter that your mind has been changed again, after you had
written me from Weggis that you were going to convene a con
fidential world congress.
I continue to go my way, imperturbably, unshakably.
Strangely enough, quite a few people don’t know yet that 1
can write and can be bought just as little as the disagreeable Mr.
Drumont. I shall not write pamphlets, to be sure, but a simple
report on what I have tried to do and what I perhaps have been
prevented from doing. T he book will be called “T he Return of
the Jews,” and everyone will have his place in it. Tant pis, si cela
fournira encore de la copie a Monsieur Drumont [Too bad if
this will furnish M. Drumont with more material].
With a respectful greeting,
Your Reverend’s devoted
Herzl.

An enthusiastic and touching resolution came from Jerusalem.
T he sender, Wilhelm Gross, writes me that the signers art
among the most respected men of Jerusalem.
He denies—what a strange coincidence—that my efforts have
harmed the Jews there.
I am answering him that he should form an investigating com
mittee of the most respected men. It should consist neither of
friends nor of foes of Scheid, and it should ascertain the three
points of information about which I wrote Zadoc Kahn.
At the same time I am asking him for confidential informa
tion about Scheid, because I don't know him and would like to
know whether it is sincere conviction that prompts him to work
against me, or whether there are other motives at work.
September 84
I received a letter from Zadoc Kahn, with an enclosure from
Scheid in which he says that I have too much confidence in the
Turks. If I was really able to achieve anything, I ought to secure
entry permits for 100 families to the Jaulan. At the same time,
Zadoc informs me that in October there will be a meeting of
the Hirsch Fund people in Paris and that he intends to present
my plan etc. to them.
I immediately went to see Newlinski and told him the mo-
ment had come to frapper un grand coup [strike a big blow]. The
Sultan should give me authorization for the immigration of three
to five hundred families or some other great concession, and
then the Hirsch people etc. would make him an offer.
Newlinski wrote to Izzet and spoke with the local ambassador,
Mahmud Nedim. The latter used the occasion to tell him that
the N. Fr. Pr. reporter who covers the diplomatic corps spoke of
me as a madman.
• • •
In the meantime the following happened: Glogau came to me
with the news that the government wants a rival paper to needle
the N. Fr. Pr., because the N. Fr. Pr. has been getting bothersome
to Badeni's administration since he made his peace with Lueger.
The paper is to be hberal-conservative-anti-Semitic—in short, an
impossibility,—but typographically (swipe-ographically)* pro
duced exactly like the N. Fr. Pr., which, to be sure, originated
in a similar manner from the old Presse.
1 dropped the remark in front of Newlinski that this competi
tion was a stupid thing. If they intended to weaken the N. Fr. Pr.,
they couldn’t do it this way. However, because the word pledged
to me a year ago has not been kept and the Jewish State, the
Jewish cause, has not only not been supported but almost ma
liciously suppressed, I would—found a great paper.
Newlinski immediately told this to his friend Kozmian—on
Monday—, and when I was at the Burgtheater on Tuesday,
Kozmian came up to me and said that Graf Badeni, who was
also present, wished to speak with me about "my" paper. I re
plied that we hadn't got that far yet; only the beginning had
been made, etc.
But the next day, after consulting with Badeni again, Kozmian
called me to his suite in the Hotel Imperial where Newlinski
was also present. Badeni wanted to know through him what I
wanted “for your support.”
1 answered: “Above all, no money I I wish to be independent;
•Translator's Note: HmTs pun Is “ty p o g rtp h U eh (d ie b o g rip h itc h ) "
the mutual relationship must reside more in the attitude. Should
I in any way need help or favor for my idea, then let the govern
ment help me; in return for this 1 shall not give it any displeas
ure.”
“That’s little enough,” said Kozmian, who was in his shin
sleeves and had only put on an overcoat.
“Which means: pleasurel” I declared; "but Count Badeni will
have to support Zionism.”
Kozmian thought he could promise this. Badeni would en
courage Jewish colonization (parbleu! Lueger’s desire, too). And
now suddenly the moment has come of which 1 had a foreboding
in my letter to Badeni that time when my pamphlet was coming
out.
Kozmian also said Badeni would receive me as soon as I wanted
it—and then he left for Galicia from where he will return at the
beginning of October.
As I went out, Newlinski saw me to the door and said: "11
faudra créer aussi à Kozmian une situation dans ce journal [We
will have to create a job on this paper for Kozmian too].”
I said: "Ce n’est pas possible, mais je tâcherai de l’intéressa
autrement [That isn’t possible, but I shall try to take caTe of him
some other way].”
At this Newlinski said pithily: "Il en a besoin [He needs it]."
• • •
I am now doing the spade work for the founding of the paper.
Tough financial problem. Dessauer is advising me.
September 25
Reverend Sir:
I gratefully acknowledge receipt of your kind letter with en
closures. Yesterday I had the Turkish ambassador here addrea
an inquiry to Constantinople, and a few days before that I had
already taken the necessary direct steps there. In Turkey people
have many great worries now; and it will not be surprising if
they do not give me an immediate answer, although I have well-
founded reason to believe that they are very favorably disposed
toward me.
I beg you to give me the exact date on which the Hirsch peo
ple will meet, so that I may send you the proclamation which I
requested from Constantinople for you to submit to the gentle
men, or bring it to Paris myself. You see, I asked for a confirma
tion of the verbal declarations made to me, one that will exclude
all doubt. If I receive such a confirmation, I believe it will be
substantial material for the Paris conference which you an
nounced.
I am active in various other respects, too. I have met with co
operation in particular from a very high place here in Austria.
As for the other things favorable to us—in Rome and in Berlin—
I cannot write you about them. I am (kindly pardon my frank
ness!) not wholly convinced that you will go along through thick
and thin, the way the cause may require it.
However, this does not preclude the fact that I am sincerely
grateful to you for your efforts and beg you to continue to help
to the extent that you can help.
Herzl.
Could not Edmond Rothschild try to approach the Czar in

Paris now and bespeak his kind interest in the colonization? O ur
endeavors do converge, even if we diverge on details.
September <5
Newlinski tells me he has news from Cardinal Agliardi that
Cardinal Rampolla intends to submit my idea to the Pope.
• • •
Hechler has been here a few times already to ask whether I
have written to Prince GûntheT. I have been too feeble and
distracted in the last few days.
Yesterday Schnirer and Kokesch came to see me. They com
plained that little Dr. Kohn “wanted to break loose." They said
he was agitating on his own in Moravia etc. and there ought to
be “inner-political" action. Both called Kohn a careerist who
was interested only in getting hold of a position for himself.
Schnirer spoke of withdrawing. Kokesch wanted to bring Kohn
back into the fold through concessions. I told these two, who are
among the finest of the local Zionists:
“Neither one nor the other, but work I
“If you finally start the much-talked-of work of organization
you will cut the ground from under these separatists."
Schnirer said he had called upon Kohn to let “us," i.e., the
Zionist Federation, have the results of his agitation. Kohn re
fused, saying that he had not done this “for us."
However, I hear from Moravia that the young people are agi
tating in my name—and yet "not for us”?
At length Schnirer, Kokesch, and I decided to set up commis
sions which would have to report to the leadership, i.e., to ui
One commission for the associations, another for the press, a
finance commission and a study commission.
The only trouble is that Schnirer and Kokesch will soon let the
mattet go to sleep again.
• • •
Today Rabbi Dr. Leopold Goldschmied of Mieslitz came to see

me and asked me for my support, because he would like to be
come rabbi at Floridsdorf. He is a Zionist. He told me on this
occasion that the young people in Moravia are writing the rabbis
to raise share certificates at 50 guilders each for the found
ing of a Jewish newspaper.
This is evidently Kohn's idea.
October 5, Vienna
Since the last entry, hard, chaotic days with much sorrow and
disgust. I had dealings with “practical" people from the business
and political worlds, and often regretted that I had to step out
of the literary world into this hustle and bustle.
A few days were filled with attempts to found the newspaper.
Dessauer the bank director had told me for months that he, or
rather, his bank, would participate in the founding of the news
paper (which, of course, was conceived as a respectable venture,
independent of financial deals) with part of the share capital.
But when I came to see him with Colbert and Steiner—-of the
Wiener Mode publishing house— he declared: “You mustn't
take me at my word like that."
It was a humiliating situation.
Then a different combination was started, in which a few
relatives and I are supposed to procure half of the necessary
money. But we shall have a hard time raising the other half.
Meanwhile, however, I informed Count Badeni through New-
linski and Kozmian that I intended to start a big newspaper to
represent my idea. T h e inner-political situation is such that this
is also in Badeni's interest. He sent me word through Kozmian
that he would receive me as soon as I wished to talk with him.
I purposely didn’t go while I still had not completed raising the
money for the paper. I still haven't completed it. And because
Dessauer broke his word, I am now disgraced before Newlinski,
Kozmian, and Badeni. As it is, Badeni had declared at the out
set that he didn’t think I would make it. He said I was a weak
man. Kozmian had asked me what I wanted in return for “sup
porting the government." I answered him that I couldn't accept
a financial subvention of any kind, but wished to perform serv
ices for the Badeni Cabinet in return for the advancement of my
Zionist policies. Kozmian didn't quite seem to understand how
anyone could do something like that gratis.
When I had to inform Newlinski that my newspaper attempts
had as good as failed, he flew into a great rage (I had held out
to him the prospect of a good position on the paper as a special
correspondent). He said he was disappointed in me, that I was
obviously not the man to carry the idea out. I was too much of
an idealist. I ought to ask money from Montagu, E. Rothschild,
etc., to create a great organ. In reply to this I said that I would
never bring myself to ask anyone for money that would look as
though it were given to me.
Thereupon he said it was best to drop the whole matter.
I then accompanied him to the Turkish embassy. He joked:
"If we two were conspirators, and it were a question of stealing
dynamite, and you refused to steal, I would draw my gun and
shoot you down.”
I truly believe that energy of this kind would be needed to
see things through. I don’t have it. I shrink back from asking for
money for agitation, let alone raising it in an ungen teel manner.
When the Steyrermiihl combination was in progress, I was
bothered by the stock-exchange atmosphere about it, and it was
with relief that I had the shares sold again when the combination
turned out to be unworkable.
Incidentally, Newlinski now has an opportunity figuratively
to draw a gun, by passing on the information given him in con
fidence to Bâcher and Benedikt.
Then I would suddenly be sitting on the floor, between two
chairs.
Today I met Benedikt on the street before I went to the office,
and he walked along with me through the city for an hour. 1
asked him whether he had by now been brought closer to Zion
ism by all that had happened in Austria within a year— I.ucger
with the Emperor, Badeni’s reconciliation with the anti-Semites,
etc.
He insisted that the N. F t . F t . had to keep to the German-
Liberal standpoint. The Jewish-nationalist movement was a mis
fortune, etc. Moravia in particular was thereby being lo6t to
Liberalism. Despite this, his opposition seemed weaker to me
today than it was half a year ago.
This half a year has been rather meaningful for me. The
Viennese Jews seem to have become more pliable. There was
something peculiar about that. I was indifferent to the advances
of anti-Semitism, I hardly noticed them. On the other hand,
vexation was forcing Benedikt and Company more over to my
side every day.
On how many points have I already proved to be right!
Oppenheim, who a year ago declared my pamphlet a bad joke,
said today that I could quite well write a few factual articles
about Zionism for the N. Fr. P t.
That would be a solution.
In any case, difficult days are ahead for me again, like a year
ago, when I was supposed to leave the N . Fr. Pr. and had so
many palpitations during the negotiations that my heart has
been ailing ever since.
Again there are suspenseful instalments in the novel of my
life. Perhaps the movement will now propel me out of my secure
position with the N. Fr. Pr. and into adventures which I face
not without worry on account of my family.
Newlinski tells me a remark of Bacher’s. One evening they
ran into each other in the Prater. Bâcher asked à brûle pour
point [point-blank]: “What are you doing with Herzl?”
Newlinski replied: “ I am helping him with the Turkish gov
ernment in matters of Jewish colonization."
Whereupon Bâcher said: “ Herzl is such a prig!” •
October 6
Of all the people who have been drawn to me by the “move
ment," the Rev. Hechler is the finest and most fanciful. But I
believe he wants to convert me.
He frequently writes me postcards, for no particular reason,
telling me that he hasn’t been able to sleep the previous night
because Jerusalem came into his mind.
0Translator'! Note: Bâcher called Herzl a Schmock—a word of Slovene origin
meaning "fool." It was popularized by the German writer Gustav Frey Lag who
used it as the name of an unprincipled Jewish newspaperman in hb comedy Die
Joumalhten (1851). Schmock b used In colloquial German to designate a pompous,
snobbish, self-satisfied, pretentious person.
October 10
Again several days of ups and downs in the newspaper project.
A number of times everything seemed all set, then again: lout
est rompu, mon gendre [everything’s gone to smash, my son-in-
law].*
These reversals are uninteresting and deserve to be forgotten,
unless they are written down immediately.
But last night there was a substantial development at the of
fice. Bâcher called me to his room.
I thought he wanted to speak about my plan for a newspaper,
and inwardly made ready for a battle. Was the break going to
come this early?
Bâcher asked: “What arrangements have you made for the
Neue Presse in Constantinople?”
I was quite dumbfounded. “Arrangements? None whatever."
He: “You were down there with Newlinski?”
I: ‘Tes. T hat is common knowledge.”
He: “ He took you around to the Ministers?”
I: “Yes indeed.”
He: “Today we were informed for the second time that you
have been to Constantinople in order to ask the Turkish gov
ernment for a subvention of three thousand pounds for the A.
Fr. Pr. People are commonly saying in Constantinople that yoa
actually received some money. We were confidentially notified
by the Vienna Foreign Office, and Adler, the president of the
Austrian Board of Trade at Constantinople, wrote us the same
thing.”
My good, clear conscience allowed me to take this powerful
news with the utmost calm.
I said: “And did you believe this for a single moment? Don't
you know me? I should think you'd have to take me for a gentle
man at least.”
Bâcher immediately backed down.
• Translator's Note: A line from Act I of Eugène Labiche's play Un chapeau dt
paille d'Italie.
“We believed nothing more than that Newlinski played a
dirty trick while your back and ours were turned. He must have
used your presence to take money from the Turks.”
I declared categorically: “ I shall get to the bottom of this. In
Constantinople I always drew a clear line between my capacity
as an editor of the N . F t . P t . and my capacity as a representative
of the Jewish cause. It was no secret to the Turkish authorities
that I came there only for the sake of the Jewish cause. My first
audience with the Grand Vizier was devoted exclusively to the
Jewish cause. Only the second one was an interview in which,
incidentally, I wasn’t any more officious than, for example,
Schütz was in Russia recently in his talks with the Russian states
men.”
Bâcher pursued the matter clumsily: ”T ell me everythingl
With whom did you speak?”
I began: "With the Grand Vizier . . . ,” but quickly caught
myself and stopped: “ I am not going to tell you this. You are an
opponent of my movement. Open the columns of the N. F t. P t .
to me and I shall tell everything in public!”
He shouted: "That 1 shall never permit. I cannot take your
point of view. There is no such thing as a Jewish problem, there
is only a human problem."
I: “I pledge myself to explain the matter to our readers with
out compromising your point of view. What objection will you
make to Jewish colonization?”
He: ”1 don't want the Jews to emigrate at all. Incidentally,
the colonists perish. All the Russian Jews come back.”
I: "Yes, from Argentina, because Hirsch tackled the matter
badly.”
He: "And the Palestine ones are shnorrers [beggars], all of
them.”
I: "Not true! T h e Palestine colonies are thriving. Just as you
don’t know this, your readers don’t know it. Let me explain it
to them.”
He wavered a bit, but didn't give in.
Then I went to Benedikt, who spoke with more sugar-coating,
even declared that neither he nor Bachcr nor D6czy had had am
suspicion against me. I had simply been incautious; I would cer
tainly know what and whom (Ncwlinski) he meant. The comt-
quence of this incident was that today the N. F t . P t . would put
lish a furious editorial against Turkey. This was the only vro
that gossip could be knocked on the head.
I closed in on him, too, with the Jewish cause, saying that h;
should let me write a series of articles. He said that could not bt
done. They could not give up the Austrian point of view. 1 tot
him: “You are a good Jew, aren’t you? Why shouldn't 1 be abk
to get through to you? An awful lot depends on you. Go along
with me and thousands will follow*. Let me first explain every
thing that has happened in the past year. Then you will belie*
me.
He said: “We can cenainly talk. You know that I enjoy having
a heart-to-heart talk with you."
In short, the conversation closed on a peaceful note.
Still, I don't trust this peace. I had the impression that tbo
are afraid of me and have got wind of my newspaper plans.
Perhaps that slanderous story is only a war ruse against mt
so as to foster the suspicion, in the event that 1 leave, that I n
dismissed because of some dirty financial matter. Or do the
want to separate me from Newlinski, i.e., from Kormian uc
Badeni? Or make it impossible for me to leave the .V. F t . h
The next days will bring the answer.
October n
Last night a serious altercation with Bâcher.
At noon I had told him that I intended to challenge Dday u
a duel because of his remark. Earlier still I had spoken with ir
colleague Vincenti and asked him if he wanted to be my second
Vincenti pretended a trip, but let me tell him the story “in cot
fidence." Bâcher explained to me that Ddczy had only circulât*
some confidential information as a friend (with a "breach of d
ficial secrecy”). Dôczy's statement had been friendly in characte
toward me as well. And if I challenged Dôczy, I would have e
challenge him— Bâcher— as well. I said: “Certainly I would chal
lenge you if you said something defamatory about me.”
However, I dropped the whole thing after Bâcher made this
friendly declaration.
Meanwhile, Vincenti had blabbed in the “foreign" room. All
the "foreign boys" were talking about the matter. In the evening
Bâcher sent for me and took me to task furiously:
"Mister, what have you got in your head? You have committed
an act of disloyalty by spreading the story about. Ddczy could
lose his job, etc."
It did not suit me to have a bad quarrel recorded as the cause
of my resignation from the N . F t . F t . Therefore I answered reso
lutely but calmly: “ I most firmly reject the chaige of disloyalty.
If Vincenti blabbed in spite of his promise of secrecy, that is not
my fault. Incidentally, I saw Newlinski this afternoon and didn’t
mention Ddczy to him. I am convinced that Newlinski, too, had
absolutely no part in this subvention story. But you will under
stand that I could not simply let the matter pass. In your editorial
of today you demanded the partitioning of Turkey. This puts
you in the clear, but I’m still in the woods."
Thereupon he calmed down and declared that I had not been
compromised at all. Vincenti came in, was embarrassed because
his blabbing had caused the fuss, but finally the big row did have
a peaceful ending. Bâcher gave me his hand with his grumpy,
false good-nature, more than ever bourru malfaisant [a churlish
trouble-maker].
However, I have the impression that they will soon forcibly
squeeze me out of the paper. That would be a catastrophe, be
cause the financial combinations for the founding of my paper
have miscarried.
October 11
From Zadoc Kahn I received the information that the Hirsch
people of the Jewish Colonisation Association• are going to meet
480 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZi
on the 14th in Paris, but their power is said to be limited by an
act Of Parliament to which the Hirsch Foundation is subject.
I am answering him:
Reverend Sir:
A t present it is not possible for me to come to Paris. Unfortu
nately I must also doubt that the gentlemen who are going to
convene there will want to hear what I have to say.
You will surely recall from my letters how our cause stands,
since I informed you of some of the main points. This informa
tion, coupled with your eloquent presentation, will be enough
to give the gentlemen a picture of the situation.
I shall compress the result of my endeavors up to now into a
few words: All strata of our people are receiving the idea of a
Jewish State with enthusiasm. In Turkey there is disposition to
permit colonization on a large scale if a lot is paid for it.
In the highest government circles of certain countries my plan
is receiving serious and benevolent consideration.
If the gentlemen assembled in Paris care to go into the matter
just as earnestly, I am at their disposal for further information
In addition, I make the following positive proposal. Let the
gentlemen found or buy one large daily paper in London and
one in Paris. There are papers that yield a good profit and
on which the Fund would not lose anything. Th e politics of the
Jews should be conducted through these papers, for or against
Turkey, depending on circumstances, etc. On the outside, the
papers need not be recognizable as Jewish sheets. As editor-in-
chief for London I recommend Luden Wolf, for Paris, Bernard
Lazare.
I consider this one of the next essential tasks. If the gentle
men understand what is now going on in Turkey, they will re
alize the historical greatness of the moment.
Herzl.
October 13
Today I got a phone call at the office from the Turkish em
bassy, saying that they wanted to talk with me in the afternoon.
I immediately wrote to Mahmud Nedim Pasha, expressing my
regrets at being unable to call on him. But I would be home all
afternoon.
The ambassador replied he had only wanted to deliver a docu
ment to me and “have a cigarette" with me.
The document apparently is the certificate of decoration and
serves as a pretext to speak with me about the slander affair.
Probably the anti-Turkish editorial in the N . Fr. Pr. has
caused consternation in Constantinople, too.
Once again I become involved in high politics unexpectedly
and without my doing anything toward it.
According to a newspaper despatch from Constantinople of
today's date, the Foreign Minister, Tewfik Pasha, has said that
Turkey wishes to run a railroad through Palestine and construct
a passage to India.
That was my proposal.
October 13
I must frankly admit it to myself: I am demoralized.

From no side help, from all sides attacks. Nordau writes me
from Paris that nobody stirs there any longer. T h e Maocabeans
in London are more and more Pickwickian, if I may believe the
reports of my faithful de Haas. In Germany I have only oppo
nents. The Russians look on sympathetically while I wear myself
out, but none of them lends a hand.
In Austria, particularly Vienna, I have a few adherents. O f
these, the disinterested ones are completely inactive; the others,
the active ones, want to advance their careen through an editor
of the N. Ft. Pr.
Added to this is the slander campaign, whose leader appears
to be the worthy Scheid.
All the Jews who are well off are my opponents.
So that I am beginning to have the right to be the biggest ol
all anti-Semites.
I often think of Levysohn’s words: “Those whom you want to
help will start by nailing you rather painfully to the cross."
October 14
Today I went to see Mahmud Nedim Pasha, the Turkish Am
bassador. He received me amiably with the decree of appoint
ment to the Mejidiye order and said he hoped to be able soon
to hand me the star for my chest as well.
I acted as though I felt greatly honored.
We then chatted. Mahmud Nedim again had his funny wai
of expressing himself: “ Imaginez-vous que vous n’éles pas un
homme politique et pas un Autrichien, et imaginez que je ne
suis pas ambassadeur. Vous êtes un Chilien et moi du Pérou—e.
maintenant parlons de la Turquie [Let’s pretend that you arc
not a political man and not an Austrian, and that I am not as
ambassador. You are a Chilean and I am from Peru— and non
let’s talk about Turkey].”
What he meant to say was: let us talk freely.
So I gave him my opinion freely. I said there was only one
salvation for Turkey: an agreement with the Jews regarding
Palestine. In this way the finances could be straightened out
reforms carried out, and after a restoration of orderly conditions
any foreign intervention could be permanently forbidden. A!
financial arrangements that are being proposed are short-tenD
expédients and only serve to fill the pockets of a few stock market
speculators.
Mahmud Nedim nodded uneasily to this and openly spoke
about the desperate condition of the state finances. T h e Turkish
people were utterly impoverished and no more taxes could be
levied. Where there are no resources, the Sultan has lost his
rights.* He, Mahmud Nedim himself, completely shared dit
point of view; he also thought that it would be possible to re-
• Translutor'f Note: An «mmlng play on the German proverb W o n ic h u iit, ha
dor Kaiser das R ech t verloren.
habilitate Turkey with the aid of the Jews. But he said he had
no influence in Constantinople. He thinks the immigration of
Jews into Palestine could, in any case, take place only if these
Jews were willing to become Turkish subjects.
On the whole, he doesn’t really seem to understand what I
mean. I contented myself with inflaming his imagination by
sketching with a few strokes a picture of Turkey's resurrection
with the aid of the Jews. Turkey’s heirs-apparent, who are re
joicing even now, would be done out of the expected partition.
La Turquie échapperait à ses heritiers [Turkey would fool its
heirsjl
Mahmud Nedim had also spoken with me quite openly. He
said: “For two weeks I have heard nothing from Constantinople.
That is a good sign. If no turn for the worse is reported of a
sick man, one may hope again.’’
He was quite resigned, the poor ambassador.
Mahmud Nedim also spoke in a funny way of our religions.
"The Moslems,” he said, "are closer to the Jews than to the
Christians. Among us anyone who makes an insulting remark
about Moses or Abraham has his head cut off. Also, we are cir-
cumcized, like yourselves. You could pass for a Mohammedan, I,
for a Jew. Christ w*e don’t recognize as the son of God, at least
not any more than anyone else. T o us, all these are prophets."
October 16
Today there again is a murder-and-fire-alarm article on “Con
ditions on the Bosporus” in the Neue Freie Presse.
October 19
Young de Haas in London seems to be doing an effective job,
to judge from his letters.
He has a hundred stalwarts,* who call themselves B’nai Zion
and do plenty of agitating. He wants to win over the Hovevei
Zion (3000 members), and march on from there. T h e English
* In English in the origin*!.
provinces and America, he writes, are attaching themselves to
his movement.
I am writing him that I am now trying to obtain an audience
with the Emperor of Russia. Also, that I have spoken with
Mahmud Nedim about the Turkish finances and their rehabili
tation through Jewish money. I am asking de Haas whether he
thinks that Montagu and Goldsmid would accept an invitation
from the Sultan to make proposals in Constantinople.
• • •
Yesterday I sent Hechler the Russian translation of my pam

phlet, which is finished at last, for the Czar. At the same time I
sketched for him in a few lines what he should write to Duke
Günther and Prince Heinrich of Prussia about the financial re
habilitation of Turkey and the preservation of the status quo
with the aid of the Jewish migration.
• • •
An item from the Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung of October iS.

1896:
“A Hundred and Fifty Millions

For Zionist Purposes”
In the Dziennik Polski we found the following item: “ One of
the most outstanding Zionist leaders in Lvov has received a let
ter from the well-known author of the pamphlet The Jewish
Stale, Dr. Theodor Herzl, with the information that an English
millionaire has the intention of sacrificing 150 million guilden
for the restoration of the Palestinian state. However, the mil
lionaire first wants to have proof that the Polish Jews are realh
prepared to emigrate. Dr. Herzl is now asking the Lvov Zionists
to convene popular assemblies all over the country and collect
as great a number of signatures as possible to serve him as proof
and at the same time as a mandate for further negotiations with
the above-mentioned millionaire. Dr. Herd's letter has given
rise to tense scenes at a session of the Zionist Executive Commit
tee. Some of the members expressed doubts regarding Dr. Herzl's
love of truth and demanded that he should first send them the
original letter from that English Croesus and also prove that he
really had an audience with the Sultan and received assurances
that the latter would give the matter of the founding of a Jewish
State in Palestine his favorable attention. It was allegedly for
these reasons that Dr. Herzl was not granted the desired mandate.
The suspicion remains not unjustified that the Zionists were
simply aware of the fact that they would not succeed in raising
the requisite number of signatures.''
October a*
Letter to Mahmud Nedim Bey: •
Your Excellency:
Penoit me to express to you my gratitude for the decoration
which His Majesty has done me the honor of conferring upon me.
Respectfully yours.
Dr. Theodor Herzl.
Enclosed letter to the Sultan:*
Sire:
His Excellency Mahmud Nedim Bey has been kind enough to
deliver to me the patent of decoration which Your Majesty has
done me the honor of conferring upon me.
In expressing my profound appreciation for that token of fa
vor, I beg Your Majesty to continue to bestow your eminent
benevolence upon the Jews. On the day when it will please Your
Majesty to accept the services of the Jews, they will joyfully
place their forces at the disposal of such a magnanimous monarch.
1 am with the deepest respect. Sire, Your Majesty’s most hum
ble and obedient servant
Dr. Theodor Herzl.

- * COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HEM1
(T he flowery complimentary close at the end,* which mayh
a b it extreme, 1 copied from the Usages du Monde [World
Usage], Section on 44lettres à des personnages [letters to impor
tant people],” by Baroness de Staffe.)
* In Che French original: J e su is avec le p lu s profond r a p e d ,
Sire,
De Voire Majesté
L e tr is h u m b le el obéissant imiteur."
-f-, t ^ Æ*"’* y* <u~**'*‘~** • ^

A ca . ** y**"
1» «
y •vu»i4
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^ r *4 -*li^
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F acsim ile o f p a rt o f a letter by H erd to Professor Richard Gotthal, So

Y o r k , d a te d M arch iy , 1904. In it H erd thanks Gottheil for his imitation M
c o m e to A m erica a n d states that Zionism is only his "secondary occupation‘
a n d th a t h e cannot give up his job on the Sene Trese Prase, because Iks
“seco n d a ry occupation" must not yield him any income.
JX tÿW ftr
ArJ éetiam t n j AJmumttlrmit-m V L * * .
. ***■
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c£ Z f* f
fZ-j^Z. *U*~*+- /<**}+.
L ~ Ç r+ L ~ u -* r
rUk A££+—r ,
Facsimile of a letter written by Herd to Professor Richard Gottheil dated

August 30, ipos. In it Herd invites Gottheil to Alt Aussee. The letter is con
tinued on page 488.
>£«*-? "*• • *"*'
J^-c. —•*« -
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-4 . —TW*
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-fc r ' ?
Second page of Herzfs letter to Professor Richard Gottheil dated Aural

20,1902. ' 0
October 22
Yesterday afternoon Kozmian paid me a long visit— and on
orders from Badeni. Badeni very much wants me to start a big
newspaper and regards this as a considerable service for which
he wants to be very grateful to me.
I wanted to talk diplomatically, but Kozmian asked with a
certain rudeness:
"What do you want for it? Come right out with it. What do
you want for yourself, and what for the Jews?"
He spoke in French, but 1 changed over to German, pour faire
sentir davantage les nuances [to bring out the shades of meaning
better].
He said:* "The government understands that you will be ren
dering it an invaluable service. You need a politico-social posi
tion which is to be created. What are your demands? Seeing that
it isn’t money? Would you like an office, a title, some distinc
tion?”
I said: "It can’t be a question of an office if I have to start a
paper. Newlinski suggested a decoration for me, the Iron Crown,
for example."
"What class?" he asked.
I said, ‘T h ird !," but should have said "Second.” "But that
isn’t the main thing. It is a question of giving something to the
Jews. For example, a word from the Emperor. Having conferred
this distinction upon me, he would receive me and give me good
news for the Jews, with authorization to make it public. What?
We would agree on that then and there."
‘That's hardi” said Kozmian. "One can’t make the Emperor
enter the discussion just like that. T h e Emperor hasn't any
thing against the Jews; he just doesn’t like the stock-market gam
blers. Badeni is likewise rather a philo-Semite. There certainly
won’t be any more persecutions of the Jews."
• The following convenation between Hcrzl and KoemUn is reported In French
in the original.
489
I interrupted him: "I’m not afraid of persecutions, that no
longer exists."
He: "Of course, I can’t tell you anything definite as far as the
Emperor personally is concerned. I'll talk to Badcni. I'll tell him
what you've told me. He has a very practical mind. 1le wants the
paper before the elections. He will hold the elections in Febru
ary or March if he gets the budget passed now. And if they re
fuse, he will hold them right away. Therefore he needs immedi
ately a great independent paper which won’t be hostile to him.
but will treat him objectively.”
I finally said that I would consult with my friends on what *t
ought to demand.
He said that it was difficult to gTant me anything in advance
I could have the promise of the Iron Crown, and Count Badeni
would surely keep this promise even if he had to resign.
I invited Kozmian to dinner for next Monday. By then 1 shall
have spoken with several friends.
Especially with Dr. Griinfeld, the President of the Israclitische
Union, who recently asked me to give a lecture. This time 1ac
cepted, and so I shall make my first speech in Vienna. When
Griinfeld visited me, I took the opportunity of telling him some
thing about the pending negotiations with Badeni and how he
now had the chance to found a Jewish party with the aid of the
government.
But we’d have to have a paper, a paper, and for that one
needs money, money. I have family funds in the amount of 400,-
000 guilders at my disposal. But a full million is needed.
• • •
Last night I attended a gala party of the Kadimah. A series of

ovations. My name was mentioned ahead of the other guests of
honor; I sat to the right of the chairman and was elected an
"honorary brother." All the speakers referred to me. On ne park
que de moi là dedans [They talk about nothing but me in there]
I am only afraid that the intoxication of popularity will be
followed by a hangover.
For the moment it is still very nice.
October 22
Today’s N. Fr. Pr. contains a very poisonous editorial against
Yildiz Kiosk, Izzet Bey, and Lufti Aga. The article will do a lot
of harm to me in Constantinople and indirectly perhaps to Jew
ish colonists in Palestine as well.
The situation has really become untenable. La situation n’est
pas franche [The situation is confused]. If only I had the money
for the papeT, we would be on top at one bound.
October 24
Yesterday Sidney Whitman, a friend of Prince Bismarck, Len-
bach the painter, the Sultan, and Gordon Bennet, as well as the
London representative of the New York Herald, came to see me.
An original person. Appearance: a slouchy Englishman, lanky,
stooped, and, I think, a bit of a sot. A head with character—a
grandly conceived nose which suddenly stops before it has ar
rived at its planned end. A curious beard, full under the chin,
square, greying. He speaks an excellent German, in the big-
mouthed tone of a fault-finder. With a correspondent's bragga
docio he tells about his adventures in Constantinople where he
was at the time of the Armenian massacres. When he wrote, he
always had a cocked gun lying on his table, for fear of an Ar
menian attack, since he was fighting the Sultan's battles. The
Sultan gave him decorations and handshakes. It was Sidney Whit
man who sent the word speeding to Europe that the Turks would
murder all the Christians they could get hold of if the Powers
intervened.
This “news” was evidently responsible for the preservation of
the peace.
Whitman is now going to Friedrichsruh to see Bismarck, and
he will endeavor to interest him in my plan.
• • •
Later Dr. Griinfeld brought Dr. Gustav Kohn, an attorney
and District School Inspector, to see me. Dr. Kohn wants to set
up the syndicate of financial guarantors for the newspaper which
is to be founded. The first man he had mentioned was Baron
Albert Rothschild, whom I rejected outright. T he plan is this:
the Jews found a paper which supports Count Badeni independ-
endy, and in return for this Badeni adopts an attitude more
friendly to the Jews.
October 26
Today Kozmian was here for dinner. I was not able to give
him a definite commitment for Badeni as yet. T he latter wants
the paper very urgently, because of the N. F t. P t. which is trou
blesome to him and whose virtual monopoly in Vienna he would
like to break, and on account of the Reichsrat elections.
November 4
Part of my mood at this time is a feeling of enervation which
increases from day to day. Dr. Gustav Kohn is supposed to or
ganize the newspaper consortium. Those who decline will per
haps not keep silent about it, and so far no one has promised his
adherence. Thus I am at the mercy of the dubious discretion of
unknowns, and every day, when I enter the “Chiefs Room," I
am prepared for a declaration of war.
Kozmian-Newlinski, too, could let something slip. Already the
rumor has circulated around the office that I have bought the
Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung.
November 8
Yesterday I made my first public speech in Vienna, in the
Israelitische Union.
Kuhner’s hall was frighteningly full. Because of the oppres
sive heat and my deficient preparation for the speech, I was not
in good form, and I did have the feeling of gaps in my thinking
to the end. Despite this, the success was tempestuous.
Professor Singer, whom I had annoyed by a reference to the
social politicians who have now emerged— I referred to the
Marranos of Spain as religious politicians— immediately an
nounced a speech in rebuttal, whereupon I requested that a
discussion of the latter be scheduled.
The president of the Union, Dr. Griinfeld, thanked me in his
speech for explaining what had hitherto been considered a
Utopia.
• • •
I spoke particularly in opposition to the projected Russo-

French adjustment of Turkey's finances, because this would cut
off the road to Palestine for us. I am sending this part of my
speech to de Haas in London today. T h e main sentence goes as
follows:
'T h e Jewish big bankers who would participate in this, with
out consideration for the sufferings of the penniless Jews and
without using this opportunity to contribute to the solution of
the Jewish Question, would incur a grave responsibility."
At the same time I am calling on Haas to agitate against it
in England and America. He should, together with Rev. Gaster,
Rabbinowicz, Ish Kishor, call a mass protest meeting in the East
End.
At the same time I am suggesting the raising of a National
Fund which is to make us independent of the big bankers.
November 8
Letter to Adolf Stand in Lvov who has announced himself to
me as head of the Executive Committee. (In the introduc
tion I express the desire for unification of all Austrian Zionist
associations in the Zionist Federation of Vienna. Then, literally:)
“Zionism is now threatened by an enormous danger. You
know that a Russo-French adjustment of the Turkish finança
is being planned. If this comes about, the Sultan will be medi
atized, incapable of action, and all hope of obtaining Palestine
for ourselves will be buried.
“Therefore the Jewish big bankers must not help to bring this
abouti
“Yesterday I spoke against it in the local Union. My speed
will appear in Bloch's Wochenschrift. I gave instructions to my
Committee in England to initiate a big agitation against this
loan.
“All that you in Galicia can do is to inform the masses of what
is going on.
“However, I beg you to proceed sensibly and cautiously, »
that no more such perfidious and ridiculous stories may arise at
the one in the Dziennik Polski.
“You are now getting your first opportunity to demonstrate
your effectiveness as the head of a country’s Executive Commit
tee.
“Seek contact with the most influential Orthodox rabbis.
“In my yesterday's speech, whose dissemination is desirable, I
also made a suggestion that is important for the future:
“In all places where Jews reside, a National Fund should be
started through collections, donations, etc. The Fund will every
where remain under the management of those who raised il, or
conditionally subscribed to it. Only statements of account an
to be given to the central office. This way ihe latter will knot
what assets can be counted on the moment our plan is carried
out. And we shall no longer be dependent on the good graces of
the big bankers.
“Think over well and carefully whatever you do in carrying
out this assignment.
With Zion's greeting,
Yours,
T h. Herzl."
November 10
A man from Jerusalem named Back came to see me. He is
traveling around in Europe in order to found an agrarian bank
for Palestine— a vest-pocket Jewish Company,* evidently his vest-
pocket.
He claims to be under the patronage of the Galician Wonder-
Rabbi Friedmann.
• • •
Dr. Gustav Kohn informs me that his fund-raising efforts have
failed.
So nothing comes of the great paper; the hopes which were at
tached to it are extinguished.
From this solid centre I could have achieved tremendous
things. All this has now come to naught.
• • •
Levin-Epstein, the administrator of the Rehovoth colony in
Palestine, came to see me.
He told me about Scheid, that he was trying to keep the colo
nies in economic dependence, and at all coeu.
In Rishon le-Zion, he said, there is an official's family for al
most every colonist's family. Therefore, prosperity is out of the
question.
In L. Epstein's view, Scheid probably spread those false ru
mors in order to offer the Baron an excuse for the failure of the
baksheesh-boughi settlement in the Hauran.
The Armenian Devleth is said to have acted as baksheesh-
giver in Constantinople.
November 14
Today I walked Benedikt home from the office and worked on
him again. If he would take up the matter, I said, it would be
accomplished.
On the way we ran into old coal-Gutmann who said, pounding
* Id EngUab la the original.
his paunch pretentiously, that today he had been offered the
Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung for purchase. He said that he had
already invested a lot of money in newspapers, to be sure, but
might buy it anyway, because 70 people could lose their liveli
hood. So he is even performing an act of mercy by buying this
paper in which his dirty interests are then to be defended. A
compounded disgrace.
After we had got rid of this bore, we continued our talk. I
expounded to Benedikt my “plan for a graduated loan."
He said: “Things are beginning to clear up. You no longer go
as far as you used to. Colonization on a large scale—without
Zionism—is something that can be discussed. We'll come back to
it later."
In the afternoon, Wolffsohn from Cologne called on me, a

stalwart, likeable man who had already made a good impression
on me when he had come to see me the first time some months
ago.
I told him everything. He marveled at my accomplishment! in
Constantinople, London, here, and particularly in Karlsruhe
because from Cologne he looks up to the Grand Duke of Baden
as though to a peak.
I told him about Scheid's intrigues, some of which he knew
about. Through Dr. Holtzmann he wants to produce material
on Scheid's mismanagement.
I told him about the attitudes of Edmond Rothschild and
Zadoc Kahn. The latter, after all, informed me in his last letter
that the Hirsch people took a more than cool attitude toward
my undertaking and that it would be best if I dropped the mat
ter henceforth.
But the good Wolffsohn was downright horrified when I do
scribed to him the broken-down negotiations with Badeni-Koz-
mian. What misery lies in the fact that I cannot raise the lousy
million guilders required to found the great paper and thus to
procure the support of Badeni, the entire Austrian government
One single million guilders! Because of the fact that it is not
available for the purpose now, the historical moment in which
the solution of the Jewish Question is possible may be missed.
Badeni needs me now. Even if he still remain* in office after
the Reichsrat elections, he will then no longer need me
and consequently not push me in Russia as well as in Turkey.
Et la chance est bien manquée [And the opportunity will really
be lœt].
Letter to Grande Duke Vladimir who is staying in Berlin at

present:
Your Imperial Highness: *
His Royal Highness Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria told me in
July at Carlsbad: "T h e only man in Russia who could help you
is Grand Duke Vladimir!"
What is it all about?
It is about the solution of a question as old as Christianity, a
great and beautiful cause, designed to delight the noblest hearts.
It is the return of the Jews to Palestine!
I have developed the plan in a pamphlet which has been trans
lated into ten languages. I have the honor of presenting to Your
Imperial Highness a copy of the Russian edition. Since this pub
lication I have taken some steps at Constantinople, where
I have seen the Grand Vizier, and elsewhere.
His Royal Highness the Grand Duke of Baden has done me
the honor of receiving me at Karlsruhe and has been kind enough
to take an interest in the cause.
I respectfully put myself at the disposal of Your Imperial High
ness to explain the idea in its entirety, without the restrictions
necessary in a book. It is easy to get information about me— I am
an editor of the Neve Freie Presse of Vienna— and to find out if
I am embarrassing, if there is any reason to fear the slightest in
discretion on my part.
His Royal Highness the Grand Duke of Baden can tell you.
• lo French in the original.

If Your Imperial Highness is kind enough lo accord me the fa
vor of receiving me, I shall come to Berlin, to St. Petersburg, it
does not matter where.
The solution of the Jewish Question is a superb project.
The Jews can come to the aid of the broken-down finances of
Turkey. This would facilitate the reforms that are indispensable
for the relief of the unfortunate Christians in the Ottoman Em
pire. For countries where people would like to see the Jews move
out, it would be a relief no less beneficial.
The masses of penniless Jews accept the idea with enthusiasm;
I have many proofs of this.
Nearly the whole world would be satisfied; so it is the solution!
I am with the deepest respect
Your Imperial Highness* humble and obedient servant,
Dr. Theodor Herzl
November 15, 1896
(Complimentary close, compare p. 486.)*
To His Imperial Highness,
Grand Duke Vladimir,
Berlin.
November 17
In the Jewish World, an extract from my Union speech appean
under the heading “The Jewish State. Dr. Herzl Throws Light
on His Scheme.”
I am sending this clipping to the Grand Duke of Baden, to
gether with the following letter:
Although I have not had the distinction of receiving a reply
to my respectful letter which I sent you a few months ago, I per
mit myself to revert to the Jewish Question once more.
The enclosed clipping from a London newspaper will give
Your Royal Highness in brief the present state of the matter.
There is truly something miraculous about the development
• Translator's Note. Sec entry of October it.
of the movement for the return of the Jews. Received with en
thusiasm by the penniless and young Jews, this idea has already
spread around the world, as is evidenced by countless manifesta
tions of support. And at the same time the idea can also serve
to resolve the present Turkish difficulties.
It is to the greatest interest of those Powers who desire the
maintenance of the status quo and at the same time the cleaning
up of conditions in Turkey that the projected Russo-French
financial adjustment not come about. For in actuality that would
be a Russian annexation of Turkey, similar to the protectorate
which Russia managed to secure over China through financial
intervention after the Japanese war.
This supposed adjustment would amount to a fresh stock-
exchange speculation from which France (in evacuated Egypt)
and Russia would gain all the political advantages and a few
stock-market jobbers the financial ones, while in Turkey every
thing would remain the way it has been.
In contrast, the national Jewish arrangement means— quite
apart from the worldwide and promised fulfillment that it em
bodies— a genuine restoration of Turkey. T h e return of the
Jews is the protection of the Christians in the Orient.
Royal Highnessl I have only poor words at my disposal to
influence the will of the mighty of this earth. Perhaps today
I have hit upon the tone that convinces. If the German Kaiser's
good, wise counsellor recommends to him that he listen to me.
His Majesty will summon me to Berlin for a secret conference.
Infinitely much would be gained by this.
When I was in Karlsruhe. Your Royal Highness graciously
permitted me to report from time to time about my work on
the Jewish cause. For fear of being burdensome in the future,
with today's letter I shall terminate the use which I have been
making of this permission if I do not receive any sign of en
couragement.
In deepest respect for Your Royal Highness I remain
Gratefully yours.
Dr. Theodor Hen).
December 1
Dr. Rochfeld of Pest tells me about a rumor which circulated
there. People said that for the publication of The Jewish State
I had received a large honorarium from an English land company
that wants to do some business in Palestine.
This is how incredible it appears to our Jews that someone
could do something out of conviction.
December 1
Letter to Hechler for Lord Salisbury:
Dear Friend:
Your view that I ought to expound the Jewish plan to Lord
Salisbury seems to me to be right. However, I don't want to
approach Him directly. If you think it proper, you will bring the
contents of this letter to his attention.
For you, my dear friend, the Jewish cause is a theological mat
ter. But it is also a political one, and a very timely one. You
know that religious feelings, and, most recently, anti-Semitism
which is emerging everywhere, have aroused a strong yearning
for Palestine among the broad masses of the Jews of all countries.
As you know, hundreds of thousands are ready for immediate
migration and it may be surmised that hundreds of thousands
more would follow them later.
This is a factor—a new one, to be sure—which English policy
in the Orient could and should reckon with. Lord Salisbury
could execute a masterly stroke with it. W ith the present situa
tion of the world, one dominated by the Russo-French entente,
a partition of Turkey would put England at a serious disadvan
tage. For England such a partition would be a loss now; there
fore she must desire the status quo. It can be preserved only if
Turkey's finances are straightened out. This is why Russia has
just frustrated the proposed financial arrangement. Russia wants
the decay and self-dissolution of Turkey.
Now, there is a method of straightening out the Turkish
finances and thus preserving the status quo for a while longer,
and at the same time of creating a new route to India, the short-
est one for England. And all this without England's having to
lay out a penny or committing herself visibly anywhere.
This method is the creation of an autonomous Jewish vassal
state in Palestine, similar to Egypt, under the suzerainty of the
Sultan. As you know, I laid the groundwork for this last summer
when I was in Constantinople. T h e matter is possible if we have
the backing— and I repeat expressly, the invisible backing— of
a Great Power. Since the Sultan is still the undisputed sovereign,
no power can prevent him from inviting the Jews to immigrate
into Palestine. In return for this we would obtain for him a big
loan on the tribute which is to be paid by the Jews and will have
been secured in advance.
England's advantage would be that a railroad would immedi
ately be built across Palestine from the Mediterranean to the
Persian Gulf, or connecting with the railroad, soon made neces
sary by communication needs, through Persia and Baluchistan
(possibly Afghanistan) to India.
England would have these benefits sans bourse délier [without
expense] and without the world's learning of her participation.
While, in the North, Russia is preparing a railway line to Asia,
in the South, England would have a neutral reserve Toute to
India, in case difficulties arose at the Suez Canal.
Should Lord Salisbury wish to examine this idea more closely,
I am at the disposal of his ambassador or of himself in London
if he sends for me.
If he considers the matter too fantastic, I can only regret it.
But the movement really exists, and a skillful, great salesman
will know how to utilize it.
Yours faithfully,
Theodor HerzL
December it
On my way to the office today at noon I ran into Kewlinski.
Since the failure of the project to found a paper he now always
has a good-natured, roguish grin on his face when he sees me.
This means: “You’ve put one over on mel I fell for it, but 1
don't hold it against you, because you were so clever about it"
Je lui remets toujours du coeur au ventre [I always put hcan
into him]. 1 tell him: “It's a bad period in our work. Just be
patient. We shall weather it. One recognizes one's friends by
the fact that they don't begin to waver in difficult times.”
He always winds up by assuring me that he is holding fast—
and then he adds ironically: “I am your sole adherent.”
He told me that Izzet Bey has fallen from the Sultan’s grace
He has not been received in ten days. Tahsim Bey now seems
to be on top. Newlinski wrote to the latter that he should repeat
the Jewish proposal to the Sultan. T here is talk of Rhagib Bey
as Izzet’s probable successor.
• • •
The Danish literary light Georg Brandes acknowledges re
ceipt of The Jewish State in an evasively polite letter. He tells
me the old anecdote about the banker who would like to become
the Jewish ambassador at Berlin.
I am sending him an ironical reply: I had expected a different
reaction from him to the beautiful idea of a Jewish renaissance
I did not believe the idea would be realized the way I had out
lined it in my pamphlet. But I did believe that a Jewish State
will come into being, with a partial continuation of the Diaspora,
because all peoples now live in such a diaspora.
December is
Hechler came to see me and brought me a newspaper clipping
to the effect that the German Kaiser will go to Palestine next
autumn.
We agreed that I shall write him, Hechler, a letter intended
to be submitted to the Kaiser. The moment, to be sure, is not
propitious. The scandal trial which followed in the wake of the
falsification of the Breslau Czar toast has probably put the KaiseT
in a bad mood and made him suspicious of journalists.
December 13
I read in the morning paper that the former Prussian Minister
of War Verdy du Vemois has arrived here.
I am writing him as follows:
Your Excellency:
In August I learned from a gentleman who had met Your
Excellency in Therapia that you are interested in my outline
for Jewish migration to Palestine.
I have just read in the paper about your presence in Vrienna.
If the first-mentioned information was correct, I request the
honor of being received by Your Excellency. From my pamphlet
The Jewish State the present status of this great cause cannot
be apprehended. A great deal has happened in the meantime, and
a lot has— malgré moi [despite myself]— been neglected, too.
This movement, which people underestimate, circles the globe
today. The blessing it contains, and not only for the Jews, is as
yet not being appreciated.
If I were granted the opportunity of having a thorough talk
with your Excellency on the subject, I could give you certain
information which is not suitable for publication; and, above
all, I am hoping for advice from such an expert on the Orient
as yourself.
I do not have to tell you that no journalistic indiscretion needs
to be feared from me in a matter so sacred to me. I am at your
disposal whenever and wherever you please. I can be reached
through the telephone number i t 187 at my private residence,
Vienna IX, Berggasse 6. Your hotel clerk can call me up there.
In any case, I shall be at home this afternoon until four o’clock.
Once again I make the proviso of the first report men
tioned above; if it was incorrect, kindly excuse me and regard
this letter as non avenu [not arrived].
With the expression of my high esteem,
I am, Your Excellency,
Respectfully yours,
Dt. Theodor H enl.
The messenger brought this letter back from the Hotel Bristol
—the general had already departed. Non avenu, then. Into the
waste-basket.
December 14
Hechler has received a mild reprimand from Lord Salisbury
for sending him my letter: "Lord S. cannot grant Dr. Henl to
interview him .” *
The only interesting thing about this refusal is the English
business-like way in which the "return of the Jews" • is men
tioned.
December so
I feel myself getting tired. More frequently than ever 1 now
believe that my movement is at an end. I am fully convinced
of its feasibility, but cannot overcome the initial difficulties.
Only one million guilders would be needed to put the move
ment squarely on its feet. This bagatelle (considering the great
ness of the cause) is wanting—and that is why we shall have to
sleep although it is daylight.
December s 1
Ran into Güdemann, who has been evading me for months,
on Herrengasse. He passed so close to me that we had to stop.
He acted piqued because I no longer called on him; after all,
he said, he had followed my call to Munich, had introduced me
to Adler in London, etc.
I told him gruffly and point-blank: "You’ve turned tepid
and vapid—so I’ve simply given you the cold shoulder."
He would like to have a "heart-to-heart talk" with me again.
I shall confront him with a dilemma: for or against I
January 6,1897
So wc have moved on into the year 1897— one of the “critical’'
yean of my friend Hechler.
I have become lax in keeping this diary. Many a day brings
something worth recording, but the general torpor of the
movement is gradually getting into my bones too. Besides,
I write numerous letters, for I reply to everyone; and answering
these letters blunts my slight desire to write.
I receive visitors from all over the world. T h e road from
Palestine to Paris is beginning to pass through my room. Among
the more interesting people who passed through in the last few
weeks were: Schoub from Palestine, a tall, full-bearded man
with the eyes of a visionary; Dr. Holzmann from Berlin, who
brought along some of Berlin Jewry’s pettiness in his dress;
Landau from Przemysl, an intelligent semi-Hassid with peyes
[ear-locks] brushed behind his ears; and Dr. Salz from T a mow,
who resembles Newlinski with his pale reddish moustache which
droops in Polish fashion, his bright eyes, and his big bald pate.
To each of these four I gave assignments. Schoub is to speak
with the Sultan’s Jewish personal physician, whose name is
Eliahu Pasha, if I still remember correctly.
Dr. Holzmann is to write to the B’nai Moshe in Jaffa, with
whom be is affiliated, and tell them how matters stand and that
without means for agitation in the press our cause will bog down
completely.
Landau from Przemysl offered to negotiate with the Wonder-
Rabbi Friedmann of Czortkow. I gave him a letter in which I
invite Friedmann to send me his son.
T o Dr. Salz I outlined the present state of our affairs, which
could become great the moment we had a million for purposes
of publicity.
And this is how things really are. With that million a great
newspaper could be created. With such a great paper govern
ments negotiate as one Power with another.
I fear the best moment has passed. That came in the months
chat have gone by since my stay in Constantinople, when Izzci
Bey was still the Sultan's favorite and I was still able to negotiate
with the pashas on the basis of my initial prestige.
The financial arrangement through French bankers hangs over
Zionism like a threatening cloud. Our only chance lies in the
repugnance of the Porte to the interference of foreign financiers
who are backed by the Great Powers, and in the policy of Russia
which would like to see Turkey rot alive like a leper.
Meanwhile, unless I am mistaken, Zionism is gradually manag
ing to gain the respect of the general public in all sorts of coun
tries. Litde by little people are beginning to take us more seri
ously.
The well-to-do Jews, it is true, behave miserably now as be
fore. And as my loyal de Haas writes from London, “everybody
is waiting to see how the cat will ju m p ” •
I frequently talk about the cause with Benedikt. Before Christ
mas, when he asked me if I didn't know a good subject for a
holiday article for him, I said: "Oh yes, write about the solution
of the Jewish Question through the colonization of Palestine,
which would also be a settlement of the Oriental problem
through a restoration of Turkish finances."
He remarked: "That would be a fine article, to be sure, and
a success, too. But today I can no longer write such an article,
because your pamphlet is available in which you speak about
the Jewish nation."
I replied: "All right, so you don't write the article this year—
perhaps you will write it at Christmas time next year. We can
wait."
I was with Güdemann the evening before last. Again the old
rigmarole. He still acted as though he were offended. But when
I filled him with enthusiasm again in the course of my reason
ing he said: "I am all yours!”
"All right,” I said, "then preach about it in the synagogue!"
"I beg your pardon," he cried quite horrified, "that can't
• In EngUih in the original.
be done. I've kept my ears open; people don't want to have any
thing to do with it.”
"Are you the shepherd of your flock?” I asked him. “ I permit
you to be as discreet as you please. For all I care, you can speak
out against Zionism, but don't keep silent about it. One can bring
something to people's attention by combating it clumsily, and
in many other ways. This is the art of oratory.”
But the unctuous creature, whom I know quite well by now,
merely wrung his hands and wailed that it was impossible.
So I said to him, "Stay well!” and left him, probably for the
last time.
• • •
A new figure has emerged in my combinations: the painter
Koppay, whom I have known for twenty years. He has done
several portraits of the Empress of Russia as well as of other
crowned heads. I should like to make him an agent of my idea
and pay him with publicity. It will be the first time that I have
made propaganda for someone; the cause is worth it. I am
going to Koppay today.
January 7
The Koppay idea is taking a funny development. I went to
see him yesterday. An up-to-date* artist's studio, a bit fixed up
for glitter. Th e master has faded— physically, that is— since I
fint knew him. But he is a capable artist and, 1 think, a decent
fellow, too.
He did not paint the Empress of Russia recently, but when
she was the Princess of Hesse. It is a quite ordinary a n dealen's
trick that presents him as the painter of the Empress's portrait.
The pictures of the Empress are elaborations of sketches which
he once made at Darmstadt.
Nevertheless, I want to use Koppay. and all the more now.
The Princess had smiled when he had mentioned the rumor
* In Engliah In the original.
to her that she was going to become Empress of Russia. He had
said jokingly: "If Your Highness becomes Empress, you mus
make me court painter!” And she had smilingly agreed.
Now I want to beat the big drum for him to become cotm
painter; and when he is, he will have to serve the Jewish catut
at the Russian court.
I must manufacture my own instruments with which I shaD
then do the work.
Will he not forget his moral obligation after I have made him?
I shall risk ingratitude anyway.
January 10
Newlinski joined me for breakfast today.
He informed me that the Sublime Porte was "angry” at mt
because I was not coming through with the press support whid
I had promised in Constantinople that time. In fact, it was eva
believed that the attacks of the European press on the Turkii
government were emanating from me, out of revenge for their not
wanting to sell Palestine to us.
This erroneous assumption of the Turks would not displease
me, because it would be proof that I am regarded as a pone
there. I believe, however, that Newlinski, who gave me this i>
formation with diplomatically lowered eyes, would only lib
to extort small journalistic favors which he will then probabh
have booked to his own credit.
I told him that the promise of press support was, of count
only a conditional one. If Turkey entered into negotiations will
us, we would defend her in the newspapers. Donnant, donnât
[Give and take]. We don't want to be the dupes of the Turkic
policy of promises without real performance.
Newlinski said: "If Turkey is attacked in the papers, it vi
probably turn anti-Semitic."
I am not afraid of that. If the Porte becomes anti-Semitic, c
will provoke all stock-exchanges against itself and soil nee
again get any money. Then all the big bankers will line a;
behind me, too.
January 18
L’État juif [The Jewish State] has appeared in Madame Rat-
tazzi's Nouvelle Revue Internationale of January i, 1897.
After it had been impossible to place the tract at all in France
for a year, it now seems to be making a great stir.
Today three Paris friends sent me the Libre Parole of January
16 in which Drumont gets off a highly flattering editorial about
me and promises more.
It was a good idea that I prevailed upon old Madame Rat-
tarn, to publish the pamphlet when she was here and got me
to see her about some advertising.
Now Alphonse Rothschild, too, the most faithful reader of
the Libre Parole, will take cognizance of the matter. After all,
the haute finance [high finance] reads nothing but this whiplash
paper.
January 26
This morning the N . Ft. Pr. received the news that the finan
cial arrangement with T urkey “ under the guarantee of all
Power*” has been completed.
At first I didn't believe it and telephoned to Newlinski who
only affirmed: “C’est mauvais pour nous [It’s bad for us].*’
Then F. Schütz came to see me. He also doubts the story,
because he has news from Russia according to which the Russian
government declined to respect the wishes of the French finan
ciers (who desire this arrangement). In fact, Schütz added that
the new Minister Muraviev was going to Paris on an inaugural
visit only in order to strengthen the Méline administration.
And after such a visit the stock-exchange could not dare to make
anti-Russian demonstrations.
Meanwhile, in the evening further despatches arrived from all
over saying that the arrangement had been completed. T o begin
with, the Turks are to be given four million pounds. In any case,
they are "above water.” Still, there is something good in this bad
turn of affairs. T h e arrangement means a further increase in the
power of chat dette publique [public debt], which, as it it, u
already a thorn in the Sultan’s flesh as well as that of all paths.
This will make the dette publique even more hated, and the
money that the Turks are getting has long been earmarked any
way. Therefore it won’t last too long, and the dcche [beggary]
will be there again.
Mr. Charriant, the secretary of Madame Rattazzi, who arrivé
here from Constantinople today and wanted to see me, called cc
me. I have a cold and therefore cannot go to see Mine. Rauazzi.
Charriant told me Izzet Bey still was in the Sultan’s favor, as ht
learned six days ago from the French ambassador Cam bon.
Later Sidney Whitman and Newlinski came to see me. Sidney
wants to push my Jewish State, which he read only recently,
through the New York Herald. (J’allais le lui demander [1 n
going to ask him to].)
Newlinski spoke about the financial arrangement with bioe
verve.
The pashas, he said, will take it as a real insult. For the mooq
will go to its real destination. They will consider it an outrageas
loan which has not been made for Djavid Bey and Izzet Bey, etc.
Danusso and Take Margueritte will fall from grace! It is un
heard-of.
So he joked with magnificent cynicism.
He also said that before Ramadan everything could be fad
with a tenth pan of the money. T h at’s when they needed money
for the officials, the soldiers, and the feasts. T hen 100,000 poundi
were as much as a million at other times.
Newlinski went on to tell some amusing deuils about the
mismanagement at the Porte. Hassan Pasha, the Minister of the
Navy, pockets everything. He sells the copper boilers from dit
ships and has the medicinal wines of the hospiuls stored in his
own cellars. The toll from the bridge between Stambul and
Galata is remitted to the Navy Ministry— i.e., 25 million frana
The civil list is based on the toll revenue; however, in the las
20 years it has declined from three million pounds to one million
Newlinski cells such things in a peculiarly grand cone. He is
no ordinary person.
January 27
The Turkish loan is being A-niM by some papers. T he
N. Fr. Pt. is upholding the news, which incidentally, did not
come from Paris, but the local Foreign Office. T h e fact of the
matter is chat the ambassadors at Constantinople have agreed on
the loan. From that to the completion of the agreement is still a
big step.
1 hope that the Sultan will not stand for this and that the
who did not receive any baksheesh, will remind him of
his threatened Caliph’s dignity.
The only true thing seems to be that the Banque Ottomane
has given an advance of 300,000 pounds. With this the Turks
will hold their Ramadan and sing the praises of Allah.
The boys at the Ottoman Bank, for their part, will play around
at the stock exchange for a few months with this news of a loan.
Now the loan is going to come about, now it is going to fall
through. This is going to supply the desired boom and slump.
In this way they will amply compensate themselves for the
gamble of the fresh advance of 300,000 pounds— at least the
“house” will.
The gogos [sucker investors] will be fleeced one way or the
other. The yellow press wall accompany this game by thumping
the tom-toms.
January sâ
Sidney Whitman pays me a call every day and sits with me
by the hour. He wants to promote the Jewish cause in the S ew
York Herald.
The strange thing is that he seems only now to be getting
acquainted with the matter. I had thought last July that he was
working for me.
In the N. Fr. Pr. we had a feuilleton by Flammarion: ‘‘Is Man
Inhabited?” At the office they were discussing Mars. Bâcher said
to me in a superior tone: “ Maybe you can set up your Jewish
State on Mars.”
Laughter among the smart boys.
January >8
Today Dr. Bloch called on me in order to ask me “as the party
boss” for support of his candidacy for the Reichsrat from
Sereth-Suczawa (I think).
I had predicted this supplicating visit of his some time ago.
January 29
Bloch’s appearance gave me the idea of sending a Zionist dele
gate to Parliament.
1 sent for Schnirer and Kokesch to discuss Bloch’s request
Berkowicz happened to come along too. A ll three agreed that
Bloch must not be supported. They said he was unreliable and
had always behaved badly toward us.
My proposal to seek a seat for a Zionist was received with ap
proval. I named Prof. Leon Kellner who had recently made a
speech before “Zion” at my request. However, they wanted me to
be the candidate, saying that my election was assured in Galicia
and would cost much less than that of Kellner or anyone else
I declined outright and categorically.
Thereupon they accepted Kellner as a candidate. I had Dr.
Salz of Tamow and Stand of Lvov invited to Vienna for an elec
tion conference on Tuesday. We shall look for a constituency
and send our young people there as campaigners. T h e problem
remains of how to obtain election funds.
THE COMPLETE DIARIES O F T H E O D O R H ERZL 513
“T h e Palestine Pilgrimage.” •
To the Editor of the Jewish World.
Sir,— The “ Message” of Dr. H erd to an East End meeting,
dealing with this scheme, is so charged with that intense zeal
and enthusiasm which marks all the utterances and proceedings
of this remarkable man, that it seems almost a pity to have to
repudiate some of the ideas which he has gathered— I know not
where— about the movement.
It is due, however, to those who are taking part in the Pilgrim
age to say, that they have no such far-reaching scheme on foot as
Dr. Herd's fervid imagination would attribute to them, and
that they have neither political objects to serve, nor even scientific
researches to make, in connection with their visit.
The Pilgrimage is what its name denotes, and not an “Ex
pedition" nor an “ Investigation Commission,” as Dr. Herzl sug
gests; and it will have served its purpose, if it enlarges the interest
of Western Jews in the land with which their history and tradi
tions are so intimately bound up, and if it operates as an en
couragement to similar pilgrimages in future years, so that the
reproach that Palestine is less visited by Jews than by any other
denomination may be removed from our people.
I hope you will permit me to take the opportunity to say that
the success of the Pilgrimage is now assured by the adhesion
of the necessary numbers; and it is hoped that our party will be
completed up to its maximum limit (30) within the next few
weeks.— I am, Sir, yours faithfully
Herbert Bentwich.
The Holm, Avenue Road, N. W.
17th January, 1897.
February 4
Fresh unrest on Crete. Th is news gives me a pe<*i?liar presenti
ment: that it may be the beginning of the liquidation of Tur-
* The following b in V-ngUA in the original.
key. With these Cretan disturbances, which evidently have again
been arranged diplomatically, I connect the last extraordinary
Berlin journey of our Minister Goluchowski who is taken for
an English go-between, as well as the trips to Paris and Berlin
of the Russian Minister Muraviev. I have a presentiment, I
don’t know why.
February 4
I am writing to de Haas in London that he should try to have
the South African goldmine billionaire Bamato won over to our
cause through the Sephardic Chief Rabbi Caster.
February 5
In our election conferences we have reached the conclusion
that Kellner would have less chance of being elected than Dr.
Salz. I was importuned from all sides to run and told that nn
election was certain. However, I declined. I think that if I hid
relented, the same people who tried to persuade me would hast
inwardly despised me.
We finally decided to nominate Kellner and Sal*— Kcllno
in the Drohobycz city district, Salz in the fifth (general) legisla
tive-assembly district of Kolomea.
• • •
Jewish Chronicle, February 5

Correspondence.•
"The Palestine Pilgrimage.”
Sir:— The correction by Mr. Herbert Bentwich, who wishes u
lead a pilgrimage to Palestine on a much narrower programme
than I believed his intention to be, compels me also to say a frt
words. Mr. Bentwich envelops the thorn in a rose-leaf, still I
feel it. He means that in my letter to the East End meeting I pu
the matter upon an impossible plane. How has that come about?
I was requested, from London, to write a letter on Mr. Bent-
wich's expedition. This letter was to be read in public, in order
to make the Pilgrimage and its objects widely known. I wrote
the wished-for letter on hints which I had received from London.
In it 1 said nothing either impossible or fantastic. On the con
trary, I recommended the greatest possible sobriety. Apan from
this, I requested ihe recipient of my letter, for greater precau
tion, to communicate my letter to Mr. Bentwich, before giving it
publicity. In this way I thought to prevent any possible mis
understanding. It, however, appears that my precautionary meas
ures were not closely followed.
I feel bound to make this communication, as he who, as I am,
is accused in any case of too lively an imagination in my scheme,
can really not be sufficiently careful.
As for the rest, there is a difference of a few degrees of warmth
between Mr. Bentwich’s scheme and that sketched out by me.
It is enough for me that be is not at freezing-point, and I can
assure him that my blood does not boil.
Yours obediently,
T h . Herzl.
Vienna, February ist, 1897.
• • •
Jewish World, February 5
“An ex-premier on Dr. Herzl's Scheme." •
His Excellency Prince Demeter Stourdza, who, to within two
months ago, was the Minister-President of Rumania, has been
interviewed by the Special Vienna Correspondent of the Paris
edition of the New York Herald. After a talk on Continental
politics, the interviewer says: “ Our conversation Anally took a
turn towards the affairs of Austria proper, the coming elections,
the growth of anti-Semitism, and the proposal put forward in
connection therewith by a Dr. Theodor HerzJ, a doctor-of-law in
* In EogUih In the odclittl.
516 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZl
Vienna, which has already the sympathetic approval of Zionists
in all countries, for founding a Jewish State in Palestine. HU
Excellency expressed himself as follows:— I consider this an ex
cellent idea; in fact I may say the one and valuable way of
solving the Jewish Question. (It must be borne in mind that
Rumania has an enormous Jewish population.) T h e Jews are the
one people who, living in foreign countries, do not assimilate
with the inhabitants as others do. T h e causes of this are neither
here nor there, but the very fact of the Jews at last forming a
State of their own would completely alter the present anomalous
condition of things, even if a large number were to remain I»
hind in Europe.”
February so
Again a period during which I was not in the mood to enter
anything in this diary.
Yet every day brings something.
In the last few weeks I have repeatedly been urged to run for
the Reichsrat. In Galicia I am offered three seats as certain:
Kolomea, Drohobycz, Stanislau. I stick to my refusal.
Among the visitors of recent days Prince Friedrich Wjede
is notable, a young dabbler in literature who would like to see
himself in print in the literary section of the N . Fr. Pr. Since
I would like to have my project discussed in high aristocratic
circles, I took the trouble to tell him everything.
He said: “We need the Jews, because there must always be
discontentment. If people did not rail against the Jews, we
would have a revolution."
This confession was downright charming in its naivctl.
• • •
Yesterday Dr. D'Arbela from Jerusalem came to see me. He

is the director of the Rothschild hospitals. An interesting penoo
who looks like a cavalry colonel— tall, bold nose, moustache,
energetic chin. He told me wonderful things about Palestine,
which is said to be a magnificent country, and about our Jews
from Asia.
Kurdish, Persian, Indian Jews come to his office. Strange:
there are Jewish Negroes who come from India. They are the
descendants of slaves who were in the service of the expelled Jews
and adopted the faith of their masters.
In Palestine one sees not only Jewish agricultural workers
and day laborers of all kinds, but Mountain Jews and Jews from
the steppes who have a bellicose air.
We are popular among the Arabs and Kurds. Quarreling Arabs
occasionally go to a Jew rather than to a Turkish judge to have
their disputes settled.
All Palestine talks about our nationalist plan. After all, we are
the hereditary lords of the land. T h e Turkish occupation forces
of Jerusalem are weak at present— about 600 men.
Even now the Jews constitute the majority of Jerusalem’s
inhabitants, if I understood D ’Arbela aright. We spoke so
quickly and about so many things that I did not even go more
closely into this point.
The climate is excellent, the soil not barren, only the humus
layer has been washed into gorges from mountains where once
there were terraces of fruitfulness.
Now oranges are blooming in Palestine.
Everything can be done in that country.
We shall make a note of this splendid man for future assign*
ments.
1 told him that at the Zionist Convention in Zurich at the
end of August I shall also put the question of the Haluka on
the agenda. T h e Haluka shall be changed to assistance par le
travail [public works]. D’Arbela will work up a report about
conditions up to the present, make proposals, and get together
a committee in Palestine for the reorganization of the Haluka.
February 1 1
Yesterday I ran into N'ewiinski at the theater.
He considers the situation which Greece has created on Crete
— actually, the fail accompli of breaking away— very seri
ous, the beginning of the end of Turkey. T h e prospects for the
Jews will then be bad. Russia is against us.
He told me— I don’t know whether I should believe it— that
he had spoken with the local ambassador Mahmud Nedim about
having my friends procure for the Sultan, who is now in the
greatest financial embarrassment, a loan of 2-300,000 pounds
sterling. Mahmud Nedim telegraphed this to Yildiz Kiosk and
received the reply that he must not have any dealings with me,
because I had made the demand for an independent Palestine.
Newlinski also told me that 250 families had just been denied
settlement in Palestine. The poor people had to tum to the
shores of the Red Sea.
• • •
Prince Wrede sent me his play, which shows great talent.

I did him an injustice when I took him for only a dilettante.
I am all the more pleased at his writing me that he intends to
include my whole Jewish plan in his novel Israel.
March 9
A few days ago Prince Wrede sent me from Salzburg an article

about “The Zionists” which I was supposed to send to the
Münchener Allgemeine Zeitung or the Kôlnische Zeitung. The
article will presumably cause a stir because of the name of its
author. I had it offered to the Kôlnische Zeitung through Sidney
Whitman. Results still pending.
March 10
If nothing happens, I am too ill-humored to enter anything

in this notebook. If something happens, I have no time for it.
In this way many moods and events are lost which could be
of interest to myself and to others at some future time.
On Saturday the 6th and Sunday the 7th of March a few Zion
ists from Berlin were here, as well as Dr. Salz from Tam ow and
Dr. Ehrenpreis from Diakovar.
The Berliners came to discuss a proposal to found a big pub
lishing house, for which 1 was to raise 300,000 guilders among my
acquaintances, provided they raised 700,000 for the purpose.
Those who came were W illy Bambus of Berlin, Dr. Thon,
Dr. Bimbaum of Berlin, Moses of Katowice, Turow of Breslau.
Turow is a shy and confused scoffer, and, incidentally, under
the pseudonym Paul Dimidow, the author of a pamphlet, Wo
hinaus [What Way Out]}
Bimbaum was more self-assured and inwardly more hostile
toward me than ever. He wanted my financial and moral support
for his candidacy in the election district of Sercih-Suczawa-
Radautz, a candidacy that had been offered to me as well, which
I refused and he undertook at the last moment. Considering the
late date— there is only one week to the election— 1 denied him
my support, because an unsuccessful attempt could compromise
the mystical prestige of our movement in Galicia. He will never
forgive me for this No. Incidentally, just for the sake of being
elected he wanted to make personal compromises with social
politicians. Social Democrats, and others, and run as a representa
tive of a Jewish People's Party (which does not even exist).
Dr. Thon seems to be a gifted, but still not fully matured
young modem theologian.
Moses is an easy-going old fellow.
The most outstanding of them all is Willy Bambus, a quiet,
dear-thinking organizer, who, howev er, would like to be a leader.
With Bambus 1 discussed important points and I learned in
teresting things from him.
The Jewish Colonisation Association • is currently negotiating
with a Greek family (Soursouk is the name, 1 think) for the
purchase of 97 villages in Palestine. These Greeks live in Paris,
have gambled away their money, and wish to sell their real estate
(3% of the entire area of Palestine, according to Bambus) for
7 million francs.
* In Engluh in the original.
The I. C. A. has turned away from Argentina and now mata
investments only in Palestine.
Bambus told me something interesting about the most recoil
session of the I. C. A. Zadoc Kahn, whom I seem to have done
an injustice in this regard, really presented my proposal to buy
one newspaper each in London and Paris for the Jewish cause
This took place in the unofficial session. At that point Claude
Montefiore, Lousada, and Alfred Cohen, the English members,
declared they would leave the meeting if such a proposal was
made in the official conference, and Alfred Cohen even threat
ened to make a complaint to the British government because o(
an infringement of the statutes. Zadoc Kahn thereupon with
drew, hurt.
With Willy Bambus I established good rapport— if he is sin
cere, this can have the best of effects.
On Sunday at the Zionist Association we held a conference
on the General Zionist Congress which I planned to convene at
Zurich.
It was decided, however, to go to Munich, because the location
of that city is more convenient for the Eastern Jews, because the
Russians would not dare to come to Switzerland, which is sus
pected of nihilism, and because there are kosher restaurants in
Munich.
Therefore we shall meet at Jochsberger’s where in August,
1895, 1 started my discussions with Gtidemann and Meyer-Cohn.
How big the movement has grown since then!
After lengthy, idle talk an organization committee was ap
pointed and I was charged with convening the Congress. It
will have both public and closed sessions.
One thing is already clear: Bambus and I are going to do all
the work. The others are going to watch.
March 10
Yesterday's elections in the new fifth legislative assembly dis
trict brought the victory of the anti-Semites all along the line
in Vienna and Lower Austria. In its editorial yesterday, the
N. Fr. Pr. recommended the election of the Socialists. This is
the policy I had recommended from Paris four and a half years
ago. Now it is too late.
Incidentally, I reminded Bâcher and Benedikt of the advice
I had given then.
When I read my Jewish plan to him a year and a half ago,
Bâcher said to me: “We shall keep silent about it. We have
kept silent about Social Democracy too, for 25 years.”
And yesterday they went to the polls arm in arm with this sup
pressed S. D.
Is it expecting too much to think that the N. Fr. Pr. will go
arm in aim with Zionism as well— although maybe also too late?
• • •
Last week, incidentally. Bâcher said a funny thing.

I told him that the wife of our colleague Steinbach was in the
habit of going to the Zionist Association on Tuesdays.
The last time Dr. Ehrlich's wife wanted to accompany her.
“We shall soon have the distaff side of the N . Fr. Pr. on our
side/Tsaid.
Bâcher laughed. “You’ll get the men, too, as soon as you have
success. We bow to success.”
March 10
The Jews of Vienna are depressed today.
Dr. Griinfeld invited me to take part in today’s officers’ meet
ing of the Israelitische Union.
They want to have a big rally (of lamentation?).
March 10
Yesterday's meeting was depressing. A few old Philistines who
“don’t wanna idennify” themselves as Jews and who are endur
ing the kicks.
March n
De Haas sends on to me a letter from Colonel Coldsmid at
Biarritz, intended for me. Goldsmid avers that he did not make
a speech against me in Cambridge, as the Jewish Chronicle said,
but only defended his historic flag, on which the twelve tribes ait
symbolized, against my seven-star one.
So we already have a flag problem.
For the rest, Colonel Goldsmid’s rapprochement is welcome
in view of the Munich Congress.
March 14
A letter-card from Hechler. He writes that upon his return
from Merano he found waiting for him an invitation from the
local German ambassador Eulenburg, who is greatly interested
in our cause. Has Hechler dreamed this? It could be true. As a
literary dilettante Count Eulenburg in any case knows my name.
He is a confidant of the German Kaiser. If I win him ova,
he can bring me to the Kaiser at last.
The Jews' turning to the Social Democrats in the Viennese
elections of March g probably made some impression on those in
power everywhere.
We shall see.
March 14
Newlinski had breakfast with me today. He again had all sorts
of stories about the Turks. T h e drollest thing was a story about
the war treasure. After the Russo-Turkish W ar the Minister of
Finance started a secret war chest, which, strangely enough, vos
not stolen. The present Finance Minister was privy to the secret,
and when the Cretan crisis broke out, he informed the Suluo
that 14 million francs were on hand. T h e Sul u n bestowed the
Ifrikar order on the incomprehensible man— and now the war
treasure is stolen. Arrears are paid. Some is embezzled, the am
bassadors get to see money again, and Newlinski got some, too.
However, Newlinski thinks that in the immediate future they
will need money again. Why didn’t the Jews make a loan? I told
him that a loan could not be raised for no good reason. However,
(here Bambus' story about the land purchase occurred to me)
if the Sultan wanted to sell landed property in Palestine, to
gether with permission for 2000 families to settle there, some
thing could perhaps be done. W e agreed that I should write to
Berlin, Paris, and London, in order to elicit an unofficial offer
of purchase. If the managers of the Jewish Colonisation Associa
tion offer so much per hectare, Newlinski will telegraph this to
the Sultan and get a reply as to whether the proposal might be
made officially.
I immediately wrote almost identical letters to Bambus, Zadoc
Kahn (for communication to Leven), and Dr. Caster (for Monte-
fiore, Lousada, Alfred Cohen). 1 said that such a land purchase
ran counter to my views on infiltration, to be sure, but that I
considered it a stepping-stone to our larger goal. I said I had also
broached to my informant the question of a police of their own
for these settlers and that he thought it possible that we would
be permitted to recruit Mohammedans as policemen.
I keep raising the question of a security police, which after
D’Arbela's information about the valor of the Jews in Palestine
is really pointless, in order to let the negotiations be wrecked on
it if need be, if those with the money leave me in the lurch.
In my letter to Zadoc Kahn I indicated that this transaction
could be performed without the suspect baksheesh, which, after
all, probably doesn't always get into the right hands.
In the letter to Caster I admonished the English I.C A .
gentlemen not to treat the distress of the penniless Jews in too
refined a fashion.
In both letters 1 emphasized the point that the settlers ought
10 be recruited from those registered with the various Zionist
associations, who want to go to Palestine at their own expense or
with nominal financial assistance.
March 15
I wrote to de Haas in London to stoke matters a bit through
a brief item in the Jewish World. Montcfiorc and Company
should be given a sledgehammer hint that if necessary we shall
line up the masses against them.
March 17
Yesterday the first public Zionist meeting took place here. I
stayed away on purpose, in order to see how the Vienna Zionists
would get along without me. It was a great success. The Res
source Hall, which holds 400 people, was overcrowded. 800 to
1000 are said to have been present, and they stood packed like
sardines. Many had to be turned away because the hall was too
full.
Professor Kellner presided and did an excellent job, I am told.
Credit for convening the assembly, organizing it, etc., belong*
to Dr. Landau and Rosenbaum.
A few Socialists spoke in opposition to Zionism, using old
arguments.
The Zionist resolution was carried with only 50 voting against
i t Then the Socialists intoned the "Lied der Arbeit [Hymn of
Labor]," whereupon our people responded with the “ Bundeslied
[Song of the Covenant],” which deeply moved everyone.
March 17
Today I spoke with Bâcher about Zion. He said in a mellow
tone: “Il ne faut jurer de rien [You never can tell].”
I accompanied him to his home and told him the latest do
velopments. He finally said: "I shall probably not live to see it-“
1 said: “You won't be around to see the King of Palestine, and
neither will I. But we can both live to see the beginnings.”
He further said that he would really like to take a trip to
Palestine with me some day (similar to what Benedikt said).
On parting I cried: ‘T il convert you yet. Vous serez la plus
noble de mes conquêtes [You will be the noblest o£ my con
quests]!”
Whereupon he squeezed my hand, touched. And it didn’t
occur to me till later that I had said something funny to him,
reminiscent of the saying: la plus noble conquête de Ühomme,
c'est le cheval [man’s noblest conquest is the horse].”
I consider it possible that the N. F t . Pr. will take up my idea
after all. For didn't Commercial Councillor Zucker today offer
me the presidency of the Jewish bourgeois association Union?
I declined; but the offer is indicative. A year ago the Unionists
were mocking and opposing me.
• • •
Bambus replies that he immediately transmitted my land-pur

chase proposal to Paris and London.
March 18
Ran into GQdemann on the street. He accompanied me to the
door of my house and opened up with gestures and in tones of
despair: "Explain Zionism to me. I don't understand it.”
I said: “No, I won’t explain anything to you any more. Every
word is wasted.”
He had some grotesque ideas: he would rather let himself be
killed outside the Seiteastettengasse synagogue than yield to the
anti-Semites. He “ will not take flight," and all the other old
chestnuts. He also spoke about the “ mission of Jewry,” which
consists in being dispersed throughout the world. This mission
is talked about by all those who are doing well in their present
places of residence— but they are the only ones.
March 19
Another talk with Bâcher. Now we always leave the office
together. He would like to take a trip to Palestine with me; and
when I showed him the prospectus of the tour which Cook has
arranged for the Maccabean Club, he told me an old Prague
legend which he had heard in his youth.
A Jewish woman was once sitting in her room and looking
out the window. She noticed on the opposite roof a black cat
in labor. She went over, took the cat, and helped her to give
birth. Then she made a bed of straw on top of the coal bin for
the cat and her kittens. A few days later the cat, which had re
covered, disappeared. But the lumps of coal on top of which she
had lain were turned into pure gold. T h e woman showed them
to her husband, and he said that the cat was sent by God. So
he used the gold to build a synagogue, the Altneuschul. This
is how that famous edifice came into being. But the man was
left with one wish: as a pious Jew he would have liked to die in
Jerusalem. He also wished he could see the cat again, for he
wanted to thank her for their prosperity. And one day the woman
was again looking out the window and saw the cat in its old place.
She quickly called her husband, saying: "Look, there sits our
cat again!” The man ran out to get the cat, but it jumped away
and disappeared into the Altneuschul. T h e man hurried after
it and suddenly saw it vanish through the floor. There was an
opening there, as though to a cellar. Without a moment's hesita
tion the man climbed down and found himself in a long passage.
The cat enticed him on and on, until finally he saw daylight
ahead again. But when he emerged, he was in a strange place,
and the people told him he was in Jerusalem. On hearing this
he died of joy.
This story, said Bâcher, shows how national consciousness
has been preserved within the Jews in all places and at all times.
Actually, he said, it lies beneath the level of consciousness and
flickers through in him too. And he said he had told me the story
because he, too, had discovered within himself a desire to go to
Palestine.
What a transformation in one yearl
I believe it is only a matter of months before the N. Fr. Pr.
turns Zionist.
March 21
I am sending The Jewish State to Herbert Spencer with a
request for his opinion. I am closing my letter with the following
words:
We are guests upon the earth at the same time. In the natural
course of events you may depart sooner than I, the 37-year-old.
Therefore, since I am even today convinced that the Jewish
State will materialize in one form or another, though beyond
the limit of my life, I should like to know and determine how
the beginning of this undertaking was reflected in the great mind
of Herbert Spencer.
T h .H .
March >4
The Egyptian emissary, Mustafa Kamil, who has visited me
once before, called on me again. He is on another tour to create
favorable feeling for the cause of the Egyptian people, who want
to rid themselves of British domination. This young Oriental
makes an excellent impression; he is cultivated, elegant, intelli
gent, eloquent. I note him down, because he will some day prob
ably play a role in the politics of the Orient— where possibly we
shall meet again.
This descendant of our erstwhile oppressors in Mizraim is
now himself sighing over the sufferings of bondage, and his Toad
leads him past me, the Jew, whose journalistic aid he seeks. Since
at present I can do nothing more for him, I assured him of my
good wishes.
Although I did not tell him so, I feel that it would be good
for our cause if the English were forced to leave Egypt. For then
they would have to seek another road to India in place of the
Suez Canal, which would be lost to them or at least rendered in
secure. At that point a modern Jewish Palestine would be an
expedient for them— the railroad from Jaffa to the Persian Gulf.
March 24
Dined yesterday with the Turkish ambassador at Newlinski’s.
Mahmud Nedim was sulky with me at first, apparently because
of the anti-Turkish attitude of the N. Fr. Pr. I utilized a turn in
the conversation to drop the remark that newspapers could never
pursue a foreign policy different from that of the government
of their country. Then I praised the vitality of Turkey, a country
that would yet see great days if it chose to favor Jewish immigra
tion.
The poor ambassador said quite candidly: “ It can’t get any
worse than the situation we are in now.”
The milieu in which I found myself there was curious. It
is the diplomatic demi-monde. Next to the ambassador sat Direc
tor Hahn of the Landerbank— financial demi-monde. On the
other side of the hostess sat Fiirth, currently the secretary of the
Prince of Bulgaria. After Fiirth had left his job with Hirsch in
Paris, he was on the point of becoming a remisier [outside
broker] at the stock-exchange— I remember his telling me in
the carriage on the way back from the Bois that he was just then
acting as the agent of aristocrats for stock exchange transactions
in gold-mine shares— when he received the position with Prince
Ferdinand, through the good offices of the Jesuits, I believe, as
a reward for his conversion.
Newlinski is a great figure himself— I don’t know whether I
have already sketched him in my notes. In Constantinople my
diary entries were restricted by the possibility that during our in
timate trip he could some day get his hands on my diary. He is a
grand seigneur déchu [fallen aristocrat]. One day he lost the out
ward support of his native surroundings and got into a lower
stratum, whose virtues and vices he does not have, where he is
misunderstood and slighted.
There are curious perceptions in him. He possesses the tech
nique of diplomacy, all the finest and deepest requisites for a
“career”— but these are absolutely out of place in bourgeois life.
This makes his a half-ruined life and produces a suspicious im
pression.
With it all he has that great Slavic charm, and now as before
I am under the spell of his great intellectual qualities.
But despite this I see clearly that it is diplomatic demi-monde
— from the pitiful ambassador of the ailing Emperor of Turkey
on down. But even this poor ambassador and his poor master are
genuinely likeable figures to me.
March 24
Walked home from the office writh Benedikt today. Again, as
always, steered the conversation to the Jewish cause. I now em
ploy the strategy of alarming him, because I have noticed that
he is susceptible to being frightened. Naturally, I can only make
veiled threats.
However, by now I really am apprehensive that the Jews in
Vienna will be too late in going along with my plan. They will
no longer have the political elbow-room, nor perhaps the free
dom of movement— of persons as well as of property— to be able
to look or go to Zion.
I told Benedikt: ‘T h e most immediate consequence of anti-
Semitism, even before the legal and administrative chicanery,
will be a war of the Jews against the Jews. T h e strata of Jews
that are already oppressed and threatened will turn against the
big Jews who are buying themselves off from governments and
baiters with money and services."
He understood this and said: "If only this does not turn into
a fight against the rich in general."
I replied: "Once the fight has started, it can’t be confined
any more. Those who have failed to read the signs and have
turned a deaf ear to the cries of distress will have nobody to
blame but themselves."
And then I told him something that had just occurred to me,
because I had had the lists for the invitations to the Congress
picked up from Schnirer— namely, that at a Zionist rally we had
collected the names and addresses of university graduates who
are our adherents. (This is the mailing list that was prepared for
me on the occasion of the publication of The Jewish State).
At chat point I saw an expression of fright on his face.
I had dealt a blow to his imagination. I guessed what suddenly
came into his mind in his fright: these are the addresses of the
subscribers to the rival paper of the N . Fr. Pr.
• • t
The day before yesterday, Monday, following the election in

the Leopoldstadt, when the anti-Semitic candidate was defeated
by the “Liberal,” there was a disturbance in this Jewish distria.
Some gangs of hoodlums roamed about, smashed windows of
coffee houses, plundered a few small shops. Also, Jews were
abused and beaten on the street. When people read about this
in the morning papers, I believe it gave the Jews a shock— which,
however, was quickly overcome. Things must get worse, they will
get worse. Of course, the millionaires will easily escape the mis
haps; and the Viennese Jews are, like most of our people, ghetto
types who are glad if they get off with only a black eye.
March 26
Received a charming letter today from Alphonse Daudet. He
sdll remembers our talks. If he is still around when the Jewish
State comes into being, he wants to come to us to give lectures.
• » *
March 29
Paul Lindau visited me at the office and, among other things,
told me the following. The Duke of Meiningen had shown him
a map of Berlin on which Jewish-owned land was marked in red,
Chrisiian-owned land in blue, and doubtful property in white.
The entire Tiergarten district, said Lindau, “ was as though
dipped in blood."
Curiously enough, a similar propaganda map is to be produced
by the People's Party in Hungary, as 1 heard recently.
The local “ Union" invited me to a preliminary discussion of
the proposal to call a big meeting in which the situation of the
Jews in Austria is to be discussed.
I managed to get a decision in favor of the meeting. A com
mittee was appointed to prepare it— and this committee decided
to adjourn.
I lost two times three hours with arguments which would have
softened stones.
In the first discussion on Tuesday I said that Count Badeni
would soon give way to a more clerical Prime Minister. An at
torney named Dr. Elias gave a superior smile: “ Badeni will dis
solve the Reichsrat if he has no majority."
The day before yesterday, Friday, there was the committee
meeting which I had successfully fought for on Tuesday. And
Friday at noon Count Badeni had handed in his resignation—
to everyone's surprise.
• • •
From Schaulen, Russia, came two letters from a colonist in

Rishon-le-Zion. Her name is Helene Papiermeister, and she
paints a glaring picture of the mismanagement and embezzle
ment of the Rothschild director Scheid. I am sending the accu-
sadons to Bentwich for him to investigate, if possible, during his
Palestine Pilgrimage.*
To Mrs. Papiermeister I am writing that she should bring the
complaints against Schcid before the Munich Congress in affi
davit form.
This Congress will be made into a forum for the poor victims
of our “benefactors" and their officials.
• • •
A dispirited letter from de Haas in London. Col. Goldsmid,

he writes, sent for him and implored him to stay away from the
Congress, so that there might be no "split" in the ranks of the
• la Knglhb in the origin*].

Hovevei Zion. Instead, I should attend the delegates’ conference
of all Zionists in Paris next autumn.
I am writing Haas to start marching with his followers, with
out delay and undaunted.
A split— tant pis [too bad]l
I’ve had enough of all these Pickwick Clubs and "head
quarters." •
• • •
Ï also received a letter from Col. Goldsmid who writes me the
same things he told Haas, implores me to unite my forces with
theirs, and assures me of his sincere friendship.
I am answering him:
My dear Colonel:
Thanks for the cordial tone of your letter. I, too, am sincerely
devoted to you and only regret that you fail to understand me.
The Munich Congress is a settled affair from which I can no
longer withdraw. But it is a necessity as well. Ask Rev. Gaster to
show you the letter in which I recommend to the I.C.A. making
a land-purchase with immigration rights, which is possible now.
My proposal, as Zadoc Kahn has written me, was placed ad acta
[on file]. These gentlemen want to do and will do nothing.
I have waited long enough. In August it will be two yean
since I took the first practical steps in the Jewish cause. I wanted
to act without stirring up the masses, through direction from
above, in cooperation with the men who had already played
a prominent part in Zionism. I have met with no understanding
no support. I have had to go on alone. At the Munich Congres
I shall call upon the masses to resort to self-help, since no one
else wants to help them.
As for your proposal to make the participation of the Hovevei
Zion contingent upon the Paris Central Committee, I consider it
pointless. I know the Paris decision in advance. It will be a re
fusai. Someone is at work behind the scenes whom 1 shall engage
neither in a competition nor in a dispute. You will learn his
identity from the enclosed letter. I am entrusting this letter to
your discretion as a gentleman. Send it back to me.
This man has been intriguing against me for a good long time.
At first I thought he was worried about losing his job, and there
fore 1 felt only pity for him. But for some time such complaints
have been coming to me from the most various sources. Now I
understand everything.
In any case, he will exert every effort to frustrate the Congress.
He will invent the most high-minded arguments to keep the
Paris Committee away from Munich. As a “man who knows the
Orient” he will arouse apprehensions, etc., etc. He will say that
publicity is detrimental to our endeavors. All untrue. The Sul
tan and his counsellors know the Jewish plan. I have spoken
quite openly with the Turkish statesmen, and they did not take
offense. They will not give us Palestine as an independent state
at any price; as a vassal state (perhaps like Egypt) we could ob
tain the land of our fathers in a very short time. We would have
it today, if the proposals I made in London and Paris had been
taken up last July. Can you understand my anger and my impa
tience?
You, Colonel, ought to enter the Turkish service as a general,
like Woods, Kamphovener, v. d. Goltz, and other foreign officers,
and in that capacity you would be in command in Palestine un
der the suzerainty of the Sultan. Upon the break-up of Turkey,
Palestine would then fall to us or to our sons as an independent
country. Was the plan so senseless? T h e finanrial arrangement
was even simpler, if the money magnates had joined with us the
way I had proposed it. Montagu gave his approval to my loan
project
Since it didn't work out that way, it must work another way.
I believe you are mistaken if you expect no financial strength
from the masses. Each man has only to make a small sacrifice and
the amount raised will be enormous. T hat will be the job of the
world-wide propaganda which is to have the Munich Congress as
its starting point. This being a financial matter, it will not be my
concern. In Munich there will also be financial experts who will
take care of this part of the task.
After a long time a Jewish National Assembly will again be
held in Munich!
Isn’t this something so great that every Jewish heart must beat
higher at the thought of it? Today still in a foreign land, leshonoh
haboh [next year] perhaps in our ancient home?
As for you, Colonel Goldsmid, who moved me so deeply that
evening in Cardiff when you told me the story of your life and
began with the words, " / am Daniel D cron da" • —don’t tell me
that you are unwilling to take pan in this Jewish National As
sembly. I could understand it if you had to have regard for your
personal position as an officer. But from a Zionist point of view
you cannot possibly have any objections.
That I have no selfish aims• you must believe. Just now, at
the parliamentary elections, three seats were offered me in dis
tricts where the Jews have a majority. I declined. I have no per
sonal ambition whatever in the Jewish cause.
Put me to the test. Once again I make the following proposal:
join forces with Edm. Rothschild, Montagu, and anyone else you
please. Give me your word of honor that you will carry out what
I initiated in Constantinople—and I shall pledge my honor to
withdraw permanently from the direction of the Jewish cause.
If you find this impossible, then combine your strength with
me. Let us work together!
However, if it should come to a split between the “big’’ money-
Jews and ourselves, it is not we who shall be badly off, but they.
On the other side will stand a few money-bags with their sknot-
rers [beggars] and lackeys—on this side, we with all the noble,
courageous, intelligent, and cultivated forces of our people.
With Zion’s greetings.
Your sincere friend,
T h . Herzl.
Enclosure: letter from Mrs. Papiermeister, Scbaulen.
• la English In (he original.
April 5
The Emperor did not accept Badeni's resignation. T he Min
istry "will govern only with the cooperation of the landed pro
prietors loyal to the Constitution."
The Jews of Austria will once again consider everything as
saved. But the anti-Semites are furious. Badeni, who has no ma
jority, will have to show them more favors than a clerical gov
ernment would have.
The Jews will soon be groaning again.
April is
Baron ManteuiFel, a Christian Zion enthusiast who has young
Jews trained to be wine growers at San Michele all' Adige, writes
me that he wants to go to Palestine in order to study conditions
there.
I am charging him with a confidential investigation of Scheid's
mismanagement which Mrs. Papiermeister has pointed out to
me.
Unfortunately it is a fact that the statements of an Aryan Baron
influence the upper Jews• more strongly than anything our own
kind could say.
• • •
Haas reports from London that he and his comrades are ready
to march.
They will split Goldsmid’s T e n u if he does not come along
to Munich.
At the same time Haas sends me a letter from the Prague Rabbi
taminlca opposing the Munich Congress. T his Kaminha will
have to be remembered as the model of a weather-vane. Now he
is for, now against us.
His chief worry, however, is whether “distinguished"—Le^
rich—people will be there.
This cleric deserves to be memorialized in my diary.
• • •
* la Engliih ia (he original.

An hour after I had made the above entry there came a letta
from Kaminka, in which he offers me “congratulations on youT
initiative.”
So, after having been unable to wreck the thing ihrough vilifi
cation, he offers congratulations on it. A type!
He even asks to make a report on the Hebrew language, for
he definitely wants to attend the Congress.
April 14
The 62nd birthday of my dear father.
• • •
For the Congress:
The rich Jews need to contribute only as much each year as
they normally budget for charity. In return we take the poor to
Palestine.
• • •
Notice to publishers who want to issue the stenographic pro
ceedings of the Congress. Offers to be directed to “Zion,” Vienna.
• • •
I shall invite all the big papers to the Congress. But those who
want to have places reserved will have to register in advance.
This way I may force all of them to write about the Congress—
for fear of competition.
Including the N. Fr. Ft.
April 17
Dr. Güdemann has published a malicious counter-pamphlet
entitled Nationaljudentum [Jewish Nationalism]. Evidently at
the behest of the local vpper Jews.* He confines himself to vague,
cowardly generalities, but with the obvious intention of pro
viding ammunition for bolder warriors.
* In English In the original.
1 shall answer him— and, following the Machiavellian precept,
it will be devastating.
• • •
The publisher Breitenstein, who naturally accepts anything

and has only his business in view, tells me that as soon as Giide-
mann’s tract appeared, Rothschild sent for thirty copies.
April si
The Greco-Turkish war, which in the last few days has changed
from a cold to a hot war, will in its further course probably af
fect our cause as well. How?
If a peace congress for the settlement of the Greco-Turkish
differences comes about, we shall present our request to the con
gress of the Powers.
If Turkey is victorious, which is probable, and if she receives
reparations in cash from Greece, which is even now financially
unsettled— something improbable, to be sure— the Turks w ill
have less need of Jewish aid.
April t$
Bodenheimer-Cologne had a splendid idea: to make a collec
tion for the wounded Turkish soldiers, so as to show the Sultan
the sympathy of the Jews.
I immediately took up this idea and launched it among the
local Jews, including non-Zionists.
• • •
Schalit of the "Kadimah” came and asked me to give him a

recommendation to the Turkish ambassador. He wants to leave
for the theatre of war with several medical students, as volunteer
doctors.
1 wrote Mahmud Nedim a letter informing him of the volun
teer doctors and the collection for die wounded soldiers.
5S8 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZL
April 24
Perfidy on the part of Bambus.
Today he informs me that he has sent a correction of my Con
gress announcement to several Jewish papers.
His purpose is clear: he wants to make me appear as an habUur
[braggart], to undermine the Congress, perhaps on Scheid's or
ders.
Bambus gives as a pretext that the Munich Jews are beside
themselves and are protesting against the holding of the Congres
in Munich.
T o what extent this is true, whether the intrigues of Scbeid,
who feels himself threatened, aren't behind this as well, we shall
yet find out
Perhaps it is only plain envy on the part of the Berliners who
are afraid that I shall get all the leadership in my hands.
I am writing to Bambus immediately, demanding that he re
tract his correction, otherwise I will break with him.
At the same time I am writing to Bodenheiraer-Cologne, in
forming him of the intrigue and asking him for an assurance of
his constancy. If needs be, Cologne will become the capital of
German Zionism.
• • •
If they give us trouble in Munich, I shall take the Congress to

Zurich.
April 25
The first great literary form of neo-Jewish culture will prob
ably be the comedy— no matter in what language. After all, La-
biche's plays, too, are translated into all languages.
This thought occurred to me yesterday when I had quite a
good time. It was the first enjoyable day that I have Zionism to
thank for— otherwise, all it has got me so far is palpitations, ex
citement, shocks. Even the demonstrations of support don't give
me any pleasure, because behind the masses who are applauding
me I already see the ingratitude, the future envy, and the possible
vacillation of the next day.
But yesterday there was pure delight. Since I am managing the
collections for the Turkish wounded, I called some gentlemen
to my home.
At first only the assistant rabbi Gelbhaus and Dr. Bloch came.
Subject of our conversation: my article against Güdemann in
the last number of Bloch’s Wochenschrift. T h e article is said to
have caused quite a sdr. Bloch told me that he went to the Con
cordia Club in order to hear the views of the journalism. A finan
cial-news gatherer in the employ of bank director Taussig de
clared that "such an article should not be published." Th e others
were in favor of it, and they only regretted that I had attacked
Rothschild. Bloch denied that I had meant Rothschild by "men
behind the scenes." Whereupon Julius Bauer said: "Am I God
for you to try to hoodwink me?"
Gelbhaus, for his part, told us about the sensation which the
article had created among the Jews at the synagogue. They
formed raydlikh, i.e.. groups, in the courtyard, and all they
talked about was the demolition of the Chief Rabbi. Before and
after the sermon they came to Gelbhaus to tell him that Gûde-
mann was "morally dead"; he had been convicted of being a
muddlehead, in fact, of no longer standing on the soil of Judaism
at all. Gelbhaus, however, spoke about Güdemann’s execution
without perceptible grief.
Bloch abondait dans le même sens [was of the same opinion]
and explained to me the meaning of the defense of Güdemann's
stand through quotes from the Hungarian Chief Rabbi Chorin.
which was contained in the same issue of his weekly. Chorin is
actually regarded as a goy by the pious.
And Gelbhaus said cheerfully:
"You’ve killed him with your opposition, but the proof of his
agreement with Chorin has buried him."
Now that he was alive to the humorous aspects of the matter,
Bloch told us that by reviewing Güdemann's pamphlet in the
Wochenschrift he had only intended to goad me into a reply.
That is why he had Feilbogen, to whom he had assigned the re
view, emphasize that “ the fourth section ought to be entitled:
Dr. Güdemann contra Dr. Herzl."
Of course, I don’t believe that. I am more inclined to believe
that Feilbogen wanted to trip me up, and that Bloch, considering
the turn in my favor which the matter seems to be taking, wishes
to be on the side of the stronger.
Should I be defeated in an encounter in the near future, he
will desert me.
He also casually mentioned the reason for his hatred of Güde-
mann. The latter had treacherously deserted him on the seminary
question. And now he talked at great length about the uninter
esting seminary question which agitates these gentlemen about
as much as the Jewish Question agitates me. This is how
through passion even the smallest matter can drive people to
hate or to love.
When I asked them about Güdemann’s reaction to my article,
both gentlemen confessed naively that they had not been able to
find out, although they had sent their wives to Güdemann to
congratulate him on the Franz Josef Order which he was given
three days ago.
Then came little old smart Sigmund Mayer, and we fixed the
composition of the committee for the collection. This was the
high point of our conversation. In the process I got to know
some personalities. For in the case of each name misgivings were
voiced and the men again showed with an involuntary naivcté
what a low opinion they have of the “notables."
T h e name of a millionaire was mentioned. Mayer thought that
not everyone would want to sit in his company. I asked why, be
cause 1 didn’t know him. None wanted to come out with it.
Gradually they made hesitant remarks which sounded like ex
cuses for the man. They said that he had given some building
credits, to be sure, but that one couldn’t really say that he had
practised usuxy. And bit by bit there emerged the portrait of a
usurer, so that I laughed and said: “Now I know who the man
is.”
And this is bow it wont with others. As the committee list was
put together, I lean ed a lot o f details about a lot of people.
A veritable scene out of a comedy. For after they had been
run down, they were finally co-opted into the committee after
all, a committee that is supposed to create illusions for the public,
and itself has no illusions.
April *7
Yesterday, at my place, the constituting session of the commit
tee for the Turkish collection. Representatives of the Turkish-
Israelite community were on hand, too. After a lot of talk it was
decided that the Turkish Jews who live here shall place them
selves at the bead of the action and co-opt the others into it.
April s8
Letter to Mahmud N'edim Pasha:
Confidential
Your Excellency:
I beg to congratulate Your Excellency on the splendid victories
of Turkish arms.
The desire of several Jewish students to attach themselves vol
untarily to the armed forces of His Majesty the Sultan is a small
token of the friendship and gratitude which we Jews feel for
Turkey.
Here and in several other places I have oiganised committees
to initiate collections of money for wounded Turkish soldiers.
The yield of the collections will be handed over to the ambas-
odors of H. M. the Sultan in various countries.
Here in Vienna, the Turkish-Israelite community will at my
suggestion head the action and oo-opc various other persons. In
this way the aspersions on the part of the anti-Semites that we
are not making the collections out o f humanitarian ism, but in
opposition to the Christians, shall be deprived of any pretext.
Nevertheless, the col lection is delicate in nature, and many
Jews will be afraid of taking this particular opportunity of ex
pressing their sincere sympathies for Turkey.
In the western countries this is virtually impossible at this
time, because the Jews must not make any demonstrations
against their fellow citizens. Therefore, nothing may in this par
ticular case be expected from the English and the French Jews
who are of the greatest importance financially.
Yet we Jews are gladly using this opportunity to show the
Turks our devotion. Under more favorable circumstances, when
there are no external political hindrances, the sympathies of the
Jews would be on a far grander scale— to the blessing of Turkey
as well as of the Jews.
If this realization gains ground in Yildiz Kiosk, where, it seems,
I have been slandered— I shall feel great satisfaction.
Enclosed aTe samples of the appeals which we have circulated
Appeal Number 3 I drew up for the public committee. The lat
ter will meet again on Saturday, May 1st, and transmit an official
notification to Yout Excellency. T h e present letter is confidential
information.
Begging Your Excellency to accept these expressions of my
deepest respect, I am
Yours sincerely.
Dr. T h . Henl.
May *, my 38th birthday*

I have been to Briinn. They gave me a gala party in the
Deutsches Haus which was announced on street-corner postera.
I made an impromptu speech of almost an hour, and they told
me it was good. In it I addressed myself to manufacturers and
matrons.
• • •
On my return home I found a letter from Bambus who pulls
in his horns a bit.
• • •
The collection for the Turkish wounded has been taken in

hand by the local Sephardic community. T h e leaders impress
* Editor's Note: Hen) mode a tnlatnke here. May a. 1S97 wai hû 37th. not jSih,
blrthdav.
me as being covetous of decorations, particularly President Russo.
It's all right with me if they are decorated, as long as they don’t
denature the project and turn it to the account of their commu
nity.
Mahmud Nedim didn't answer my letter. However, I wrote

the whole story to Sidney Whitman who is in Constantinople
now and goes to Yildiz every day.
May 9
The Berliners “dissociate themselves from the Congress.” I
suspect that a Scheidian intrigue is behind this.
Rambus and Hildesheimer disavow my Congress announce
ment in the Berlin Jewish papers.
“Germany.
"Berlin, May 5. A few weeks ago Dr. Theodor Herzl published
a preliminary announcement in Vienna, to the effect that a
"Zionist Congress” is to take place on August 15 of this year in a
dty in Southern Germany. Among the speakers who were listed
as making reports there figured also the publisher of this paper
who was scheduled to speak about the subject “T h e Tasks of
Jewish Philanthropy in Palestine." A local Jewish paper re
printed this announcement, but in its next number published
the following communication from Mr. W . Bambus, himself a
member of the committee entrusted with the preparation of the
planned Congress:
"Deliberations are actually taking place on the convening of
the big Congress which will have to occupy itself with general
Jewish problems, such as the emigration of the Russian Jews,
etc Whether it will be a Zionist Congress, according to the sug
gestions put forward by Dr. Herzl, or, following proposals made
by others, a conference of the Palestine associations, or whether
it will take a still different form, cannot be determined as yet,
for the entire affair is definitely in the stage of preliminary dis»
cussion. This invalidates all inferences based on Dr. Herzl’s plan
“Since Dr. Herzl despite this continues to send out his prelimi
nary announcement, the publisher of this paper is obliged to
make the declaration that of course he has neveT had any inten
tion of attending a Zionist Congress, but has held out the pros
pect of his presence and his participation only and solely in the
event that the planned assembly would be devoted to a discus
sion of the manifold tasks of the Palestine aid project, particu
larly colonization. Apart from our point of view which is basically
different, we feel we must all the more emphatically decline to
participate in an assembly discussing "Zionist" theories and
future plans, because we are convinced that it threatens to pro
duce grave harm rather than the hoped-for benefits, as well as
to compromise and seriously damage more obvious and realizable
endeavors. The hope may still be harbored that better judgment
will prevail and that the expenditure of energy and resources
will be placed in the service of those tasks which are regarded
as the most immediate by ourselves and even by men who basi
cally share Dr. Herzl's point of view. Only in this event can the
assembly, which has undoubtedly been planned with the best of
intentions, truly bring blessings."
At the same time Landau informs me of a letter in w’hich
Hildesheimer writes him in confidence that he has to disavow
me in order not to lose his prestige with his circle of donors.
• • •
My answer to Hildesheimer's knavery is in the copy book, p.
i6f.
May si
Today there comes news from the war area which leads one to
expect an armistice and a peace between Turkey and Greece
within the next few days. This sends our collection for the
wounded soldiers down the drain. However, I will try to salvage
what can be salvaged, and I am writing to Sidney Whitman at
Constantinople to tell them in Yildiz that we had started our
collection.
Yesterday the vacillating Prague Rabbi Kaminka joined the
Congress committee. First I gave him a good dressing-down and
administered a sort of loyalty oath to him before the assembled
members of the Actions Committee.
• • •
Yesterday in the closed committee meeting at the “Zion’' Dr.

Sdinirer suddenly moved the appointment of an Executive Com
mittee. 1 believe that he had discussed this proposal in advance
with Prof Kellner and Dr. Kokesch in order to relieve me of
“one-man rule." However, I was delighted, because they are only
going to lighten my work load, provided that this is more than
committeemanship. Schnirer, Kellner, Kokesch, Steiner, Kreme-
nezky, SeideneT are friends of mine on whom I gladly lean. If 1
had anything against them up to now, it was the fact that they did
not help me out more. Th eir volunteering for work now is wel
come to me. Incidentally, at the same time they recognized me
as president of the party.
• • •
Later on I asked whether I should take steps to get an official

delegate or an observer o f the Sultan sent to the Coogress. They
aQ beamed and gladly agreed.
May i t
Several circumstances— HUdesheimer's attack; the acquisition
of a local Monday sheet by the Zionists Kohn and Rappoport,
who that same instant broke with us; finally, the humiliation of
being dependent for every little notice or correction oo Bloch's
good graces— make the founding of our own organ a necessity
that can be deferred no longer.
I asked Dr. Landau what his estimate of the editorial cost*
would be. He made a tabulation in which he figures with 50
guilders a month. Then I got Heinrich Steiner to make an esti
mate of the production costs for me. Steiner calculates them at
11,000 guilders a year. After that I also asked my father whether
he agreed, and when he replied in the affirmative, I decided to
create the paper which has been talked about so often in the
past year-and-a-half and for which the funds could never be
raised.
I saw everything clearly right away— except for the name.
May 13
Informed Prof. Kellner and Dr. Kokesch of my decision last
night. They were surprised. Kellner said: “You astound people
by the speed of your march— a veritable Moltke.”
The gentlemen wanted to begin by calling a committee meet
ing. I proposed to Kellner that he join the paper as publisher or
responsible manager. He declined the risk in view of his position.
Kokesch said he was willing to act as publisher.
Overnight the name for the paper occurred to me: Die Welt,
with a Mogen David [Star of David], inside which a globe should
be drawn, with Palestine as the central point.
Landau came and suddenly raised his demands when he saw
that the paper for which he had begged me for a year-and-a-half
was about to come into being. He said he had to “charge for lost
time, loss of other income, etc.” Thereupon I invited him to
formulate his demands in writing. In the afternoon he brought
a document in which, in addition to fixed salary of 50 guilders—
which, after all, would be modest— he demanded 20% of the
net profits. Steiner, whom I had offered a share in the net prof
its, had declined and also advised me to refuse Landau’s request,
since, after all, it is my intention to use any profits for the expan
sion of publicity.
In the afternoon Kellner, Steiner, Schnirer, Kokesch, and
Landau got together at my home. Steiner brought along a charm-
ingsketch for a masthead: Die Welt [The World], which won
general approval.
Incidentally, strangely enough, a current of opposition to the
paper seemed to be stirring among the gentlemen. At first it was
not expressed; I merely sensed it. Kellner spoke against starting
the paper, calling it premature.
Schnirer recommended that we go ahead.
Steiner thought it should perhaps be preceded by a “ tour of
the synagogues” and by enlisting subscribers in the various
countries.
I pointed out that months ago I had suggested that we go
ahead and get subscribers, thus making sure of having a basis
for the organ of the movement which everyone desired so ur
gently. This had not been done any more than other things I had
recommended, unless I had done them myself. Therefore I de
cided simply to create the paper myself, with my money and my
labor.
Thereupon the gentlemen, who a moment before had still ex
pected too little, changed over to excessive expectations at one
bound. Kellner chewed over the idea a bit that I, as the entre
preneur, could very well put my labor into the paper gratis,
whereas others would have to put themselves on a paid basis.
After that I begged the gentlemen to enter into a relation of
co-ownenh ip with the paper by investing in it either money or
labor. None of them wanted to give money; but Kellner prom
ised to contribute his work in return for a share in the profits,
and with this I was quite content.
May 15
Kellner has begged off. He must shortly go to England for ten
weeb. Accordingly, to my regTet, his co-editorship is now out of
the question. The whole burden will rest on me.
Last night we drew up the format of the paper. I sketched the
layout, column by column; Kellner, Landau, and Steiner lis
tened to me, I believe, with astonishment. Kellner and Landau
suggested this and that. Following Kellner’s advice it would bo
come a somewhat scholarly paper of Anglo-J ewish-German com
plexion. Following Landau’s advice, Die IVelt would be a po
lemical paper with a predominantly Galician outlook. I believe
it ought to be a dignified paper with appeal to universal Jewry.
I suggested that Kellner write a series of literary profiles of
representative exponents of the Zionist idea: Disraeli, G. Eliot,
Moses Hess, etc.
He took up the idea enthusiastically and will begin with
Disraeli in the first issue. I promised him to have the entire
series— which he would probably have been unable to place
anywhere else in view of present-day conditions in the newspaper
world— issued later in book form by the W elt publishing house.
I shall pay for his articles at the same rate as the A\ Fr. Pr. For
Zionists must be the last people from whom the paper accepts
free gifts. If it prospers, people will tell all sorts of stories about
me anyway— especially those who couldn’t make up their mind»
to make any sacrifice.
Landau immediately asked for a ’’raise” to 75 guilders a
month. Granted.
May 16
The preliminary work on the paper. Correspondence, organi
zation, everything to be done from scratch.
May 18
Also, that atmosphere of conflict at the office again, something
that doesn’t make my heart any stronger.
May 19
An excellent letter from Sidney Whitman at Constantinople.
He can make both head and tail of it now and wants to submit
the matter to the Sultan himself. He has the Sultan's seal; letters
sealed with it are immediately handed to the Sultan.
S. Whitman expects us to safeguard his future in return for
his services. He deserves that, and I am promising it to him in a
letter which the grateful Jews will honor some day. I can no
more promise a sum of money to him than I can to Newlinski.
Bat both will get thanks from the Jews in as magnificent a man
ner as the work is magnificent.
May to
Another letter from Sidney Whitman. He has interested
Ahmed Midhat Efendi, the Sultan's favorite, in the matter.
Ahmed Midhat thinks we should proceed yavash [slowly] and not
ask for too much, lest the Sultan say No immediately. In particu
lar we must not use the word “autonomy." because it has already
involved Turkey in many wars. I should write my letter in
French, so that it could be submitted to the Sultan.
Accordingly, today I am writing Whitman a letter promising
him a reward (in German, in the copy book), and the following
French one for showing around:
My dear Friend:*
I am writing you today on the stationery of a new paper, a
weekly, but of high quality, which we are starting for the needs
of the cause. Die Welt will appear on June 4, 1897. In this jour
nal we mean to give Turkey, so to speak, an earnest of our pro
found sympathies. You may tell Ahmed Midhat Effendi that we
Aall publish in it, with pleasure and, of course, absolutely im
partially, communications and news which may be useful to the
Sultan's government
This is a step on the road toward setting in motion the influ
ence of the Jewish press for the benefit of Turkey. W e shall con
tinue, provided our efforts are encouraged by sympathy accorded
to die Jewish cause.
An effort which I made in accordance with youT suggestion to
come to the aid of the wounded soldiers came too late — I don't
want to say "unfortunately.” For the victories of the Turkish
* In rm d) b the orlffaaL
550 THE OOMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HER2L
arms have rather <jgickly made this subscription pointless. Since
the political situation in England and in France did not permit
the Jews of «hose countries to express theiT sympathies—which
really exist— to the Turks in this situation, we have had to con-
fine ourselves to establishing committees in Germany, Austria,
and Hungary,- and asking our friends in other countries to give
their aid in whatever way .was possible.
Besides,-this was only an incident of lesser importance in the
Jewish project which'I am pursuing. I very much fear thac peo
ple in Ÿildiz Kiosk are incorrectly informed abouc the nature
and the scop? of the Jewish' plan. Enemies, intriguers, have per
haps changed the appearance of things.
What we want to do is conceived/ 1 -admit, in the interest of
the Jewish' people, but it will serve sapCTlatively for the pro
longation, the restoration, of the vital forces of the Ottoman Em
pire-
First of all. my book on the Jewish'State should riot be taka
as the definitive form of thé project; I lam the first to admit that
there is a lot o f ideology in it. A ‘simple writer, 1 launched 6c
idea without knowing how it would be received by the Jewish
people. Thé bést proof of this is that 1 suggested we settle eicher
in Argentina or in Palestine.
But since that publication the neo»Jewish movement has taken
on an entirely different complexion, and it has become practical
and practicable. We take circumstances into consideration, we
want to conduct -ourselves -well politically, sincerely and effi
ciently.
Here is the situation in a few words:
If <H.' M.1 the Saltan grants us the conditions indispensable
for the settlement of our people in Palestine, we will gradually
introduce order and prosperity into the finances o f the Empire.
Once this principle is accepted, both sides will gladly listen
to the details.
Those who desire the weakening and the dissolution of the
Ottoman Empire are the more or less avowed enemies of otn
plan; thac is easy to understand.
THE COMPLETE DIARIESÔF THEODOR HERZL 551
Those who wish to bleed Turkey white by means of usurious
loans are equally the enemies of o u t project. For the government
of H ' M.'would regain control of the country’s resources; and
that councry wrould be a resurgent one.
These are not empty words/and H.» M.' the S alu n will have
an oppornmicy to be convinced of that if he will do us the honor
of sending a delegate to the Zionist Congress which will cake
place in Munich on August 25, a6, and *7, 1897.
H- M.'s delegate could attend all of o u t deliberations, and
by this alone wre would be willing to give him a striking proof
of compliance.
Eat—and this point must be stressed-—we do noc wish to have
oar people immigrate into Palestine without first completing
the arrangement with the Turkish government.
1c is true that our people are miserable in various countries,
but just the same we do noc wish to exchange the present con
dition of nnhappines for uncertainty.
The situation must be free and clear.
And now I come to your questions:
The immigrant Jews in Palestine would become subjects of
H. M. the Sultan on condition of an absolutely guaranteed se//-
poUction.*
The necessary land purchases would be made entirely without
constraint. It cannot be a question of "dispossessing" anyone at
alL Ownership is a private right and cannoc be violated. The
Sultan’s private domains could be paid for in cash according to
their value, if he desires to sell.
As regards the question of "people’s rights" in the arrange
ment, the equivalent produced by the Jew’s would be an a rinçai
tribute paid to His Majesty.
We would scan with a tribute of a hundred thousand pounds,
for instance, which would increase proportionally to the immi
gration up to one million pounds annually.
On this tribute we could immediately procure a loan adjusted
to the annuity. T h e tribute would be guaranteed by the great
* lit In^luh in (he original.
funds in existence about which I have spoken to you on several
occasions.
I do not want to repeat again what I have already told you so
often, my dear friend— namely, that the solution of the Jewish
Question also involves the consolidation of Turkey. The energy
and importance of the Jews in commerce and in finance are well
known. It is a river of gold, of progress, of vitality which the
Sultan will admit into his Empire with the Jews, who since the
Middle Ages have always been the grateful friends of the Turks.
And with the straightening out of the finances, no more inter
vention of the Powers under false pretenses, no more "public
debt,” no more “leeches.”
Will the scope, the usefulness, of our project be undemood
in Constantinople? Let us hope so.
For the time being I ask nothing better than to prove to H. M.
the Sultan that all this is motivated by the best of intentions.
It is unnecessary to remind you of the confidential nature of
this letter. You, who are such a devoted friend of the T urks, will
understand how important it is not to give warning to false
friends who would like to thwart a project beneficial to Turkey.
Sincerely yours,
T h . Herzl.
May S3
The movement is beginning in America.
Michael Singer, editor of a new weekly, Toleranz, sends me
reports about meetings in New York, etc.
A conference of rabbis, with Dr. Gottheil at its head, has come
out in favor of our movement.
On May 10 the New York Sun published articles about Zion
ism.
When I showed the Sun column to Benedikt yesterday, he
said benevolently: “You are driving the whole world crazy. A
real Pied Piper of Hamelin."
THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HER2L 55S
I replied: “I shall have my revenge on you when you are
obliged to get the report about the Munich Congress from the
Kôlnische Zcitung, after you have had the opportunity for a
year-and-a-half of being the best informed of all."
To which he rejoined:
“No. On August 26 our paper will simply carry a dispatch
from Munich/'
And these casual words, which he is more likely to stick to
than his promises— because he has to, because the paper must
not "fall behind"— this brief declaration already betokens, un
less I am mistaken, my victory over the N. Fr. Pr. The victory
may be wrested from me repeatedly between now and August—
yesterday I held it in my hands.
May 23
Today "Pater Paulus" Tischmann came to see me. Curious
figure from the outposts of religion. An unkempt-looking little
jew with a heavy Polish-Jewish accent, until a short lime ago
a Catholic clergyman. He told me how at the age of 15 he was
seized, baptized, and later ordained, how he could not stand it
in the long run and uttered blasphemy from the pulpit in
Transylvania. He was arraigned and, after he had returned to the
Jewish faith, acquitted. A character out of a novel. Now he is
again auditing rabbinical sermons. I think he is doing a little
shnorring [begging], too. 1 gave him a trifle. Curious that he
probably gets no thanks from the Jews for his "return.” Formerly,
under the crosier, he did all right.
Nevertheless, he says with shining eyes: "But I have the inner
aiisfaction.”
This is the most expensive of all pleasures, as I well know.
• • •
Haas writes that people in America want me to make a "lec

ture tour” on the other side.
554 TH E CO M PLETE DIARIES O F T H E O D O R HERZl
May 26
I am working on the new paper to the point of exhaustion, of
breakdown.
• • •
Two subscribers have turned up. T o the many hundreds of an
nouncements of the Welt which have been distributed, only
three written replies in all have come in so far.
My close party friends believe it will be a failure.
• i •
Constantinople, May 24, 1897

Private.
Dear Friend:
As is my custom, I am acknowledging by return mail receipt
of your kind letter of the soth of this month.
I shall immediately read the contents to Ahmed Midhat and
invite him to write something for the Welt.
Incidentally, the indications increase that I shall see the Sul
tan himself and be able to speak to him about the matter. I find
your presentation very dear and convincing. More later.
In haste,
Yours,
Sidney Whitman.
P.S. Since writing the above I have been to see Midhat; I read
him your letter and shall make a copy for him. He is very fa
vorably disposed toward the matter and wants to devote himself
to it body and soul, with the express stipulation that he will never
accept a penny for his services. T h e two of us drew up a plan of
action, and it is possible that I shall make the first communica
tions to the Sultan even before my departure. T h e rest will de
velop. A delegate shall be sent to the Munich Congress, or
Midhat’s influence as well as mine is zero.
S. W.
Entre nous, Rothschilds in Vienna have contributed 500
guilders for the wounded soldiers.
I am going to tell the Sultan about the Welt in person.
Some time ago there was talk that the Sultan intended to name
A. Midhat as Grand Vizier!
May 27
Received a check from Zadoc Kahn in the amount of 1000
francs for the Turkish wounded. I am sending the check to
Ambassador Mahmud Nedim, and Zadoc’s letter to Sidney Whit
man in Constantinople. At the same time I am writing Sidney
to tell the Sultan that I am ready to come to Constantinople
after Pentecost.
May 30
In the last few days I balanced two difficulties against each

other, which is, I believe, the best conceivable policy— provided
it works out.
The case in itself was insignificant; but still, my prestige with
the Turks was at stake.
The young medical students, who under Schalit’s leadership
hadoffered to leave for the theater of war as volunteer physicians,
received permission in a letter from Mahmud Nedim, the local
ambassador. Then it turned out that they had promised too
much, for they were unable to go. They had no money.
On the other hand, the Turkish-Israelite collection committee
(or the wounded soldiers had raised only a ridiculously small
mm—800 guilders— which they were ashamed of turning in.
Then I had the idea of giving the 800 guilders to the doctors:
The committee is sending off a medical expedition at its ex
pense." That looks like something.
To my surprise the committee people understood the pro
posal.
May 51
Tremendous labor over the paper. Dr. Landau has been calld
up for his military training; Schalit, whom I had drilled as my
assistant, is going to Elasona. So from the outset the whole pape
stands on my two legs.
• • •
Kellner, Schnirer, and Kokesch address a joint letter to me in

which they request the omission from the first issue of an item
objectionable to the coal-Gutmanns (concerning their appeal
against the Jewish Community Tax). T h ey give no further rea
sons for this request. I am going to accede to it— but of count
I shall not be able to put up with this editing by committees
June t
Day before yesterday and yesterday I constructed Die Weh.
Nothing at all existed. Today there is a paper with a distina
physiognomy.
Read all the proofs, even the "advertisements'’; I made up all
the columns. That is to say, there weren’t any advertisement}.
At the last moment I telephoned Kremenezky and asked him fa
an unpaid advertisement. He wasn’t able to insert it, because ht
is negotiating with the municipality of Vienna.
In the evening, at the "Zion," an advertisement was brought
in from a Mariahilf clothing merchant.
I have enjoyed toiling to set up the paper.
At six o'clock last evening the first copy of the Welt came ci
the press. I am dedicating it to my dear parents.
June 6, at night
D/ejJ5 Welt is out. I am utterly exhausted. I am going to re
member this Pentecost week of 1897. In addition to work od the
Welt, also induce the mood for a Whitsuntide feuilleton for the
N. Ft. Pt. On top of that, the excitement in the office that any
moment now there has to be a row and a break with Benedikt on
account of the Welt.
A number of times I was on the point of informing him of the
fait accompli at least. He now frequently takes me home from
the office in his carriage. This would provide the best opportu
nity to talk about everything. But 1 finally decided on simply
sending a paid advertisement to the N . F t . P t . T h e advertisement
was run by our business office.
June 8
This is where I fell asleep from fatigue the night before last.
The business office of the N . F t . P t . accepted the advertise
ment “reluctantly," as my business office was informed by tele*
phone. The insertion of an item in the text part of the N . F t . P t .
was refused for "political reasons.”
1 didn't really care about getting the item into the paper. I
just wanted to send Benedikt a faire part [announcement] of the
appearance of the Welt, one to which he could not respond with
a veto. That is why I chose the financial course. A half-page in
the advertising section of the N . F t . P t . costs 75 guilders. There
was some probability that Benedikt would not refuse this
amount.
And thus the Welt was advertised in the pages of the .V. F t . P t .
On the Saturday before Pentecost, June 5, Benedikt looked
at me with mighty curious eyes. We associated with each other at
the office as usual, but there already were two business offices be
tween us. I believe he would have liked to have a real showdown
with me, but at that moment he was dependent on me: 1 had not
yet handed in my Pentecost feuilleton, and he urgently needed
it for the Pentecost issue.
• • •
On Whit-Sunday, the day before yesterday, there appeared in

the semi-official Reichswehr a ferocious second editorial in oppo
sition to the Welt under the title "Benedictus I, King of Zion.”
In it Bcnedikt is treated as a Zionist. I think he is going to bit
the ceiling with rage.
When I go to the office today, I must again, perhaps for the
last time, get ready to do battle. T h e showdown is due today.
I don't know how it will end. Shall I perhaps be dismissed from
the N. Fr. Pr. within the next twenty-four hours, before I have
filled the pages of this notebook?
• • •
I face this possibility with composure. My heart is pounding,
to be sure, but this is only a weakness of the muscle, not of my
will.
Should the N. Fr. Pr. drive me out, I shall have lost my posi
tion, which I acquired through twenty years of hard work, in a
manner of which I need not be ashamed either.
• • •
The English "Headquarters” of the Hovevei Zion have offi
cially dissociated themselves from the Munich Congress and
announced this in a dry, malicious notice. T h e Jewish Chronicle
carried this announcement on June 4.*
“The Proposed Zionist Conference at Munich.
“A meeting of Headquarters Tent of the Hovevei Zion As
sociation was held on Monday last, the Chief, Colonel Goldsmid,
presiding. It was resolved that the Association should take no
part in, nor send any delegates to, the Congress convened by
Dr. Herzl, which is to meet at Munich in August next.”
At the same time Hildesheimer belittles the American move

ment. "Probably only a small number of inconsequential groupt
from America will participate in the Congress.”
June 8
First round of the duel with Benedikt.
Today he asked me à brûle pourpoint [point-blank], when 1
• Original text.
came into the reading room somewhat uneasily in order to dis
cuss the daily feuilleton and while he was washing his face as
always after completion of the evening edition:
"Did you talk with Bâcher about the Welt}’’
"No," I said, ready to fight.
He answered: “That is very unwelcome to us.”
"On account of the article in the Reiehswehr?" I asked.
"No, I only read the article today; it didn't bother me. But I
was funous when I saw the advertisement in our Pentecost num
ber. It shouldn't even have got into the paper. It is the list of our
contributors.”
I shrugged my shoulders and walked up and dovsm the room.
He wiped his face. "You put us in an embarrassing position.”
I said in a loud voice: "T h e article in the Reiehswehr is full
of the dirtiest lies.”
At that point Goldbaum came into the room— I think he had
been eavesdropping— and the conversation was broken off. We
talked about commonplace things.
June 9
Second round. Today at noon Benedikt started in again:
"We have to speak some more about the Welt. Up to now it has
been the custom in our house that anyone who wishes to partici
pate in some enterprise notifies the editors of it.”
I said: "I've also written for the Zeit.”
He said: “We were on good terms with the Zeit. But even then
I discussed the permissibility of your action with Bâcher. Now
you have taken our entire list of contributors into the prelimi
nary announcement of the Welt.”
I changed the subject: "D o you know what an intelligent per
son said about the article in the Reiehswehr?
" The author of the article knew very well that Benedikt is an
opponent of Zionism. He only wanted to sow dissension between
Benedikt and H enl.’ ”
He replied: T think so too. They wanted to bring about dis-
sension within the N. Fr. Pr. All I ask of you, if our friendly
relationship is to be maintained, is not to jeopardize us any fur*
ther. In particular you must not publish that list of contributors
any more."
I promised to do all I could in this regard— and we parted
friends. He took me home in his carriage.
June 10, 7th birthday of my Hans*

At this point I close this fourth book of my history of the
Jewish State.
I will now deposit the books in a safe place.
This moment marks a chapter anyway; this book won’t take
much more, and I shall make a red-letter date of the birthday of
my good Hans who, I pray, may grow up healthy and happy, a
strong man, and continue my work.
• Editor'i Note: u |«niiwi entry. Jane 10. 1897 v u the sixth birthday d
Herxl’i ion Ham.
Book Five
Begun on June 11,
1897
Vienna, June 11, 1897
Benedikt is more amiable toward me now than e'er before.
Is he overcome, or is he preparing something?
• • •
Sidney Whitman is back from Constantinople. He didn't see
the Sultan, and 1 think he didn't accomplish anything else for
us either. He only seems to have established contact between
Midhat Efendi and me. He thinks I ought to write Midhat
directly.
While passing through Bucharest, $. W. spoke with Prime
Minister Stourdza about Zionism. T h e interview is going to
appear in the New York Herald. Stourdza again expressed him
self favorably about our idea.
June 15
1 am writing to Ahmed Midhat Efendi: •
Your Excellency:
My friend, Mr. Sidney Whitman, who is passing through
Vienna, has told me to address Your Excellency directly on a
matter with w'hich you are already acquainted.
I am so busy that this first contact which I have the honor of
making with you must be quite brief. Whitman has told me
so much about the loftiness of your political views that it will
strike me as a great good fortune for the cause to which I am
devoted if 1 have a chance of establishing and maintaining con
tact with you.
1 am deeply convinced that the Jewish action will contribute
to Turkey's health, to her financial liberation, to the regaining
of all her vital forces.
I am taking the liberty of sending you the journal Die Welt
in which we wish to be of service to you.
* In French to the original.
563
I am placing this organ at your disposal, naturally in a wholly
disinterested fashion. And 1 should very much like H. M. the
Sultan to know this.
All that you may send in will be published immediately, since
this will never be in conflict with the loyalty we have to our
country Austria and our sovereign, Emperor Franz Josef.
With assurances of my high esteem, I remain
Your Excellency’s devoted
T h .H .
June 16
The Munich Jewish Community protests against the meeting
of the Congress.
The first letter from their Executive crossed mine; the secood
came afterwards.
The discussion of them and the letters themselves will appear
in the Welt, so I am not recording them here. 1 believe that this
incident will greatly benefit the Congress. A general discussion
will flare up, and we shall shift the assembly from Munich,
which is not suitable, to Zurich, which is.
June 16
In today’s morning edition of SchôneTer’s Osldeutsche Rund
schau there is a hard attack on the Neue Freie Presse on account
of the Welt. In the reading room at the office there was a copy
of the Osldeutsche Rundschau slashed with blue marks. A
few colleagues greeted me frostily, like a favorite fallen from
favor.
Benedikt sent the Ostdeutsche Rundschau to my room by a
messenger.
A quarter of an hour afterwards 1 went to see him, again
ready for battle, even though quite nervous.
Benedikt was very calm.
I told him: ’T ve read the article. It is very displeasing."
He: "The Welt is a great embarrassment to us. The best thing
would be if it ceased publication."
I said: "That can't be done."
He: "We'll talk, about it. You see that I am dealing with it
quite calmly and objectively."
I: “Even before the appearance of the Welt, the anti-Semites
poured buckets of manure over the N. Fr. Pr. As far as I am
concerned, I certainly don't want to cause embarrassment to the
N. Fr. Pr. I am devoted to the paper. After all, I have put part
of my life and health into the N . Fr. Pr."
I spoke firmly and calmly. He saw that I was prepared for a
break. We were interrupted by a telephone call. I left the room.
When I returned half an hour later, he did not resume our con
versation. He gave me an article by Sir Charles Dilke about
Queen Victoria to translate. He said he didn’t want to give it to
Mrs. Wirth for translation, because he had no confidence in her;
she might divulge it prematurely.
He has confidence in me, then? Is this attitude of Benedikt’s
a weakness, or does he have something up his sleeve?
If be is weak, he would have to hide it better.
Had he kept silent, not mentioned the Ostdeutsche Rundschau
at all, but treated me idly, I would probably have been badly
shaken.
Men don’t reproach, they demolish.
June 17
Since the Munich Jewish Community is protesting against
holding the Congress, we decided in the Actions Committee
today to transfer the Congress to Basel, possibly to Zurich. First
I am to inquire of the Bavarian government through Wrede
whether it has any objection to the Congress. I am sending the
following letter to Wrede to be forwarded to Minister Crailv
heim:
Your Excellency:
As chairman of the Committee on Arrangements for the Zion
ist Congress which has been called for August <5 at Munich I
beg to inquire most respectfully whether the Royal Bavarian
government is willing to accord the Congress its friendly toler
ation. I have expressed myself on the purpose of the Congress
in an editorial in Die Welt which I take the liberty of enclosing
herewith for your information. Only those persons will be able
to attend the Congress who have registered by August 15 and
have received a ticket of admission to the—closed—meeting.
Zionism aims at solving the Jewish Question in a peaceful
manner—namely, through the settling of Palestine with Jew,
with the consent of the Powers, after an understanding has been
reached with the Imperial Turkish Government.
Zionism is, of course, an entirely lawful movement, and it
wishes to pursue its humanitarian goals only under the benevo
lent supervision of the governments. T h e committee which is
working on the arrangements includes a number of German
citizens.
With the expression of my profound respect, I remain, Your
Excellency,
Dr. Th. H.
June 18
Today another round in my duel with Benedikt. He had a
second, Schütz. I had been noticing for several days that Schütz
was treating me as a fallen favorite. Today, when I entered
Benedikt's room, I saw by the break in the conversation that they
had been discussing me.
After a few remarks on editorial matters, Benedikt opened
fire. He said he had spoken to Schütz about the Welt, and
Schütz “shares my opinion.” Schütz confirmed this, even though
evidently less vigorously than he had done in my absence.
Benedikt summed it up this way: T he Welt must fold, or I
must dissociate myself from it. He himself wanted to help me find
a way in which my prestige would not suffer. (He reminded me
of his offer in the case of The Jewish State to help me make the
book less objectionable during his vacation.)
He begged me urgently, most urgently (and the threat looked
out of his eyes) to give up the Welt. He said he was not speaking
as an editor to a co-worker, but as one friend to another. Natur
ally he was concerned that the N . Fr. P t. should suffer no harm,
but for the moment he wished to speak only in my own interest.
It was a pity about me. I was ruining myself.
Schütz seconded him: he had heard that agitation against me
was about to start.
I said: “I’m not afraid."
Benedikt sought, as a friend, to talk me out of my "obstinacy."
Then a threat: I could not go on my vacation until I had given
him a final answer, that is to say, stopped the publication of the
Welt. Then a promise: he guaranteed I would not regret it if
I acceded to bis wish. (I know all that by now: his requests, his
threats, his promises.) He also said that I must not play a promi
nent pan at the Congress, I must not come to the fore. And
after these sharp attacks, after he had tried to work on me with
all the pressure of his superior position, he added so naively that
the greatest mockery could not have made it any worse: "I cer
tainly don't want to exen pressure on your conscience—only,
you mustn’t do anything to the extent that it can be injurious
to the N. Fr. Pt."
And these people wax indignant in editorials whenever a minis
ter restricts the freedom of opinion of his officials.
Of course I remained inflexible. When I was leaving, Benedikt
asked Schfltz (who told it to me later) behind my back and
anxiously whether he had not been too gruff with me.
June 19
Schütz, the man of the bons offices [good offices], came to see
me. We walked to the office together. 1 complained bitterly about
Benedikt who, I said, was exerting pressure upon my conscience.
I could stand this only up to a certain point: and, after all. Bene*
dikt’s friends would rejoice if I left the N. Fr. Pr.
Schfltz must immediately have passed this on to Benedikt.
The effect: an enchanting smile from Benedict -when I ram*
into his room. He was amiability personified, insisted that 1 have
dinner with him, and didn't say another word about the Welt.
Still, I'm on my guard.
I think Benedikt only used the attacks of the anti-Semites
as a pretext, because he is afraid of the independence which 1
am to gain through the Welt.
June 20
Had supper yesterday -with SzdcWnyi Pasha and his wife.
She, a Levantine, is on intimate terms with the Sultan's sister.
I won him and her over to my cause, let it peep out that
Szdchényi could make some money on it. He liked the idea of
it, and said I should send him a memorandum of the matter
which he would submit to the Sultan.
June 22
Yesterday a day of great worry. T he students had called a rally
“to take a stand on the Munich Congress."
This rally was prohibited by the police. I had to exert every
effort to get the prohibition lifted. It would demoralize our
people. In other ways, too, it could have a very bad effect. Our
movement would get the false appearance of being dangerous to
the state.
Today I shall send Dr. Landau to the office of the president
of the Cabinet Council. There he is to ask whether they intend
to force the Welt, too, into becoming an organ for exposes and
fighting, like the Zeit.
Fight your battles with a hatchet manl
June 23
Yesterday another big row with Benedikt. He came into my
room, first talked about general and editorial matters, then
dosed the door and came to speak about the Welt.
He was more urgent than previously. T h e Welt must fold.
1 am to turn it into a news agency or discontinue it, and the
party should issue it in another d ty, at some other time.
1 listened quietly, made no answer.
He begged me: "Be a bon garçon [good boy]l Don’t be stub
born. Soyez bon prince [Be a good prince] 1 What are you getting
out of the Welt? You are harming yourselfl I feel sorry for you.
In the N. Fr. Pr. you can really go places. Do I need to spell it
out for you? You see the perspective as well as I do. You can go
to the top with us. Th is way, however, you are causing us the
greatest embarrassment. W e can’t stand there as a Jewish sheet.
Especially now, when for the first rime in six years there is a
rapprochement again between the German-Nationals and our
selves (fight over the language ordinances), you start that stuff.
1 am (stilll) speaking with you not as the editor, but as a per
sonal friend. Give it up, and it won’t be to your disadvantage.”
1 only kept silent. He looked at me with the greatest excite
ment. He begged, promised, threatened.
Finally 1 said to him: "You are not well informed about the
mood of the public
"Your readers wouldn't object if you wrote about Zionism.
You’ve become too much of a newspaper baron, you have too
many people who want favors from you: people tell you what
you want to hear, and you don't hear the truth any more.”
1 finally asked for rime to think it over, and we left the office
together.
It is clear to me that the break with the N . Fr. Pr. is imminent
in the next few days.
In the evening I informed the Actions Committee of my diffi
culties with the N. Fr. Pr. on account of the Well.
June >4
On the train. En route to Ischl.
At the station in Linz I just saw Bâcher, who evidently is com
ing from Carlsbad and alio going to IschL Since I have had
enough excitement with Benedikt in Vienna in recent days, I
avoided Bacber, pretended not to have seen him, and quickly
entered my compartment again. Perhaps he did not notice me.
In Ischl we shall probably run into each other anyway and prob-
ably have an argument. T h e state of my nerves, to be sure, makes
me wish not to have any exciting discussions now.
• • •
Yesterday was an interesting day. I had decided to ask Bene-

dikt for leave, in order to put a stop to this daily strain on my
heart in those excited conversations with him.
Riding my bicycle to the office yesterday, I said to myself:
this is probably the last time I am going to the N e ue Freie Presse
which has been the object of such ardent efforts on my part over
so many years. These serious differences must finally lead to my
withdrawal, because I can’t possibly accede to Benedikt's demand,
namely, to discontinue the Welt.
And, strangely enough, at the thought of leaving this much-
envied position on the N. Ft. P t., the recognized top literary
post in Vienna, I felt a sort of graduate’s relief. I had a similar
feeling when I left school.
I further thought to myself: this is what death must be like.
The only painful thing— more painful psychically than physi
cally— is probably the agony. Death itself may really be a relief
to the dying man.
Then I quite cheerfully packed my feuilleton files, put things
in order, just as a good housewife hangs up her bunch of keys
before she lies down, feeling death coming. Nevertheless, I real
ize clearly now as before that with my departure from the
N. Ft. Pt., overnight I could become a has-been.
The last conversation with Benedikt took a calmer course
than I had thought. I told him:
“With your consent I want to go on leave now. I am now
acquainted with your point of view in the matter of the Welt,
and I shall write you my answer by the first of July.”
He quickly answered: “Don't write to mel I am convinced
that you will obey me. I am speaking as your true friend— of
course, in my interest as well, but not without considering yours.
You do yourself harm when you come forward as a Jew.”
I said: "Harm? One can harm oneself only by committing some
rascality.”
He cried: "Certainly the two of us don't need to talk about
character. No one is going to say or believe anything like that
about you.”
I concluded: "So I am going on leave now. I shall send you
feuilletons. I haven’t been able to do any work here. These con
versations with you have excited me too much.”
He replied: “ Me, tool So you are heeding my friendly advice.
You'll promise me that you'll give up the Welt, won’t you?”
However, I didn't promise him anything, but only shook my
head mutely.
Nevertheless, we parted “ as friends.”
• • •
In the afternoon Bloch telephoned Steiner and requested a
talk. Steiner should propose a “ peace treaty” to me. Bloch is
afraid that his Wochenschrift could be ruined and is prepared
to merge with the Welt. He begs for peace. He wants to join
Zionism; all he asks is to be kept alive.
He wants to place his paper completely at the disposal of our
pony. We are to appoint the editors, he will pay them. Or we
should make the Welt a supplement to the Wochenschrift.
Naturally I am rejecting this belated proposal. I am only let
ting him formulate this so precisely so that later we will be able
to rub his nose in his filth when he attacks us in the pay of the
richJews.
Bloch’s proposal is the first instance of lightning panic, such
ai we shall probably see repeatedly on our way.
• • •
The rally of the Zionist students, which was prohibited the
day before yesterday, could have done us great harm among the
cowardly philistines.
It was an unfavorable wind; I hastened to bring our boat in
front of the wind again by hoisting the sails differently. The pro
hibition of Zionist meetings could kill our movement. Today
it is still too weak to resist. Then, too, I was worried that the
Zionist Federation could be dissolved following denunciations
on the part of Community Jews.
That is why I sent Landau to the office of the president of the
Cabinet Council and had him demand something impossible:
permission for the prohibited rally. That, I knew, we would not
get— but we would explore the feeling for or against us, and pre
cisely through the immodesty of a request for a special privilege
give ourselves the appearance of people who have a right to make
demands.
And this is what happened, if I am correctly informed by
Landau. He received the friendliest assurances from Dr. Rosner
(the “niece of the coalition”), and Badeni gave permission to
hold a meeting with the prohibited agenda, provided that it was
not convened by students.
At the same time, Badeni took cognizance through Rosner
of the anti-Sodalist Well, and Government Councilor Wohl in
the office of the Chief of Police was pop-eyed when Landau trans
mitted to him the "hint from the top.”
In politics one must use difficulties for getting ahead.
July **
Again on the train, once more en route to Ischl. In the weeks
that have passed I haven’t had a moment to make entries in this
new "Log-book of the Mayflower,” as the correspondent of the
London Pall Mall Gazette called it when he interviewed me
yesterday at Reichenau about the Congress and Zionism.
I can’t even remember any more all that I neglected to record.
The time is past when I was able to note down the little crises
of the day. The Welt will have to come to the aid of my memory
at some future date when I write my memoirs. T h e Welt is giv
ing me a tremendous amount of work.
The most interesting thing since my last train-entry was the
necessary shifting of the Congress from Munich to Basel. I did
not like the idea of going to Munich, which had from the outset
seemed unsuitable to me and which I had accepted only in def
erence to the majority of the “ Committee on Arrangements.”
Therefore I utilized the pitiful patriotic protests of the Munich
Community chiefs to transfer the Congress to Switzerland.
Basel was chosen after a survey made by our stalwart new
collaborator, Dr. Farbstein of Zurich.
However, despite this I asked Prince Wrede to address a con
fidential inquiry to the Bavarian government as to whether it
would have had anything against the Congress. Minister Feilitsch
confidentially replied to Wrede that the government had no
objections to the Congress (scil., did not favor it either).
• • •
I received a letter from Newlinski at Etretat that had a more
favorable tone. He had probably lost interest in the movement.
The Congre» seems to make an impression on him. He declares
again that he has never ceased “serving the sacred cause and its
prophet."
• • •
At last a fine letter from Széchdnyi Pasha at Constantinople,
in response to the outline (contained in the copy book) which I
sent him.
My project is again being discussed in Yildiz Kiosk. That alone
is worth something.
• • •
What else of an “ intimate" nature ought to be recorded pro
futuro [for the future]?
The other day Dr. Kokesch was deeply hurt because in the
agenda (which I made) of the Congre» (which I am making)
of the Zionists (whom I am making) I did not include a change
proposed by the "Committee on Arrangements" (which doesn’t
do a thing). He said: “ We are not merely the privy council of an
absolute monarch."
Ischl, July 29
Another letter from Széchényi Pasha. He writes that the fini
favorite, whom he had already won for the proposal and who
was supposed to put it before the Sultan along with the prayer
rug, had then changed his mind again. Thereupon he had turned
to another favorite who was “even more influential” and would
perhaps do it.
I am writing him today that he should just persevere and try
to create a courant d’opinion [current of opinion]: tossed-off re
marks— “ that would be the best solution of all difficulties," and
the like— could have a great effect. My friends and I would never
forget his services.
Vienna, August 14
Work on the Congress and on the Welt in addition to the
Neue Freie Presse is now exhausting all my strength, so that I
can’t even muster the energy to make entries in this log-book of
the new Mayflower.
I had been prepared for a collision with Bâcher upon return
ing from my vacation. However, he kept silent, and the day
before yesterday he even jokingly drew my attention to an
editorial in the Deutsche Zeitung about the Zionist Congress.
He may be waiting for Benedikt's return to settle the Welt prob
lem. Perhaps the row will come when I try to leave again the
end of this week.
• • •
The Zionists of business and philanthropy are coming round
to me again, having realized that they cannot frustrate the Con
gress.
Bambus is said to have the intention of coming to Basel. He
won’t get a membership card. Little Dr. Kohn, of the “Group
Kohn-Rapoport,” also known as Group Korah, who tried to
bring about a split among the Zionists in Vienna, has made appli
cation for membership. He gets a journalist's card, at the most.
Colonel Goldsmid writes me a letter oozing with friendship. I
am answering that he should still come, otherwise he would be
eliminated from the nationalist movement forever; I will build
him a golden bridge. Finally, Scheid, the intriguer, the man of
mismanagement, is coming to Vienna one of these days— alleg
edly on account of the “ wine business” ; however, I am convinced
that he is doing it because he wants to get closer to me out of fear
of the Congress. At the same time he took out a year's subscrip
tion to the Welt and luxuriously paid so francs instead of 17
for it. The excess shall be returned to him together with an
ironic remark.
• • •
Newlinski is coming to Basel in order to report to the Sultan.
In his letters from Etretat he claims to have instructions to this
effect. I am pretending to believe it. Obviously he only wants
to see if there is anything to the whole business.
N. writes there is a chance that the Sultan will reply to our
telegram of greeting. A subsequent letter says again that diffi
culties have cropped up. Consequently the whole thing was not
true. But Newlinski can be useful to me in Constantinople just
the same.
Je vais le soigner [I am going to nurse him along].
• • •
Yesterday I sent a small silver center-piece to Constantinople
for the rummage sale for wounded soldiers.
August *3
Once again on the train, this lime en route to Basel, to the
Zionist Congress. The amount of work in recent days was enor
mous.
The apprehended row with Bâcher has not taken place to
date. He was even amiable the last few days before my departure.
I did a lot of work for the N. Ft. Pr., in order to put him in
a good mood. When I asked for my additional leave, he acted
a bit grumpy, but then did excuse me until September 2. Where
upon he got to speak about my movement. My collaboration with
the Welt must cease, he said.
I replied: "I have published a total of only one signed article
in the Welt."
He said: “What else are you doing, then? Surely you don't
want to become an itinerant preacher?”
“No,” I said, "I don’t want to be a professional politician.
If that had been my desire, I would have accepted one of the
candidacies for the Reichsrat that were offered to me.” Serenis-
simus,* as we call him at the office, bantered almost gra
ciously: “Some pleasure that would bel I’d almost prefer to sit
in the Zionist Congress than in the Reichsrat.— But you ought
to stop now. You are a man of letters, aren't you, and, after all,
you are an intelligent man.”
“Yes, indeed, because I want to be an intelligent man I am
bringing my work under the aegis of the Congress. Otherwise
everything up to now would have been nonsense. I have fashioned
a Congress for the Jews, and let the people help themselves from
this point on, if they really want to. As for myself, there are
times when I have had more than my fill of the whole thing."
And that’s the way it is. O f late I have felt much disgust If
the Congress produces no serious results, I intend to withdraw
from the campaign and confine myself to keeping the flame
alive in the Welt.
Bâcher had a satisfied expression when I said this. And when
I told him good-bye on Saturday, he said with a pleased grin:
“Give my regards to the Zionists.”
“All right,” I said— “of course, not officially.”
• • •
* Translator*! Note: “His Serene Hlghneu,** a half-affectionate, half-lronlc old'
name for a reigning monarch.
So we shall see what the Congress brings. If, as a consequence,
the political powers take the matter under consideration— if,
Cor example, the German Kaiser sends for me— I shall keep on
working. If not, and if the moneyed Jews also show no readiness
toa n y forward the movement which I have brought to this stage
at such great personal and material sacrifice, I shall retire.
Should I be offered the presidency of the Congress, I shall at
any rate accept it only this once. Even if I go on directing the
movement, I do not wish to preside over the Congress again.
Fact is— which I conceal from everyone— that I have only
an army of shnorrers [beggars].
I am in command only of boys, beggars, and prigs. Some of
them exploit me. Others are already jealous or disloyal. The
third kind drop off as soon as some little career opens up for
them. Few of them are unselfish enthusiasts. Nevertheless, this
army would be entirely sufficient if only success were in sight.
Then it would quickly become a well-conditioned, regular army.
So we shall see what the immediate future holds in store.
August <4
On the train, en route to Zurich.
This morning, when I was coming down the stairs in the
Tiroler Hof, who should step up to me? Hechlerl He had been
there since the night before, and was delivering a lecture in the
olon about me and my movement while I was taking a solitary
evening stroll through the streets of Innsbruck, thinking of any
thing but that the upper ten • in the Tiroler Hof were at that
moment being instructed in Zionism by a clergyman.
Hechler groaned softly but audibly about the discomfort of
his third-class trip.
I shall wire him <5 guilders from Buchs, with which he can
convert his ticket into second class.
• • •
An odd thing, one of the secret curiosities of the Congress
is the fact that most of the threads which I have spun up to now
* Io Englkh ta (ht original.
will converge in Basel. Hechler is here, Newlinski will be, and
tuttti quanti [all the rest] who have helped in creating the people's
movement under my direction. It will be one of my tasks to keep
them from noticing one another too much, for they would prob
ably lose something of their faith in the cause and in me if they
saw with what slight means I have built up the present structure.
The whole thing is one of those balancing feats which look juu
as natural after they are accomplished as they seemed improbable
before they were undertaken.
One of my worries is Newlinski—both what he will say about
my people and what my people will say about him. I must en
deavor to keep him à l'écart [apart]. I consider it entirely possible
that the Bambuses, the little Kobns, even Dr. Landau, for whom
I have created a position and in whom I already scent disloyalty
and ingratitude, will run up to Newlinski and run me down.
I shall demand of Newlinski une fidélité absolue [absolute
loyalty], explain clearly to him that he is to know no one but me.
He should not have dealings with anyone, not let himself be
sounded out by anyone. I may invite him to an inner committee
meeting, but only if it is a highly opportune occasion.
On the other hand, if only because of Newlinski, I must give
the Congress a certain tournure [style].
In other ways, too, the direction of these proceedings will, 1
believe, be a rare feat which will have no other spectator than
the one who is performing it.
An egg-dance amongst eggs which are all invisible.
1. Egg of the N. Ft. Pr. which I must not compromise oi
furnish a pretext for easing me out.
2. Egg of the Orthodox.
3. Egg of the Modernists.
4. Egg of Austrian patriotism.
5. Egg of Turkey, of the Sultan.
6. Egg of the Russian government, against which nothing un
pleasant may be said, although the deplorable situation of th<
Russian Jews will have to be mentioned.
THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF T H EO D O R HERZL 579
7. Egg of the Christian denominations, on account of the
Holy Places.
In short, it is a concise digest of all the difficulties with which
I have struggled until now. Added to this are a few other dance-
eggs:
Egg Edmond Rothschild.
Egg Hovevei Zion in Russia.
Egg of the colonists, whose help from Rothschild must not be
queered, tout en considérant leurs misères [while taking proper
account of their troubles].
Then, the eggs of personal differences.
Egg of envy, egg of jealousy. I must conduct the movement im
personally and yet cannot let the reins out of my hands.
It is one of the labors of Hercules—without overestimating
it—for I no longer have any zest for it.
August 27, Basel

Congress days!
Upon my arrival the day before yesterday I went right to the
office which the City of Basel has placed at our disposal.
It is a vacant tailor's shop. I am having the name of the firm
covered over with a cloth, in order to forestall any bad jokes.
Similarly, in the matter of a hall I am concerned about our
not looking ridiculous. Dr. Farbstein of Zurich has hired the
Burgvogtei. a large but unsuitable place with a music-hall
stage. I asked for suggestions as to how we could make the back
drops for the saltimbanques [tumblers] disappear, but ended up
by hiring different and more dignified quarters.
• • •
To the Braunschweig Restaurant, where the food is quite bad,

every train brings Congress members from all sorts of places,
caked with coal-dust, sweaty from their journey, full of inten
tion»—most of them with good ones, a few with bad.
Last night there arrived the “enemies" T urow, Kohn, and an
580 TH E COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HER2L
unpleasantly sly-looking man from Warsaw, a certain Rabbino-
wicz, a real Judas, who started out by assuring me of his esteem.
In the afternoon Mr. Bourlier from Paris called on me and
interviewed me for the Journal.
All day there were caucuses of the Russians, conferring about
I don't know what.
My fine friend Wolffsohn from Cologne foresees dissension and
division.
We shall admit Bambus, Turow, and even little Kohn to the
Congress after all.
Morning of August 30, Basel

I no longer need to write the history of yesterday; it is already
being written by others.
I was calm and took note of the smallest details even yesterday.
1 have to leave for a session now and won't record Lhe intimate
details until the train ride home: Nordau's ill-humor at the pre
liminary conference because he was not made president, and how
I gradually soothed his spirits.
Many people were profoundly moved yesterday—I was quite
calm, as one should be when events occur as planned. Only when
I mounted the dais, immediately after my acclamation as presi
dent, and found among the mail the first letter from my Hans,
was I gTeatly stirred. At the presidential table—the present sig
nificance of which I am not overestimating, but which will grow
in history—I wrote Congress postcards to my parents, my wife,
and each of my children, Pauline, Hans, and Trude.
This is perhaps the first act of childishness I have committed in
two years, since the movement began.
September 3, Vienna
The past few days, the most important since the conception of
the idea that time in Paris, have now rushed past. In Basel and
on the way home I was too exhausted to make notes, although
they are more necessary than ever, because other people, too,
are already noticing that our movement has entered the stream
of bistory.
Were I to sum up the Basel Congress in a word— which 1
shall guard against pronouncing publicly— it would be this: At
Basel 1 founded the Jewish State.
If I said this out loud today, I would be answered by universal
laughter. Perhaps in five years, and certainly in fifty, everyone
will know i t T h e foundation of a State lies in the will of the
people for a State, yes, even in the will of one sufficiently power
ful individual (FÉtat c'est moi [I am the State]— Louis XIV).
Territory is only the material basis; the State, even when it pos
sesses territory, is always something abstract. T h e Church State
ousts even without it; otherwise the Pope would not be sov
ereign.
At Basel, then, I created this abstraction which, as such, is
invisible to the vast majority of people. And with infinitesimal
means. I gradually worked the people into the mood for a State
and made them feel that they were its National Assembly.
One of my first practical ideas, months ago, was that people
should be made to attend the opening session in tails and white
de. This worked out splendidly. Formal dress makes most peo
ple stiff. This stiffness immediately gave rise to a sedate tone—
one they might not have had in light-colored summer suits or
navel clothes— and I did not fail to heighten this tone to the
point of solemnity.
Nordau had turned up on the first day in a frock coat and
flatly refused to go home and change to a full-dress suit. 1 drew
him aside and begged him to do it as a favor to me. I told him:
today the presidium of the Zionist Congress is nothing at all,
we still have to establish everything. People should get used to
seeing the Congress as a most exalted and solemn thing. He al
lowed himself to be persuaded, and in return I hugged him grate
fully. A quarter of an hour later he returned in formal dress.
In general it was my constant concern during those three days
to make Nordau forget that he was playing second fiddle at the
Congress, something from which his self-esteem visibly suffered.
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On every occasion I emphasized that I was in the chair purely
for technical reasons, because of my knowledge of persons and
details, and that in all other situations he was entitled to prece
dence. This improved his mood somewhat; fortunately, too, his
speech was more successful than my purely political one, and I
went about everywhere acclaiming his address as the best at the
Congress.
Similarly I had to smooth down a few other sensibilities that
had been ruffled in the crush. Steiner had been passed by in the
elections of the committees, and went about with a deeply of
fended air. I hastened to make him chairman for the gala recep
tion and head of the organization committee, whereupon he
settled himself on the speakers' platform and kept the speakers
from going up there. They had to talk from the floor, while he
at on a chair on the platform. Also among those offended were
Mintz and a few others whom I had spoken to too harshly be
cause they sat daydreaming and motionless at the presidential
table instead of taking minutes and helping roe conduct the pro
ceedings.
Everything rested on my shoulders; and this is not just some
thing I am telling myself, for it was proved when on the
afternoon of the third day I left because of fatigue and turned the
chairmanship over to Nordau. Then everything was helter-
skelter, and I was told afterwards that it was pandemonium.
Even before I took the chair, things didn't click.
Good Dr. Lippe of Jassy, as the senior member, presided. It
had been agreed that he was to talk for ten minutes at most.
In the great hubbub he had not submitted his speech to me;
and now, when he was standing up there, he spoke without stop
ping for a half-hour and made one blunder after another. I sat
below him on the platform, next to Nordau, sent word up to
Lippe four times, begging him to stop and finally threatening
him. The thing was beginning to verge on the ridiculous.
Then I was called upon to speak. I was greeted with storms of
applause, but I was calm and remained so and intentionally re
frained from bowing, so as to keep things at the outset from
turning into cabotinage [a cheap performance] or conférence
[showmanship].
Then the presiding committee was elected by acclamation.
We walked up. T he Congress cheered.
I called upon Nordau. He spoke wonderfully. He is and will
remain a monument of our age. When he returned to the presi
dential table, I came toward him and said: Monumenlum acre
perennium [A monument more enduring than bronze]!
Then the reports went off according to schedule. And now
it became dear why I had had to go to the Palais Bourbon for
four years. Subsconsdously I was full of the niceties of parlia
mentary procedure. I was affable and energetic after the model
of Floquet, and at critical moments I endeavored to coin mots
présidentiels [presidential phrases].
On the first day I made a number of mistakes; by the second,
according to the consensus, I had already become fully equal to
the situation. There were critical moments—e.g., when a certain
Mandelkem got up and moved a vote of thanks on the part of
the Congress to Baron Edmond Rothschild. I rejected this pro
posal a limine [outright], because we had no right to vote in this
fashion on a question of prindple, infiltration. I pulverized
Mandelkem* by saying that he was placing the Congress in the
embarrassing position of having to choose between ingratitude
toward a charitable enterprise and the abandonment of princi
ples. The Congress cheered me.
Another critical moment—when the Bimbaum scandal oc
curred. This Bimbaum, who had deserted Zionism for Socialism
three years before I appeared on the scene, poses obtrusively as
my “predecessor.'’ In his brazen begging-letters, which he wrote
me and others, he sets himself up as the discoverer and founder
of Zionism, because he has written a pamphlet like many an
other since Pinsker (whom, after all, I had not read either).
He now had a few young people make the proposal that the
* Translator’* Note: Herrl had a little linguistic fun here. “Mandelkem" U the
German word for "almond."
secretary-general of the Actions Committee be elected directly
and paid by the Congress. And this creature, who at the first
National Assembly of the Jews has no other thought but to get
himself voted a stipend, has the nerve to compare himself to me.
And as in his shnorring letters, here, too, the audacity along with
his begging. T h e secretary-general, as trusted representative of
the Congress, is supposed to counter-balance the other twenty-
two members of the Actions Committee!
I declared that I could not imagine how under such circum
stances anyone would accept a seat on that committee.
The motion fell through ignominiously. It was the only dis
cordant note at the Congress, instigated by Schalit, a young man
whom I had showered with kindness.
Mn. Sonnenschein of the American Jewess said to me during
this incident— I had handed the chair over to Nordau— "They
will crucify you yet— and I will be your Magdalene."
Otherwise everything went quite smoothly. Since I was not in
the hall during the debate on colonization. Bam bus ventured
to the platform and sneaked himself onto some committee. I let
the bastard go, also let that rascal Scheid go unscathed, because
in the meantime the Congress had taken such a turn toward great
ness that I did not want to spoil the impression any more with
these annoyances.
Qu’ils aillent se faire pendre ailleurs [Let them go and get
themselves hanged elsewhere].
Perhaps the most important episode, from the point of view
of principle— although it may have gone completely unnoticed
—was my introduction of the representative system, that is, the
National Assembly. T h e next Congress will consist only of dele-
cates.
On taking leave of Nordau, I said to him: "N ext year we
shall define things further. You will become president of the
Congres^ I, of the Executive Committee.**
However, he was unwilling to commit himself in any way.
Minor incidents without number.
Everybody came to me for information about everything, im
portant and indifferent. Four or five people were always talking
to me at the same time. An enormous mental strain, since
everybody had to be given a definite decision. I felt as though
I had to play thirty-two games of chess simultaneously.
And the Congress was magnificent. Once, while Nordau was
presiding, I entered the hall from the rear. The long, green
table on the dais, with the elevated seat of the president, the
platform draped in green, the table for stenographers and the
press, all made such a strong impression on me that 1 quickly
walked out again, so as not to lose my composure. Later 1 found
my own explanation why I was so relaxed while everyone else
was excited and dazed.
I had no idea how magnificent the Congress looked in this
sober concert-hall with its unadorned grey walls. I had had no
previous experience of such things, otherwise I, too, would
probably have been swept with emotion.
And my best memory of these Congress days is of a few quarter-
hour chats at night on the balcony of the Hotel T rois Rois with
that fine old banker Gustav G. Cohen, whom I had nicknamed
“Beaujolais fleuri” after the small French wine he drank at meals.
September 4, on the train to Ischl

When, upon my return two days ago, I came into the office
of the N. Ft. Pr., a salvo of laughter greeted my appearance in
the city room. The chorus was composed of Schütz, Kollmer
(né Kohn), Oppenheim, etc.
I put a good face on it. When I entered Bacher's room, he
received me with an uncertain smile. He didn't want to hear
a word about that business, he said. But I had learned from
Miinz that he had sent for all the Swiss newspapers.
Then we talked for half an hour about everyday matters. He
told me the sLory of a thrilling detective novel he had just read.
The funny thing about it was that he kept turning so that I
wouldn't catch sight of the thick packet of newspapers in his
outer coat pocket. They were the Swiss papers which had just
arrived.
• • •
Newlinski has now proved himself a scoundrel toward me
too.
Yesterday, when I called on him in order to discuss the results
of the Basel Congress and the next moves to be made in Turkey,
be told me that he had spoken with Edmond Rothschild in
Paris.
I was thunderstruck, for he could only have gone to Roth
schild as a traitor. For am entree he had probably used my con
fidential letters, in which I wrote about my plans for the Con-
gre*.
He acted very reserved, did not want to name the persons who
had put him in touch with Rothschild. I presume it was that
other rascal, Scheid.
Fortunately I managed to keep myself under control. He told
me Rothschild had expressed the opinion that my Jewish State
had done a lot of damage; Rothschild was against me.
From now on I shall be on my guard against this scoundrel,
but I most not break with him, because he can do me enormous
harmin Constantinople— far more harm than be could ever have
done me good. I did not even dare to let on what I thought of
his low-down trick. I even wound up by telling him, as though
I believed in his sincerity, that he had done well to join me, now
that 1 was obviously in control of the entire movement.
“Vous ne vous êtes pas embarqué sur une mauvaise galère
[You didn’t get aboard a bad hooker].”
• • •
Italian and French papers report that the Vatican has issued
a circular letter protesting in the name of Christendom against
the projected occupation of the Holy Places by the Jews. One
of these days I plan to ask the Viennese Nuncio for a confidential
audience.
On my return to Vienna the day after tomorrow, I intend
to address the following letter to Count Badeni :
Your Excellency will, I hope, remember your humble servant
from the negotiations about a newspaper which were conducted
two years ago.
Until now I have made no use of the permission, most gra
ciously accorded me then, to request a private audience at some
time.
Now there is an occasion of whose importance I hope to con
vince Your Excellency if I am favored with a chance to explain
it. However, I beg Your Excellency not to grant me the confer
ence at the time of the general audiences, but perhaps some
evening, when Your Excellency has a free half-hour. Also, it
would be desirable in the interest of complete secrecy if Your
Excellency notified me not through official channels, but di
rectly: on such-and-such a day, at such-and-such an hour.
Assuring Your Excellency of my absolute devotion, I am
Most respectfully.
Dr. Theodor Herzl.
September 6, on the train to Vienna

For the time being I am not sending the letter to Badeni, in
order to wait and see what attitude the N. Ft. P t. is going to take
after Benedikt's return.
However, I will in any case seek immediate contact with the
Papal Nuncio in Vienna—if he will receive me—and get the
Congress report into the hands of the German Kaiser.
t t •
A Basel memory.
In deference to religious considerations, I went to the syna
gogue on Saturday before the Congress. T h e head of the congre
gation called me up to the Torah. I had the brother-in-law of
my Paris friend Beer, Mr. Markus of Meran, drill the brokhe
[benediction] into me. And then I climbed the steps to the altar,
I was more excited than on all tbe Congress days. T h e few He
brew words of the brokhe caused me more anxiety than my
welcoming and closing address and the whole direction of the
proceedings.
September 9, Vienna
Birobaum, more brazen and beggar-like, is playing all his
cards to become secretary-general. As yet there is not a penny
in receipts and already he wants his debts paid by the committee
as well as a job (evidently a lifetime one) paying— at least— 1800
guilders a year.
For what? For a pamphlet, which has remained obscure, and
a few articles.
When 1 appeared on the scene, he had been away from Zionism
for three years, having gone over to Socialism.
Despite this he had it spread around in Basel that without
Birobaum, Herzl and the Basel Congress would not have been
poasible. Great applause!
I knew my people when 1 had the "group" photographed in
tbe Café Louvre.
Rabbi Seff made an interesting proposal. Th e Russian Jews
io America should be trained.
1 had an idea along this line: Jewish rifle clubs.
• • •
Goldbaum sent me the following item from a German paper:

London, Sept, 7 (Telegr). T h e Daily Newt reports from Rome
that Msgr. Bonetti, the apostolic representative in Constanti
nople, has delivered a holograph letter to the Pope from the
Saltan expressing the latter's satisfaction at the imminent peace
treaty. The Pope is reported to have called Msgr. Bonetti to
Rome in order to consult with him on measures to be taken
against the Zionist movement. In this matter the Pope is said to
have turned to France as well, as the protector of the Christians
in the Orient (?).
Even earlier, Italian papers had taken over from the Osserva-
tore Romano the news that the Vatican intended to make a pro
test against the occupation of Palestine by Jews.
I am now writing the following letter to the local Nuncio,
Msgr. Emigidius Taliani, Archbishop of Sebaste, Apost. Nuncio:
Monsignor:*
I have the honor of requesting Your Excellency for an audience
in order to speak to you about Zionism, a movement which quite
recently held its Congress at Basel, under my chairmanship. Dur
ing the past year I had the honor of having a rather lengthy talk
on the subject with Your Excellency's illustrious predecessor,
Monsignor Agliardi. Since then im portant events have taken
place. I humbly believe that it would be of some interest to His
Holiness the Pope to have accurate information about our move
ment, and I should be happy to furnish it to Your Excellency
with absolute frankness and in the hope of not displeasing His
Holiness. The news items in the press are, for the most pan,
absurd travesties, and they could inspire regrettable judgments
as well as decisions that might be irremediable. I have friends
in Rome, but not everything can be explained in writing, and in
my opinion it is urgent that I be heard before Roma sit locuta
[Rome has spoken]. I have every Teason to believe that the en
lightened leaders of the Church will not regret having listened to
me. Until this day I have not betrayed the confidence of the
princes and the statesmen who have honored me with it. Do per
mit me to assure you in advance of my absolute discretion.
Since I am still in the country, 1 beg Your Excellency to ad
dress the reply you might care to make to me at the offices of
the newspaper Die Welt, Vienna II, Rembrandtstrasse n . My
associates will immediately forward the letter to me; it might
be useful to put it in an envelope without a coat of arms.
If Your Excellency is kind enough to receive me, I should
like to request that I be scheduled for an evening hour when
there will be no other visitors.
• In French in the originjl.
Please accept, Moosignor, these expressions of my deep respect
andabsolute devotion.
Dr. Theodor Herzl.
September 11
Received a card from the secretary of the nunciature: the
Nando is receiving every day between 10 and is a.m. So he
does not wish to receive me separately, but in the general audi
ence. I shall go there on Tuesday the 14th.
In today’s Neues Wiener Tagblatt, the second editorial about
the Zionist Congress. Dry presentation of the facts with subtle
malice toward the N . Fr. Pr., “ whose most prominent contribu
tor, Dr. Th. H., was president of the Congress.”
Bâcher was extraordinarily amiable today.
When we were leaving, S. MQna came and told us that the
Pope had called Msgr. Bonetti from Constantinople to Rome,
in order to discuss steps against Zionism with him.
Bâcher grinned: that would be tremendous publicity for Zion
ism.
Münz abondait dans ce sens [also was of this opinion]: hadn't
I got this item into the papers?
I aid: Don't give me credit for any such Macchiavellian de-
sgns. I am a posheter yid [simple Jew].
Bâcher laughed.

Events come and go about which I would have written many
pages in the early period of the movement. Now they rush past,
crowd one another out, before I have had time to get them down.
The Nuncio did not receive me when I came. His servant told
me in broken German: "You are quite unknown to His Excel
lency. Come back when Msgr. Montagnini is here.”
I marched out.
Rome seems to have calmed down since then. It was a fausse
alerte [false alarm]. Perhaps they took the Rothschilds' word for
it that there was “nothing to it.” Sooner or later I shall have to
start a campaign against the Rothschilds. Titre tout indiqué
[The definitely indicated title]: “T he House of Rothschild"—
objective presentation of the world menace that this octopus
constitutes.
In the Politische Korrespondenz there was a disdainful denial
to the effect that the Curia had not made the Zionist Congress the
object of diplomatic action, and would not do so in the future
either.
However, Rome did get interested in it.
Newlinski performed me an honest service in his Correspond
ance de l'Est, in the form of two articles, the first of which paci
fied Rome, the second, Constantinople.
The day before yesterday I went to see him at Steinamanger
—he had called me urgently from Vasvar—and in the shabby
restaurant at the railroad station we drafted the letter which I
am to write the Sultan. The letter will go off tomorrow, to Nuri
Bey.
Newlinski is my directeur du protocole [protocol counselor],
he tells me the hundred-and-one petty details of diplomatic eti
quette, e.g., that the letter to the Sultan is to be sealed with five
seals, but should bear no inscription.
He told me that ready money should be made available for
Nuri Bey—une vingtaine de mille francs comme entrée en
matière [some twenty thousand francs to start with]. And our
movement consists of beggars, even though in the background
there are the big moneybags of the I.C.A., etc. What feats I am
performing in this respect will never be understood, never ap
preciated.
I must make my tools myself to fell the tree. T he Stone Age
of politics!
Today, incidentally, I plan to stir up the committee, so that
they will help after all I
Yesterday Benedict returned from his vacation. He made a
face this long at me. I spoke unabashedly about the Congress.
He kept silent, furious.
Whereupon I switched to pleasant subjects.
September 24
Last night, session of the Inaction Committee at Dr. Kokesch's.
So far nothing has been done.
Dr. Bimbaum, the "secretary-general,** has as his only general
secretion to date one document which guarantees him employ
ment for one year and against which he wants to rent furniture.
My good Schnirer, who is certainly as honest as the day is long
and an energetic person, demanded as the most important thing
an "agenda" for the Actions Committee. But behind this guile-
lesncs there may be the wish to interfere with me.
I requested the gentlemen first of all to raise some money for
the "action." So far I have simply paid everything that has been
needed out of my pocket. If the committee wishes to "co-rule,”
it must first pass the test of strength— getting 5000 guilders into
the treasury.
Kokesch declares this to be a flat impossibility. Quod est
demonstrandum [Which has to be demonstrated]. He is a fine
person, too; but where would we be if we were dependent upon
him.
They want to issue coupon books on the "shekel.** I figure
that in this way 833 guilders— and 75 kreuzers will be on hand,
antes I make a drive.
After I have made it, Kokesch will probably believe that with
out him I would never have accomplished anything.
O ctobers (Day of Atonement)

I am now tacking the Jewish Company .•
The Basel Congress meant the creation of die Society of Jew»*
looking forward to the Jewish State, although with opportunistic
•!■ Englfah la ihe orffkuL
modifications and weakly executed. T h e work of the coming year
will be the establishment of the Jewish Company, provisionally
named the Jewish Colonial Bank.
I have entered into correspondence on the subject with Schid-
rowitz, who is on news agency duty in London, and I am wiling
a pseudonymous article, intended to open the discussion, for
the next number of the Welt.
During the coming months the idea of a bank will arouse the
lower instincts of Israel, just as the idea of the Congress fright
ened the higher ones and ended by inspiring them.
October 17
On idle days I am too exhausted, on full ones too occupied,
to make any entries in this diary. T hus it actually becomes poorer
and poorer while the movement becomes richer and richer.
When I began to write down the novel of my life, all the shadows
that moved across my soul, and all the lights as well, were on
these pages. Now everything has moved up to the surface. I am
also more aware of my responsibility to express myself about
persons, because obviously these diaries will some day be ma
terial for the history of the Jews.
In this way a great deal goes by unrecorded. Yet there are de
tails of great significance, such as this one:
A few days ago I told young Schalit, whom I had hired as an
editor of the Welt upon his request, to write a letter. Another
student was present in the office, and Schalit acted as though he
had not heard my instructions. When we were alone again, he
requested me not to give him such orders in front of strangers.
I said that he could well put up with this. He retorted that I did
not realize how frequently I insulted people.
I: "When did I ever offend you?"
He: "For instance, in Basel, at the preliminary conference,
when you yelled to me to stand by the door and let no one in."
Then it suddenly occurred to me that at the Congress this
Schalit was responsible for the Birnbaum incident, the only
blot on the three days. In Basel I forgave him for it, because I
took it for thoughtlessness and ineptitude. Now I recognized it
for what it was: an act of revenge.
Last night at half past ten, when I returned from the theater,
1found a telephone message from Bâcher, asking me to come to
the office right away. I thought a brawl over my article “ Mau-
icbd" was in the offing and once again got ready to do battle.
These alerts don't do one's heart any good, but they strengthen
a man morally.
Fausse alerte [false alarm]. A ll he wanted was a change in a
brief item that I had written for today's number.
The Daily Chronicle proposes a European conference for the

settlement of the Jewish Question, as the Pall Mall Gazette had
proposed previously. This gives me a talking point for my re
quest to the German Kaiser for an audience.
• • •
Draft (first to be discussed with Hechler):
Your Imperial Majesty:
At the suggestion of His Royal Highness the Grand Duke of
Baden 1 am addressing a respectful request for an audience di
rectly to Your Imperial Highness.
Through my book T he Jewish State, which was published
early in 1896, there came into being in all parts of the world a
movement called the Zionist movement. It has stirred many
hundreds of thousands of people.
On the last three days of this past August, >04 representatives
of the Jewish people from all countries assembled at Basel. This
Congress of Jews, which elected me President, formulated the
program of Zionism: the creation of a publicly and legally safe
guarded home for those Jews who cannot or will not assimilate
in their present places of residence.
A few days ago a proposal appeared in ihe British press to
convene a European conference for the discussion and solution
of this problem which exists in so many countries. Journals of
the most divergent lines—such as the conservative Pall Mall
Gazette and the radical Daily Chronicle—have agreed on the
necessity of such a conference. Apart from the fact that the so
lution of the Jewish Question would also mean the solution of
part of the Near Eastern question, a relocation in colonies of
the non-absorbable part of Jewry would be a relief to most coun
tries, in which the Jews are either perishing in dire financial
straits, are being driven into the arms of the revolutionary par
ties through social ostracism, or dominate financial affairs in a
way deeply regretted by us non-moneyed Jews.
I must fear I should be unable to gain the attention of Your
Imperial Majesty for a lengthy discussion in writing. This ex
tremely weighty matter gives rise to so many questions that even
the most cursory treatment would have to be unbearably prolix.
If I am most graciously granted an audience, I believe I shall
be able to furnish information on all details.
Our movement, which is already wide-spread, has everywhere
to fight an embittered battle with the revolutionary parties
which rightly sense an adversary in it. We are in need of en
couragement, even though it has to be a carefully kept secret.
I am placing all my hopes in the Kaiser, who looks beyond the
seas with a vision as wide as the world and of whose deeds his
tory will extol precisely those which are not understood by the
petty people of the present.
Whenever and wherever Your Majesty may summon me for
an audience, I shall be at hand immediately.
With profound respect, I remain
Your Imperial Majesty's very obedient servant
Dr. Th. H.
To the Grand Duke of Baden:

Once more I take the liberty of respectfully invoking the aid
of Your Royal Highness. T he movement, about which I was
permitted to make a report one unforgettable day in Karlsruhe,
has since become a subject of international discussion, particu
larly through the Basel Congress. T he struggles and sufferings
1have had to go through in the meantime for this humane proj
ect have been difficult enough. Now, public opinion in England
is calling for a European conference on the territorial solution
of the Jewish Question.
Last year Your Royal Highness advised me most graciously to
address a request for an audience directly to His Imperial Maj
esty. Fearing that my application could go unnoticed among
countless similar ones, I have been waiting for a sufficiently seri
ous occasion. This now seems to me to be at hand.
If Your Royal Highness would have the goodness to hand my
enclosed letter to the Kaiser now that he is staying in Karlsruhe,
or to send it on to him, 1 should know at least that His Majesty
has received my request.
May God, who has set the princes so far above the other peo
ple and enlightens them, be with my truly serious request.
With deepest respect and gratitude, I remain
Your Royal Highness' devoted
Dr. T h. H.
Dated and mailed on October at.
Will an answer come???
October *7
Something strange has happened now. On the day after this
letter had gone off, the Grand Duke of Baden, who had been
living most quietly for a long lime, suddenly stepped into the
European spotlight.
He had wished to visit the Czar, who was staying at Darmstadt,
and this request was denied. T h e Grand Duke published this
fan in the Karlsruhe Court Gazette—and then the hundred-
thousand bells of the world press began to ring.
Where is my poor letter now? After all, 1 know from the hustle
and bustle at my own Congress that at such a moment one no
longer knows où donner de la tête [whether one is coming or
going].
But how odd is this coincidence that I had to write a lost let
ter to the Grand Duke at the precise moment that quiet man
gets into a hurly-burly. One day earlier he might have listened
to me— et encore [and then] I
On the other hand, a possibility of rendering him a little
courtesy has opened up. On the occasion of the denied visit, the
N. Fr. Pr. published a very sympathetic editorial (by Goldbaum),
and yesterday I sent it to the Grand Duke.
Will he express his thanks and, to show his appreciation, for
ward my letter to the Kaiser? After all, that is all I need. Once
I have that audience with the Kaiser, a great deal will have been
gained.
But I don't believe it. Since I have been receiving so many
letters myself, I have known how hard-hearted the recipient of
much mail becomes toward his correspondents. And compared
to him, I am still young, poor, powerless.
Leçons des choses [Object lessons]I I am getting to know life
from many sides.
• • •
Goldbauml While rummaging around yesterday, I happened
to come across the page-proofs of the Jewish State, which he had
returned to me uncut.
Now he writes Zionist articles for the Welt as "Spectator."
• • •
Dr. Mandelstamm of Kiev is trying to induce a few Kiev mil

lionaires to give money for the formation of a newspaper joint-
stock company. One million required. My father and I are will
ing to give 100,000 guilders if the Russians contribute the
remaining 900,000.
Following Mandelstamm’s advice I am sending a business rep
resentative (Steiner) to Kiev.
Steiner wished to have it stipulated that his name would be
in the paper on equal terms with mine. T h is I categorically re
fused. He will merely be chief business manager— if something
comes of it.
But I am already so exhausted that I don’t care whether the
paper materializes or not. I have been wasteful in managing my
physical resources.
If the Russians put up enough money, it might be possible
even to force the N. Ft. P t. to capitulate. W ith three millions I
can easily buy it out, and that would of course be the best thing.
With the N. Ft. Pt. in our hands we could work wonders. Vede-
temo [We shall see].
• • •
On my walk this afternoon, powerful daydreams once again:

about a trip to Palestine next Spring. If I establish the news
paper as well as the Jewish Bank in the coming months, then the
ship that I charter for the voyage will no doubt cause a sensation
in the Mediterranean.
At the head of a newspaper, supported by a new Ottoman
Bank, 1 am certain of a gala reception by the Sultan.
Fantasies!
But the man who brought the daydreams he had while strolling
through the Tuileries gardens and the Palais Royal in June, 1895
to Basel and the Congress may yet sail the Mediterranean Sea as
a Jew returning home.
But I am as tired as an old man.
• • •
In this week’s number of the W ell, I had Kellner launch the

Jewish Trades Unions.•
An article in the Jewish Chronicle by Mr. Delaforce (who
meant something else— namely, the formation of the traditional
English Trades Unions in every country) had given me the idea
' b laglhh to original.
of setting up, in the form of such Trades Unions, the working-
men's cadres for the coming migration.
Kellner didn’t quite understand me; but in the discussion
which is being started, it will be possible to develop the idea.
November 5
I sent Steiner to Kiev to speak with Brodsky about the paper
which is to be founded. Steiner reports that B., whom Prof.
Mandelstamm had prepared, has been won for the project.
November 5
Today, a row with Bâcher.
Bloch's Wochenschrift carried a perfidious article: "Herzl and
the N. Fr. Pr."
After we had taken care of our editorial matters, there was the
Wochenschrift lying on Bacher's desk. He asked whether I had
put it there. I hadn’t. But why didn't he read it. He did. Mean
while I looked out the window. I didn’t want to leave before he
had finished. Then he said: “This is unbearable. You have to
choose between us and the Welt."
I said: “I have acceded to your request not to sign my name in
the Welt. I can’t go any farther. If you consider it incompatible,
please tell me so formally. I have made a pledge. It is as if you
presumed that I would not keep my word. A man depends upon
his word. I shall keep mine, no matter what may be destroyed.”
At this—he backed down, gave the conversation a turn to more
general things, and we argued about the policy of the N. Fr. Pr.
He even said good-bye to me with great cordiality.
I won today’s battle. Tomorrow it will probably start up again,
on account of my article “The H unt in Bohemia.” It is a creep
ing crisis with a certain end—my end.
November 14
This afternoon, read my Ghetto at Countess Kielmannsegg’s.
The Count (the governor) came in during the second act, saying
he was very busy and could only stay a moment. Then he re
mained to the end, with growing interest.
It had come about in this way. T en days ago I decided to give
the Ghetto to Director Jauner for the Carltheater. It was simply
that I expected once again, as so often before in these past two
yean, to be removed from the N . Fr. Pr. Once out of it, I would
be boycotted. Not a soul would take anything from me any
longer; least of all would a theatre director risk incurring the
displeasure of the N . Fr. Pr. because of a Jewish play.
I called Jauner to my place nine days ago and read the
Ghetto to him. He was delighted, laughed, cried. Only, mis
givings about censorship! Would be best, he said, if I read the
play to the governor's wife. I consented, he spoke with the
Countess— and this afternoon I read it. Reading a great success.
Afterwards I spoke with the governor about the Dreyfus affair
which, strangely enough, is active again at this particular time—
just as it was three yean ago, at the time when I was writing the
Ghetto.
November ag
Badeni is overthrown. I have been to Parliament during the
past few days, watching the last mistakes of this amiable man,
who began with too much hand-shaking in the Chamber of
Deputies and ended by having the police march in— I happened
to be a witness to both the first and the last sessions under Prime
Minister Badeni.
The day before yesterday and yesterday, the revolution spilled
from Parliament out into the street, and yesterday afternoon the
Emperor dropped Badeni.
I had to think of what he told roe two years ago: "Je ne foutrai
pu le camp [I won’t beat it]! . . It is not impossible
that many things would have happened differently in Austria if
I had accepted his proposition at that time and become a better
counselor to him than Privy Councilors Feiberg and Halban,
who were around him.
How many acts of cowardice make a baulel
Gautsch, a plucky and pliable official, is his successor.
He is of the Taaffe school and will probably work with the
anti-Semites again. I don’t think he will last long, and after him
will come the clericals. T he Jews are making a bad exchange.
T he N. Fr. Pr., which had headed the lynch-justice campaign
against the language ordinances, will no doubt soon bitterly re
gret that Badeni is gone.
The policy I have to pursue for my movement is not clear to
me yet. For the present, wait and see.
• • •
Nord au writes that he is trying to be received by the German

Kaiser in causa Zionism. If he manages it, he will be the head
man in the procession I have created. But it’s all right with me.
Let the cause grow over my head. I am writing him my consent
and asking him also to go to Pobcdonostsev and to the Czar. I
am writing him further that I want to make him governor of
the Jewish Bank. Jealousy is stupid; then, too, I am not “on the
make.” My present dream: to write a verse play (Renaissance
costumes).
Nordau also reports someone came to see him about a loan
for the Turkish government. T he latter wants 40 million francs
and is willing to give in return the concession for the railroad
between the Mediterranean and the Gulf of Persia as well as the
right to settle 70,000 square kilometers in Palestine. Unfortu
nately the rich bastards are not available to us, and the Bank
does not exist yet.
Nobember 29
It has occurred to me to offer Nordau’s loan to the Jewish
Colonisation Association.* I am writing him to see Zadoc Kahn
and tell him that I offer to withdraw from the movement if the
I.C.A. carries this out.
• In English In (he original.
Vienna, November 29, 1897, at n*ght
Dearest Friend:
A letter that arrived this afternoon prompts me to write you
once more today.
The matter of the Turkish loan is very important, and the
letter gives me an idea of where the resources might be found.
The Jewish Colonisation Association* (Hirsch Fund) is to have
in meeting in Paris in a few days. A ll the gentlemen will be
present.
I would now ask you to submit my following proposals to
Zadoc Kahn personally. He is the suitable intermediary and also,
ai far as I know, one of the I.C A /s most influential members.
The I.CA. is to handle the matter. T h e procedure would be as
follow's:
The Jewish Colonial Bank (2 million pounds sterling) is
(bunded right away. Administrative board: the gentlemen of
the I.CA. The shares* can easily be placed, and I think I can do
10 even with my present machinery. With the I.C.A. behind it
the matter will be child’s play anyway. Next this bank concludes
the loan you mentioned to me with the Turkish government. T he
LGA. participates in it in a manner to be defined later, and, as
security lor the loan it grants to the bank, it receives the lands
ceded by the government. T h is is the rough outline.
In return we offer the following service: we place our entire
propaganda machinery at the disposal of the I.C A ., set up the
subscription on the broadest base, and I pledge my word of
honor to withdraw completely from the direction of Zionist af
fairs. This last item should convince the gentlemen that I am
neither a politician* nor a financier and that I have no ulterior
motives in the proposal.
(Between us, I am already worn out by all the struggles and
difficulties.)
• • •
*I
nCn
flithla(
b eo
rir
ina
L
Again a hésitation as I was writing— letter suspended for the
time being. The I.C.A. would not understand the matter yet.
December i
Received today a letter from the Grand Duke of Baden: the
Kaiser cannot receive me, but would be glad to read my account
of the Basel Congress.
• • •
. Today I am writing to Gaster to set up an administrative board
for the Bank for me.
T o Zadoc Kahn, to call on Nordau, if I.C.A. is so inclined,
regarding the proposal for a Turkish loan which has been made
to Nordau.
December n
Today the wealthy Poznanski from Lodz came to sec me. A
plain, but intelligent man. He had first sent me the Lodz assist
ant rabbi Dr. Jelski, who had accompanied him to this city to
speak with me. Had he expected me to call on him at his hotel?
I sent him word that I was expecting him at my home.
The conversation revolved about general things for a long
time. Finally we got onto the subject of the Bank, which he is
greatly interested in. He plans to come back tomorrow morning.
He would like to found the Bank with io million pounds sterling
share capital.
One million shares, with a yearly payment of one pound.
• • •
Today I would content myself with Poznanski's joining the

movement. That is to say, I have already given the matter so
much prestige that no Rothschild is needed for backing any
longer.
If P. cannot be had either, the whole thing must simply seek
a broader base.
THE COMPLETE DIARIES O F T H E O D O R HERZL 605
Letter to Nordau:
Dearest Friend:
Thanks for your letter of the 5th of this month. The Battle of
the Drones still has not reached me. If possible, I want to write
about it in the N. Ft. Pr.
I am expecting M. de Galart d’un pied ferme [without flinch
ing]. In the meantime, the most important things have happened
here.
With the Bank we have reached a turning point in our move
ment. I must speak laconically.
For two days I have had as a visitor the richest man in Russian
Poland, J. K. Poznanski of Lodz. This man is completely sold
on the cause. However, he feels that the Jewish Bank should not
have two, but five, possibly ten, million pounds sterling in share
capital. He wishes to join the syndicate whose function it will be
toguarantee the subscription. T h e other Russian millionaires are
as good as certain after he joins. With this the founding of the
Bank has taken a giant leap forward. I am sparing you an ac
count of the steps I am taking for this purpose in Eastern Europe.
In London Gaster has already started the ball rolling through
Seligmann the banker. T h e syndicate must display names from
all countries qui ronflent dans le monde financier [which have
an impressive sound in the financial world].
Now there arises the Rothschild question. Poznanski— who,
however, is prepared to go along without the Rothschilds, if
necessary, even in opposition to them— first wants us to try to
get the Rothschilds to adopt an attitude of friendliness or, at
least, of benevolent neutrality toward the Bank. It is an ex
tremely difficult task, but with skillful leadership it does not
seem hopeless to me. O f course, contact with the Rothschilds
must not be sought directly or in writing. In the course of the
campaign they would adduce against us any attempted and re
jected advances, naturally only in the perfidious manner of the
financiers who have journalistic bravi [hatchet-men] at their dis-
pool— for a sub in the back.
A few weeks ago I published in the Daily Chronicle two arti
cles in which I demonstrated the possibility of a financial boycott
carried on by the Jewish middle classes against the money mag
nates at some time in the future. T h e Rothschilds ought now to
be given to understand that the projected Jewish Bank could
possibly serve such a boycott and could be served by it. If they
learn at the same time that the Bank will come into being at all
events, they will not treat the matter with aristocratic coolness.
The expansion of capital, which is being planned now, will,
in any case, make the Jewish Bank a factor to be reckoned with
in the financial world as well. T h e whole question is whether
these people have sufficient imagination to picture right now
what will exist three or four months from now, or whether the
matter will be suitably presented to their imagination, which
has fallen asleep on their money-bags. In this, Zadoc Kahn can
be of the greatest help to us.
The matter must be shown to the Rothschilds earnestly. But
what do they have to hope or fear from the coming Jewish Bank?
If they stir up feeling against the Bank or even reject us in an
injurious manner, I shall initiate guerrilla warfare against the
House of Rothschild, and if I know you, you will stand by me
in this. We shall plot this when the time comes.
But perhaps it will never come. And I would prefer that for
political reasons, although I consider these people parasites and
am furious at them from my very heart. If, then, the R's neither
oppose the Bank nor reject it a limine [outright], it can be useful
to them in two ways: 1. as Jews, since the Bank is to bring about
the solution of the Jewish Question; 2. as businessmen, since
the Bank can bring them benefits in many ways. Contrary to
Poznanski's view, I would consider it sensible if the Rothschilds
did not take any overt pan in the Bank. Otherwise people would
say that all of juiveric financière [financial Jewry] was gath
ered there, and the Bank would from the outset have to fight
certain antipathies (of course, at the same time it would give
the impression of tremendous power), while without the Roth
schilds it might give the appearance of being against the R's and
thus inspire sympathy. However, if the R ’s had some influence
on the Bank through representatives, they could safeguard them
selves in many ways under this cover. It is an old idea of mine—
and the only reason I am telling it to no one but you is that it
would make me suspect of gigantisme — that the Rothschilds will
need such a bank if one day they liquidate out of fear of general
hatred, or wish to safeguard their fortune (which appears to have
grown beyond the possibility of financial catastrophies).
To what extent the minds of these people are at all receptive
to such an idea is naturally beyond my judgment.
However, I think I have presented the state of affairs clearly
enough to you. And from this there follows, too, the form of
your participadon, for which I am not bothering to ask you, be
cause I simply presuppose it as the logical consequence of what
you have done for the cause up to now. I believe you ought to
approach Zadoc Kahn in the way that seems best to you, and
with the greatest dispatch. Everything only orally, of course. You
be the judge of bow to broach the matter to him. He is a fine
human being and a good Jew, but also devoted to the R's. He is
perceptive and will understand you à demi mot [without many
words]. He is on good terms with Alphonse R., with all of them.
Stir him up, show him all that can be done if he helps us. No
material sacrifice is being asked of these miserable marchands
ior gent [money merchants]. T h e way the matter stands today,
after winning public opinion for our "crazy idea," something
that we accomplished with our mere pens and words, we only
need the simulacre [semblance] of this syndicate of guarantors to
make the subscription a tremendous success, thus letting Zion
ism grow into a real power. Let him bend every effort to help
toward that end.
The Jewish Colonial Bank must actually become the Jewish
National Bank. Its colonial aspect is only window-dressing,
hokum, a firm-name. A national financial instrument is to be
created. But if they force us to march off without boots, like the
soldiers of the First Republic, we shall take revenge for our
dimm.
That is all I shall tell you. You understand me perfectly and
will put all your energy into it.
One word more about the next round. In April we shall
charter a ship (probably making all the arrangements through
Cook) and go to Palestine for four weeks. This is not yet for
public consumption. I am now getting estimates, calculations
of the costs per participant, etc. It will probably come to 1000
francs a head. After we return from this excursion, to which we
will also invite a number of important people, the subscription
prospectus of the Bank will be issued. This you can tell to Zadoc
too, but to no one else for the present, because I must first make
various arrangements in Constantinople.
Finally: You write that you have connections with Pobedo-
nostsev. Could you quickly manage through him or other friends
in Russia to get the Russian government to permit the creation
of Zionist associations and collections for Zionist purposes? I
am told that this is a vital question for our movement in Russia.
The powerful man now is said to be Minister Goremikin. In
Russian Poland, the governor is Prince Imeretinslti, and he ought
to be won over to our side.
I cannot have this very important letter copied by anyone, nor
do I have the time to do it myself. Therefore, I am asking you
to send it back to me after you have taken notes of all necessary
points in it, because I need it as a document for later. For put
ting you to trouble, as— God knows!— I am putting myself to
trouble, for this I am making no excuses. We are serious at heart
Your loyal
Th. Herzl.
December 18
After consultation with our treasurer Kremenczky 1 have
promised Newlinski a monthly subvention of 200 guilders for
the Correspondence de l'Est. Newlinski thanked me, quite
touched, saying that this support would save him much burden
some news-agency work. I had had no idea that it would seem
like such a lot to him.
He told me what bad shape the Turkish finances were in. The
ambassadors are unable to pay their butcher's bills. T h e Berlin
ambassador, Galib, had to leave his post because he was out of
money. The Vienna one, Mahmud Nedim, told him (N.) that
be could hold out two months more; then he would have to
follow Galib's example.
Today Newlinski produced his first article as a correspondent,
although his traitement [salary] doesn’t start until January i.
My guiding consideration in this subvention was something
that F&rth had told me a few weeks ago about the Prince of Bul
garia: that he had begun to take Zionism seriously after reading
the earlier articles in the Corr. de l'Est. That is typical of these
circles.
Berlin, February 4 [1898]

It is indicative of the rush in which I am now living that I can
no longer enter the most important things here.
On January 6, following the Vienna premiere of the New
Ghetto, I came here and intended to describe the peculiar ex
citement that attended this premiere. I did not get a chance to
do it. Either I am busy or I am exhausted. These days I always
live in a railroad atmosphere. T h e train speeds, or the station
ii deserted.
Not until yesterday, when I had a reunion here in the Palace
Hotel with the Turkish ambassador Ahmed Tewfik, whom I
had come here to see at the beginning of January, did I feel the
necessity of putting down these important events as an especially
pressing duty.
Four weeks ago I had two long talks with him. He is a likeable
man, moderately intelligent, not unfavorably disposed toward
the cause, but in a way that has no value for us. He would like
to attract the Jews to Turkey— but without a territory of their
own and without autonomy.
We want to supply Turkey with funds; in return, he said, wc
would be given a “friendly reception.”
I told him this was no solution, had no lasting value. It would
be the settlement of new Armenians in Turkey.
Incidentally, he declared his readiness to convey to the Sultan
a memorandum which I am to work up.
I went back to Vienna and told Newlinski that Ahmed TewHit
did not seem to me to be ripe for the idea. W e would have to
wait some more until Turkey was even worse off.
Perhaps— and this would not be stupid— Tewfik, for his part,
reasons: we Turks must wait until the Jews are even worse off.
T o me, of course, this delay is not unwelcome, because I
haven’t finished with the financing yet. T h e bank is encounter
ing great difficulties. T h e bankers are cautious, cool.
In January I had a conference in this city with wealthy Berlin
Jews which Professor Stein of Bern had called. That unpleasant
episode with Glaser which is recorded in the Welt is involved
here.
The rich Berlin Jews listened to an explanation of the pro
ject. Maybaum, the Protest Rabbi, had appeared, obtrusively
and uninvited, at the discussions as well. I “ interested the gen-
demen,” but in the end, after the complete unveiling, they didn’t
like the bride’s nose.
However, the moral impression of my explanations was ex
cellent, according to what the intelligent young banker Dr. Arons
told one of the local Zionists.
I should like to get Arons for the Bank.
Then it was back to Vienna. In the N . Fr. Pr., where they had
raged at my Ghetto before the performance and caused me nerv
ous cardiac pains again, the mood had changed in my favor be
cause of the great theatrical success.
When I was here in January, I had also paid a call on Lucanus,
the head of the Imperial Civil Cabinet. I asked him whether I
ought to request an audience from the Emperor or merely enter
my name. He gave a slighdy superior, yet courteous smile:
“Leave your card.”
I did.
The Emperor is acquainted with the matter; that was con
firmed by Lucanus who also told me that it was something fine
and great. But “ the Israelites won't be willing."
A qui le dites-vous [You’re telling me]?!
• • •
Last night I again ran into Ahmed Tewfik here in the hotel
when I came from dinner. He asked me to keep him company.
He said the same thing he had said four weeks ago. Why didn't
we demand a tract of land in Asia Minor; that would be more
feasible.
I rejected that.
Berlin, February 5
Joined Ahmed Tewfik for dinner again yesterday. He was al
ready about to leave when I came into the dining-room, then
went back with me and kept me company. W e chatted for over
an hour. This time, I believe, I won him over.
Before his eyes I built a Constantinople and a Turkcy of the
future.
*Quand vous serez grand-vizir, Excellence,” I said, “ vous me
fera venir À Constantinople et je vous reconstruirai la ville,
test i dire, je vous ferai les plans [When you are Grand Vizier,
Your Excellency, you will invite me to come to Constantinople,
and I will rebuild the city for you— that is to say, I will make the
plans for you].”
He was visibly enthusiastic
Newlinski was right that time. One ought to live with these
Turks, perform services for them for which they are very grate
ful, et les amener petit A petit A nous aimer [and gradually get
them to love us].
Tewfik even wanted to attend my Ghetto premiere today. I
had a box reserved for him, and arranged in the play for Wasser-
Hein to substitute “ the Khedive” in the line “T h e Sultan has
wrenched his foot.”
Unfortunately the Ambassador begged off today, on account
of a diplomatic reception. Th e only reason I wanted to have
him in the theatre was so that the newspapers would write about
it. Cela aurait bien fait dans le paysage [It would have looked
good in the picture].
Vienna, February 17
The Berlin critics demolished my New Ghetto.
1 » •
I am writing to Nordau to get ready to take over the presidency

at the next Congress (which, following Wolffsohn's advice, I
shall have held in Basel rather than London).
The Congress Office and the Headquarters will be transferred
to Paris after the Congress.
With this I am combining a warning to Nordau not to let
himself go in such rash remarks as the one in his last interview
which is contained in the English papers— namely, that the
Roman Curia was inciting to murder on the occasion of the
Dreyfus-Zola affair in France. Such remarks can do our move
ment great harm.
Letter to Nordau: Vienna, February 22

February 22 1898
Dearest Friend:
I see with pleasure from your denial in the Jewish World
that you did not make those remarks. My only regret is that you
did not send a similar declaration to the Welt as well. After all,
that is what the Welt is for. I realize, of course, that you wanted
to reach the English readers first. You simply don't know that
the Catholics who matter in this instance, the higher church dig
nitaries, watch the Welt but are not likely to know the Jewish
World.
Although you write that Zadoc and E. R. did not let you hear
from them any more, I would still like to ask you to return to
(he attack. Gaster reports from London that Sir Edward Sassoon
told him that the suggestion to consider the Bank idea must be
made to the London Rothschilds by the Paris ones. Then Sassoon
would be willing to participate too. You see the actually simple
difficulty we are facing: to bring those who have declared their
conditional readiness together. I believe that a vigorous and, as
it were, hypnotically suggestive procedure on the part of intel
lectually superior men will suffice for it, provided that they have
other kinds of prestige in the world as well.
Therefore I would urgently request you to call on Zadoc
again, broach the question once more, and in any case demand
a final Yes or No from Rothschild (Edm.). W e must make our
dispositions. The Bank is the point at which we get out into
reality. It will be created: with the aid of the gros bonnets [big
wigs] or in opposition to them.
Perhaps by now they already understand what awaits them
even in France and tomorrow in England. It is a question of
creating a safety-valve—o n which they will even make money,
par un triste retour des choses [by a sad turn of affairs].
If (hey leave the Zion movement bogged down in the mud, it,
too, will turn against them with a vengeance.
All this you will certainly present in the proper way. Only, I
recommend that you utilize the present mood in Paris. Tomor
row tranquility will return again, and they will continue to die
in their palaces of atrophy of the spine.
• • •
Not mailed, because Nordau writes he is under the surveillance

of the secret police.
February *3, at night

Letter to Nordau:
Dearest Friend:
It would have been quite welcome to me if you had also used
the Welt—at least simultaneously with the Jewish World — for
your denial of the interview contained in the New York Journal,
in which the remark is attributed to you that the Catholic
Church was inciting to mass murder in France. After all, that is
what the Welt is for, and as it is, it registers everything that con
cerns you with a conscientiousness that probably has not escaped
you.
Then, too, a denial would have been more effective from the
outset in the Welt, which, incidentally, is known in Roman cir
cles.
(By the way, the paper is already costing me a whole pile of
money. After a year-and-a-half of hesitation, I had to found it
myself, because no one else wanted to do it and our movement
was absolutely muzzled.)
I don't believe that Zadoc and Edmond R. merely made sport
of you. My judgment is that the brain of the latter works ex
tremely slowly; but I don't consider him capable of craftiness
and mockery. Therefore, a second conference, definitive in any
direction whatever, would be highly useful, and after the im
pression which your previous presentation must have made and
which immediately afterwards you captured with the vividness
of a diary in a letter to me, I am convinced that the gentlemen
will be ready for such a conference. Thus I would advise you in
the interest of the cause to undergo this corvée [drudgery] once
more, especially because in London they are only waiting for a
word from Paris. I have a right to suggest this corvée to you,
because, God knows, I myself slave away day in and day out,
tackling everything, even tasks and people that I feel the great
est disgust for.
Now, to get to your misgivings about the transfer of the head
quarters to Paris, I consider this essential. In the present state of
the movement it is not possible to separate the presidium of
the Congress from the Executive of the following year. If I tell
you this, you can and will believe it. Incidentally, you will be
convinced of it in your first week in office. T h e organization that
was patched together in Basel has rough spots on which I have
been chafing myself sore ever since. An Executive as the center
of an international organization would simply not bo tolerated
in Austria. When I tell you— I need a lot of time for it— what
battles I have had with the difficulties arising from the laws gov
erning associations, you will laugh and shudder. And even that is
nothing yet. It would be the death of our movement if our as
sociations, like those of other nationalities, were ever dissolved.
All the cowards would unite into an army against us— behind
the night-watchman. Insanity! was the first objection raised
against us; High Treason!, the second.
Today it is absolutely impossible to separate the Executive
from the annual presidium, because then there would be no
authority for the conduct of affairs, on the inside as well as on
the outside. Am I expressing myself too legalistically? You will
understand it nevertheless.
As for Paris, I certainly do not consider it as unsuitable as you
da After all, I know it too, better than you know Vienna. What
was posnble for me in Vienna, you will be able to do in Paris. I
wish I had the facilities here that you have there. You arc— de
spite Dreyfus trials— in a free country. T h e proximity of Galicia
has no significance whatever in this respect. You have no asso
ciation with a newspaper? It goes without saying that the Welt
will be at your full and complete disposal, now as before. You
need only to send in your communiques. You have no Jewish
otganhadon? Well, it will grow up around you, as it did around
me here. You will create it for yourself.
I believe, therefore, my dear, admired friend, that your mis
givings are unfounded. T o be sure, I well understand that you
have them, for it is a hard and serious task, and after all. we
have the affairs of a tremendous distress to conduct, one which
can, and undoubtedly will, demand an accounting of us at the
Coogress each year.
So I cannot see that there are any local difficulties. T h e only
question is whether there is not some personal obstacle in your
case. About this, my dear friend, we must have a heart-to-heart
talk as men and B’nai Zion [Sons of Zion] who. I believe, are as
close to each other as can be. Do you perhaps doubt that you
could make such sacrifices of time as I have been making every
day for the past two years and a half?
The matter is too serious, too many hopes of poor people ride
on every move Lhat is made, or not made, for us to fail to come
to an understanding about this. Now, I certainly don't believe
that the work of the headquarters will completely occupy you;
you see that I, for one, am able to run the literary section of the
N. Ft. Pr. and to edit the Welt on the side. It is a lot of work,
and it must be done, but fortunately you are a tremendous
worker yourself, and it is only a matter of one year, i.e., up to
the Congress of 1899, which you will prepare, just as I prepared
those of 1897 and 1898.
I don't know whether I am presenting the matter clearly
enough, because, after all, many emotional factors are involved.
As for my desire to rest for one short year, you will find it under
standable, and that also goes for my concern over ray work up to
now, which, to be sure, is not as great as the effort expended on
i t I should like to guarantee the continuation of the edifice,
because a little of my blood adheres between the first stones.
February 24
In line with my promise to Nordau in Basel, I want to give
him the presidency for this year, even against the will of my
friends; but only if he takes upon himself the day-to-day work
for the year as well.
For the Congress is merely a golden gate, before and behind
which there lies nothing but toil and contention. It is only fair
that in addition to the golden honor he also accept the labor.
But I am not sure yet whether he will be the right man for it
People will not appreciate what I have achieved until another
leader takes my place.
I have been steadfast in the worst days, calm in the best.
It takes certain abilities, too: T o keep silent when a single
word could fire enthusiasm. To keep p>eople’s courage up even
when one is inwardly discouraged. Always to grin and bear it;
to associate with scoundrels; to be haunted by beggars; and to
let oneself be rejected by pretentious boors. These beggars would
be like the boors, if they had money, and vice versa. On top of
this, easy, treachery, insidious attacks, and no rewards— for of
couise I have done it out of vanity!
Will Nordau stand this? W ill he not be overcome by rage and
destroy my work?
March 12
Rivalries are beginning. I still haven't finished the prepara
tions and they already want to depose me. A t the conference on
March 6 the English Zionists joined with the Basel ones, to be
sore, but the next Congress is to decide where the Central Com
mittee• is to be located. W hy is something so obvious stated?
Because it is a declaration that the Vienna Com m ittee • must last
o nlyuntil the Second Congress, then will be the turn of the
London Committee.•
Well, it's quite all right with me.
• • •
In the sessions of the Actions Committee, only everyday de

tails are settled.
Schnirer is too busy to be able to work for the Committee.
Loknch formally takes care of incoming contributions. Mintz
sulb frequently. Kremenezky is limited in every way by his po
sition. Still, it would be the greatest injustice to disparage these
coworken of mine. They honestly do what they can. T h e only
thing is that we don’t have enough money for a major anion.
The shekel contributions trickle in, the demands are great.
I never bring up my plans and actions in the meetings, be
cause Bimbaum is taking the minutes as secretary-general— and
"gathering material" for his future indiscretions. This is the
typial enemy, who, however, cannot be got rid of, because he*
*la Caflfah la <be orictaL

threatens he would starve. If you don’t feed his face for life, he
can bring disgrace to the movement yet. But perhaps he will
anyway.
• • •
My chief service to the movement is that I aim giving it pres

tige. The funds are certainly available “ in principle”— but at
the moment not in actuality. T h e future availability of these
funds is making a certain impression even now, thanks to me.
For the sAiAef-funds will flow in in ever greater quantities; then
it will be no feat to direct the movement. But today, with the
lousy few pennies, to give out subventions, attract the hangers-on
of power, and what not— that is a feat.
My wish for Basel: to transfer the entire financial structure to
England. Months ago, when I asked Col. Goldsmid to act as
trustee, he did not want to. Now he is likely to be willing.
• • •
I am tired, my heart is out of order.
March 17
During the last weeks I have been dreaming vividly about a
novel. Setting: the newspaper world of Vienna. Three volumes,
like acts. Hero: a Jewish newspaperman (something like Dr.
Friedjung) of Rabbinical background who turns Germanic. At
the university, member of a students' association, German songs,
ribbons, black-red-and-gold assimilation.
First volume: Th e newspaper à venir [to come].
He is disgusted by the corruption of the press, wants to create
a clean paper, a German one, naturally. But where will the
money come from? His small capital is not enough. Finally, a
threadbare would-be newspaper impresario (type Eyssler, Lus-
tige Blatter) draws up an estimate for him, even brings a few
backers? The paper is founded. Curtain.
Second volume: T h e German Paper.
Splendid start. Publicity. Gang of literati joining in, politi
cians who want to get themselves boosted. Smack in the middle,
the guileless fool who doesn’t see a thing. But all doors open tc
him, because he is against corruption. For a time, all he sees i*
the backs of bent humanity. Intoxication with power. He fight*
against the food king who controls all the other papers through
shareholding or interest. Description of the power of the press.
The turning point.
Third volume: Collapse.
The Germans in Bohemia, etc., refuse to be led by a Jew. The
paper declines. Like a gambler gone wild he sacrifices every
thing to it, first his money, then his principles of purity. The
impresario manipulates him cleverly. Finally, scandalous col
lapse. Dishonored, he leaves Vienna; the impresario takes over
the paper, which flourishes. But he has discovered Zion. In the
fast volume he laughed at the crazy members of Kadimah, after
the breakdown (meanwhile they have grown) he recognizes them
as solace.
As he boards the boat, with the scorned, foigotten girl as his
bride, the curtain falls.
Types: the teasing wedding-jester J. Bauer, etc.
The old sighing journalist, who has discovered talents, made
celebrities, advanced careers, and in the end turns out to have
helped only ingrates who despise him. He is like the cocotte’s
decent maid.
In the first volume, the hero hears about a small, crazy band
of Neo-Hebrews (Smolenski, Bierer), who strike him as peculiar
Asiatics. Now and then, a sound of the group growing in obscur
ity is heard, until their bright victory chant bunts forth at the
close of the novel like a great chord.
The Prague schnorr-bokher [beggar student] that Bâcher told
me about yesterday used to sit down in the Prague students' café:
“The best thing would be not to be born. . . . But if one is
bom, one ought to be bora as the son of a rich man. . . . But if
one isn’t bom as a son of a rich man, one should at least have the
twenty kreuzera a day for the coffee house.” A character!
The Jewish Bohème. Also, the good, frugal, wonderful petty
bourgeoisie with its wonderfully worthy women.
March 18
Present relationship to the publishers of the N . F t. P t. Pleas
ant with Bâcher. Benedikt is in the habit of joking: "With Henl
you’ve got to be careful. Perhaps he is right after all. When he
comes in, I always believe Jesus Christ is entering.”
In London Wolffsohn seems to have won the banker Seligmann
for the Bank.
When I get the Bank set up, an enormous step will have been
taken.
• • •
Today the idea occurred to me to have the Jewish Communi

ties captured everywhere by the Zionists after the Congress. We
have to be able to give honorary offices to our adherents and
sinecures to the venal. Unfortunately my undertaking requires
human beings with humaneness.
March 18
Confidentielle
Reverend Sir:
My dear friend Dr. Nordau has given me an account of his
conversations with you.
In his last letter he informs me that you are prepared to dis
cuss the matter of the Bank with Alphonse Rothschild.
More power to youl A great deal depends on it.
Nordau has told you that we are not asking the Rothschilds
for any sort of financial support or public connection, but only
for benevolent neutrality, and to put one of their representatives,
who is known as such to the financial world, on the founding
committee, later on the administrative board of the Bank.
One would think that R. must understand what is involved
here. Today he will help the national rescue operation by it,
tomorrow it can be an inestimable benefit to his own house. 1
believe the House of Rothschild will have to liquidate in the
foreseeable future. It is too detested. This anonymous, intangi
ble Bank may become useful, even for them. I don't want to
elaborate on this thought here, since I am usually accused of
having too lively an imagination.
At any rate, today you will admit that two years ago, when
I first had the pleasure of sharing my ideas with you, I estimated
the general situation of the Jews more correctly than most French
Jews. Oh God, by now I almost stand there like an old prophet—
to whom people would not listen. A t that time I said that the
"Israelite Frenchmen" would not be spared the change in the
weather either.
It is already here. And, believe me, it isn't over yet. Plenty of
bad things are still in store, particularly for the big-money Jews.
I spent four years in France, at the Palais Bourbon, and today
I view those familiar things even more coolly from a distance.
One moment of governmental weakness, et vous m’en direz des
nouvelles-—de la rue Laffitte [and you will be telling me news of
it—from the rue Laffitte].
However, even without violence in the streets and governmen
tal weakness 1 consider it possible that in France special legisla
tion will be passed against particular categories of Jews. The
droits de r homme [rights of man] are a vieille guitare [old hat],
and do not forget that in this very France special laws were passed
against Frenchmen, not "cosmopolites," and those involved were
the Frenchmen most deeply rooted in France, whose ancestors
had ruled the land.
Hence 1 believe that a cautious adherence to our movement—
specifically, as the next practical step, the support of the neces
sary banking facility— also is in the interest of the French Jews.
In any case, the Bank will be founded in the next few months,
with financial democracy or with financial aristocracy— I have
qualified and unqualified promises from England, Germany,
Russia. The participation, albeit covert, of the biggest House
would make the venture solid from the start, and you will un
derstand what great importance I must attach to keeping the
deposits of the humblest people entirely free from risk. The
leaders of the people’s movement must, of course, have nothing
to do with money manipulations; therefore the Bank must be
delivered up to financiers, and that is a real worry.
I don’ t know what you intend to say to Rothschild in order
to explain to him the planche de salut [last resort] of the Jewish
people. Do your best; your famous eloquence has never had a
worthier subject, although it is only a matter of a bank. I should
also be glad to come to Paris for a day, if the man wishes infor
mation from me. He is an old man and probably incapable of
rising to vigorous new ideas; but perhaps it will not be impos
sible to explain to him that his money-dealer’s life will have a
grand conclusion if he helps along here— without any kind of
sacrifice.
Of course, I don’t have much hope of this, for such hearts are
narrow. I am only writing to you because I will not and must
not neglect anything. If I were interested in personal success, I
would certainly know how to achieve it. If today I attacked the
Rothschilds, as a Jew, as someone who by now has influence over
many hundreds of thousands of people, it would create the great
est sensation all over the world. I would have public opinion
everywhere in my favor, to the extent that it cannot be bought
And I am not doing it. A professional politician • would prob
ably proceed differently.
By the Second Basel Congress, to be sure, the matter will have
to be decided.
This Congress will attract far more attention even than the
first one. What will be said there will probably reverberate
throughout the world. Perhaps it is the nobler mission of the
new Jewry to astound the world by a fight against the financiers.
Perhaps this will be the rehabilitation of our despised name?
• Io English in original.
We are a curious people, aren't we, if all this can take place
among us.
Be assured, at all events, of my continuing and sincere respect.
Yours faithfully,
T h . Heizl.
March 26
All sorts of little disturbances, Froschmduseler• among the

Viennese university students who are being incited behind my
back by Birnbaum. He plays the part of the misunderstood man
and the martyr, and although we were weak enough to create a
sinecure of 1800 guilders annually for him out of the paltry
shekel monies, in return for which he writes three or four letters
a week, be is bleeding the students white.
• • •
Kellner, my dearest, best friend, whose visits are bright spots

amidst all the difficulties, reminisced the other day about school
boy days in the heder. He was daydreaming in a class when
they got to the place in the Bible where Moses sings: Exodus. 15.
I immediately looked up the passage, and it moved me. Sud
denly the idea popped into my mind to write a Biblical drama,
Moses.
The conditions in Egypt, the internal and external struggles,
the exodus, the desert, Moses' death. I imagine him as a tall,
vital, superior man with a sense of humor. T h e drama: how he
is shaken inwardly and yet holds himself upright by his will.
He is the leader, because he does not want to be. Everything
gives way before him, because he has no personal desire. He does
not care about the goal, but about the migration. Education
through migration.
*TrutlUOr'i Note: An lllnSoa lo F ro tc h n n u sU r by Georg Rollmhagro fijgj),

adidactic-Mtlrical boat epic In the cauac o f the Reformation. Rollrahagcn’t *ork
wm bated on B a tn e h o uif o m oeh U (The Baltic of the Prop and Mice), a Creek
parody of the Homeric epic.
Act I. Moses' Return to Egypt. Conditions, wretchedness of the
Israelites; Moses, embittered, shakes them up.
Act II. Korah.
Act III. The Golden Calf.
Act IV. Miriam.
Act V. Moses’ Death.
Pageantry in the desert: the Ark of the Covenant, then Jo
seph’s bones at the head of the procession.
The aging Moses keeps recognizing Korah, the Calf, always
the same processions of slaves. He is exhausted by all this, and
yet he has to lure them onward with ever renewed vigor.
It is the tragedy of the leader, of any leader of men who is not
a misleader.
• • •
March 26
I am still fighting with a wooden sword, like Tabarin or like
children.
I would need one of steel: i.e., a big paper with which one can
make policy, do services and favors, establish connections. If
only I had the N. Fr. Pr. in my hands, I would be able to work
wonders.
This way I toil away helplessly and make no headway. It is
a terrible thing to be sentenced to impotence with such clear
plans, such a distinctly marked road. I am wearing myself out
on it. I would need one lousy million to operate a big paper, and
for this greatest cause of Jewry it can’t be raised. This is what
has been going on for two years now. When Baden i was still
there, the greatest effects could have been achieved with it. His
government— in fact, conditions in Austria— would have had
a different complexion today. He wanted to have me in closest
proximity to him, and I would never have given him the fatuous
advice of his ministers to have the police march into the Par
liament. He is gone; and following Gautsch's brief adminis-
nation, now there is Thun, and probably nothing can be done
with him.
Fructus percipiendi [Fruits to be plucked]! Missed opportuni
ties of Zionism.
• • •
Wolffsohn has been to London in order to work on the Bank
project Now he is here and gives me reports.
At fini Seligmann the banker felt like laughing, but he turned
serious when Wolffsohn developed the idea that Edmond Roth
schild should hand his colonies over to the Bank and take shares
in return. Then the I.C.A. should get behind the Bank also.
I believe this excellent proposal of Wolffsohn's will advance
the matter. Marmorek (the architect) is going to Paris next week.
I shall give him the assignment of taking this proposal to Ed
mond Rothschild.
If the founding of the Bank works out, we shall be over the
worn. I must bring the next Congress something. T h e Bank
would be splendidly suited for it.
March <9
Wrote to Alex Marmorek at Paris to submit Wolffsohn's pro-
pool to Edmond R., through Dr. Henri de Rothschild or di
rectly. At the same time I am warning him against Scheid, who,
if he gets wind of the matter, will devise some counter-coup in
order to ove his revakh [profit]. In my letter I am strongly em
phasizing that the political leaders of the movement want to and
will have absolutely nothing to do with the Bank itself.
April 11
All sorts of Proschmâuseler.
Bimbaum quietly incites against me, at the University acts
the pan of the Columbus and martyr of Zionism, while I am
the Amerigo Vespucci and the usurper.
At the student's party of the Ivria he said recently that he was
grateful for moral benefactions (he was made an “honorary
brother”), but that he was not obligated in any way by material
favors (we created a sinecure for him as “secretary-general’’;
even before there was a kreuzeT of shekel money on hand, I
guaranteed him a year’s salary in a letter, on the strength of
which he rented furniture, since he was out in the street).
The “TarnoweTs” are agitating against the Central Committee
and against political Zionism which they have to thank for Edm.
Rothschild’s entering into a small land-sale deal with their
Ahavat/h Zion. For Dr. Salz went from Basel to Paris as “Vice-
President of the Congress,” without telling me a word about
it, and there made some agreement in conflict with the recog
nizable Basel principle.
Undercurrents even in the Actions Committee. Individuals
are offended because they are not “informed” of anything.
Yesterday I brought Schnirer to reason about why I have to
work alone, now as before.
The Committee is an unserviceable instrument. Only indiscre
tions are committed. No one is able to help; for various reasons
they are in no position to do so.
Yesterday Schnirer presented an excellent outline for organi
zation to me. Shekel unit one crown. T he shekels are to serve
only for administrative expenses. Any surplus goes to the Na
tional Fund.
Each 50 shekel subscribers form a group. Each ten groups a
district. Each ten districts a center. A group, a district, a center,
each has a head. The Congress Office deals with the heads of the
centers. The associations can continue to exist, but must invest
theiT funds in shares of the Colonial Bank.
1 find this outline excellent.
I supplemented it as follows: T he permanent Congress Office
has its seat in Basel, with a salaried secretary. The Congress
elects a board of directors, three men from each of the main
countries represented. The board of directors remains in Basel
one day after the Congress and makes all arrangements for the
year.
There is no Central Committee any more—rather, a model or
steering committee which the other regional committees may
imitate—if they so desire.
This way the difficulty of “internationality" will perhaps be
overcome. We have no international organization, and yet a uni
form streak runs through the whole thing.
April 16
Letter to Nordau.
i. Refers to my Easter feuilleton.
». To the Bank matter, Wolffsohn, etc.
3. I wrote you that the confidential preliminary conferences
will take place here on April 23, 24, and 25. If it is not too great
a sacrifice, I should like immensely to have you here. But only
for the deliberations. T his is not the right moment for a public
lecture. The Viennese local propaganda must not be carried on
now, for political reasons. For this we shall reserve the month
of November, perhaps even the middle of October. Then you
will give the movement in all of Austria a big lift by speaking
here. At that time the University will be in session too—right
now the students from the provinces are away—and then a great
Nordau party shall take place. Now it is only a matter of setting
up the agenda for the next Congress, discussing the outlines
which we have sketched here* (for the order of business, organ
ization, etc.), as well as instructions to the representatives of
countries, preparations for the election of delegates, shekel pay-
menu, etc.
I don't need to tell you how much I wish 1 had your advice and
your colb bora lion here, just as I wish to have you by my side at
all times, because there certainly are bad hours of défaillance [de
pression]. However, come only if you can stay for the full three
days, and if your coming this time does not preclude your at
tendance in the autumn. In the preliminary conferences there
* I us not Hire whether lhac dry dltcudooi—which, to be turc, arc indi^cn-
■ Me to the movement—will make the journey here aeon worth the eSort to you.
(HmT* note]
will inevitably be all sorts of idle talk, because reports have been
coming from various countries which we have to listen to. The
work so far of the members of the Inaction Committee, particu
larly of the corresponding members, has totaled zero. What /
haven’t done here, simply has been left undone. Therefore, arm
yourself with patience if you come, and don’t reproach me for
having rushed you here if the preliminary conferences should
bring about nothing of consequence. I hope that we shall not
have to do without your wishes and suggestions in any case. If
you are not coming, please write me immediately everything that
seems important to you.
4. After your response to my suggestion that you take over the
work between the second and the third Congresses, I naturally
can do nothing else but carry on the matter in the same way as
heretofore. After all, events have proved you right, for the time
being, and after everything that Marmorek has told me, I realize
that it would have been a misguided idea to transfer the head
quarters to Paris. After my departure from there, things simply
seem to have undergone quite a surprising reformatio in pejus
[change for the worse]. Unfortunately, at the moment I don't
know of anybody in England either to whom I could turn over
the leadership of the headquarters. Quand on y a mis le doigt,
il faut y passer tout entier. J’y passe [Once you’ve put your foot
in the door, you've got to go all the way in. Here I go]. I know
myself at least: I won’t let go until some day I turn up my toes.
April 17
In Vienna the Welt has—280 subscribers. Because of this—
since party propaganda has so left me in the lurch—I have de
cided henceforth to promote the Welt like an ordinary paper,
through posters, etc.
The considerable deficit to date I shall naturally absorb myself.
The current circulation—2400 subscribers in all countries—is
insufficient to maintain the paper.
April 22
Letter to Nordau:
Dearest Friend:
I bave just received an emergency letter from the Berlin Group
to the effect that they need you without fail for a speech.
I wanted to save this trum p for Germany until the autumn, be
cause of the community campaign. But if you are ready to go
right now, don’t let the views I expressed yesterday stop you.
If you go to Berlin, I beg you to include in your speech a
passage referring to the Jewish Colonial Bank. We are not yet
breaking with the Haute Banque [big bankers], we are merely
giving them an avertissement [notification]. I shall soon publish
in America a letter in this vein to our partisans. You, like myself,
must consider the following: the possibility of an understanding
with the big bankers exists even today. A negotiator who has
been to London (Wolffsohn of Cologne) is coming to Paris
shortly. You will hear deuils from Marmorek. Only if Wolffsohn
fails will peaceful negotiation be at an end. Therefore we must
not let loose as yet. Then, too, the Turkish government must
not know that the situation of the projected Bank is so doubtful.
But this is the avertissement [announcement]: we are even now
uiging our partisans to subscribe, so that the bank will, if need
be, stand on its own feet, that is to say, come into being through
popular support. Since we are opposed to infiltration, which has
no future and is at the mercy of every pasha, subject to every im
migration prohibition, the colonization associations are to in
vest their property in shares of the Colonial Bank; every local
group shall accept provisional subscriptions and bring results of
these provisional subscriptions (of one-pound shares) along to
Basel. Thus there will already be a noyau [nucleus] at Basel—
according to the répons I get from all over the world, this noyau
will be substantial enough—and standing on this foundation we
shall force the big bankers to go along, or we shall go on alone
and at the same time fight against the dogs.
How you are to express this in your Berlin speech I do not
dare to prescribe. It is necessary! Don’t let the financial pan of it
disgust you. We leaders declare and have declared that we never
want to nor will have anything to do with the financial manage
ment. The movement needs a financial facility; we shall create
one for it by stirring up oppressed masses to help themselves.
Qui veut la fin, veut les moyens [He who wants the end wants
the means].
Your devoted
Th. H.
April *9
On the 23rd, the 24th, and the 25th the preliminary confer
ences for the Second Congress took place. T he feeling among
most of the people originally appears to have been against the
holding of the Second Congress. I convinced them that this was
necessary, because otherwise the movement would bog down and
because we must give it a new Constitution. T he existing one
looks like an international organization, which it really is not
We have only the disadvantages of this apparent “international-
ity," and our every step is impeded by the possibility that the
movement will acquire an illegal appearance. Any anti-Zionist
scoundrel can denounce us.
Mÿ idea, which 1 only outlined in the preliminary conference,
is to set up a Central Office in Basel.
There is no liaison whatever between the committees. One
committee—at first the Viennese one, of course—acts as the
model. What it does is imitated by the others voluntarily and
without orders, to the extent that the country's law's, local needs
and possibilities permit it.
The heart of the negotiations was the Bank question about
which I put through my proposals: beginning the provisional
subscription of one-pound shares with a down-payment of 10%.
Pineles made a good proposal for its implementation. The
down-payment is to be deposited in the Postal Savings Banks in
THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZL C5J
the same of the subscriber, and the bank book it to be turned
over to the collector for his counter-signature.
Kiminka made confused speeches about the “Hebrew Educa
tional Association/' and finally declared (in private) that he
would gather an opposition against roe.
In general, the mood was the exalted one of Basel. They en
thusiastically recognired roe as head of the movement. It was all
the more depressing, then, when between sessions 1 went to the
office of the N . F t . F’r ., where 1 am the hireling of diametrically
opposed views. T his weighs heavily on roe and paralyres my
nength; but the “movement" is not in a position to relieve its
leader of this miserable burden.
The creation of a big daily paper is the problem which is in
soluble for the present. T h e necessary money cannot be raised.
With two million guilders we could get control of the A’. F t. F t .
and thus have the suitable instrument. What a cry ing shame that
this amount, ridiculously small in proportion to the cause, can
not be raised. We are still like the soldiers of the French Revo
lution, must take the held without shoes or stockings.
• • •
I am making great efforts to promote the Welt. The deficit is
increasing, and 1 must soon be able to balance the paper, other
wise it will eat up my resources.
• • •
An interesting letter from Alex Marmorek. Zadoc is working
ardently for us. Edmond Rothschild is said to be a convinced
Zionist, but does riot dare to come out into the open. An Indian
prince, Aga Khan, who was recommended to Zadoc by llaffkine
of Bombay, is said to be a Zionist and willing to speak to the
Sultan oo out behalf.
May 5
It is pan of the signât vie temper ii [character of the times]
that now 1 again go to the efface each day “ready to do tattle*
The Welt is making a drive with No. 19. T en thousand copies are
being sent out; on the street-comers there are posters announc
ing Wrede’s novel The Goldschilds. T h e question is how Bâcher
and Benedikt will take this. I imagine that they are once more
being incited against me by the financiers, and I am poised lor
the conflict, although a bit excited, too. After all, the break with
the N. Fr. Pr. is only a question of time now, unless I manage to
have it purchased by my partisans.
The Welt is eating up more and more money and must soon
catch on, or it will fold. I can keep it above water for about an
other year without ruining myself.
The Welt is getting no support from the party; in fact, the
idea has popped up that the Actions Committee should subsi
dize a Yiddish paper, and this would probably provide some com
petition for the Welt.
May 5
Bâcher and Benedikt haven’t stirred so far. On dirait même
qu'ils sont aimables [You’d even say they were amiable]. But
something is unmistakably in the air.
Alex Marmorek reports an interesting conversation he has had

with Edmond Rothschild. Aside from the silly carping reasons
and egotistic considerations which he adduces, it is noteworthy
that Edm. advises a Bank founded with a share capital of—one
million francs. Such a bank, of course, would be no menace to
the House of Rothschild.
Nous leur liverons un bel assaut [We shall give them a good
fight].
Difficulties in the Actions Committee. T he gentlemen are com

plaining that I am giving them too little information. But if I
issue a call to work, it falls flat. Schnirer has no time. Mintz is
peeved because I work with the Marmoreks, who are his personal
enemies. When I asked Mintz to take charge of the press prepa
rations for the Second Congress, he asked for time to think it
over, because he did not even know whether he would attend the
Second Congress.
May >2
Work on the Bank has begun.
What I am doing there is another feat, an innovation in finan
cial techniques. T h e provisional subscription for a bank the de
tails of which are not even known is really nothing but the estab
lishment of a people’s share-issuing syndicate. Flectere si nequto
superos Acheronla movebo [If I cannot bend the powers above,
I will move the lower world].
Since the big financiers are hesitant, we are appealing to the
small pocketbooks right from the outset. If it succeeds, the enter
prise will have the advantage that we shall not be in the hands
of a few big bankers. T h e Bank will then belong to the Congress.
This Bank campaign has something war-like in its successive
stages: T he way in which vague intention, more deliberate
planning, first proclamations, mobilization, setting up outposts,
skirmishes, and battle meige into one another, one moment with
awful sluggishness, the next moment with ridiculous precipita
tion; the way you are pushed more often than you push; the way
you don't really believe in yourself and then suddenly are in the
thick of it.
I always have to remember a word dropped by my dear friend
L Kellner, which I greatly resented at the time and which he
has since regretted. A year-and-a-half ago. when I wanted to get
him elected to the Reirhsrat in Galicia, he declined distrustfully,
saying that the whole movement was just “noisJ* 1 •
Yes, everything is noise, I said to him in irritation. In truth,
noise is a great deal. A sustained noise is in itself a noteworthy
faa. All of world history is nothing but noise. Noise of arms,
• In P.nglbh In the original.
noise of ideas on the march. People must make noise useful to
them—and still despise it.
• • •
Yesterday I had a meeting with the Messieurs Brecher whom

we intend to use as bankers for the Austrian subscription de
posits.
A little banking house, self-made men* who still show their
humble beginnings. A shabby office, which reminds me of the
early days in the Café Louvre, in the little back room which 1
had photographed as a permanent souvenir. Of the diplomatic
demi-monde as well, which I dealt with then and am still dealing
with now. Yet these folks give the impression of prudence, and
it is, as it were, the meager beginnings of our financial solidity.
The older Brecher has a son in the firm who has been to law-
school and whom the younger Brecher respectfully addresses as
"du, Doctor! " • •
This young man made a rather good impression on me, and
while he was talking—to be sure, with a certain financial-legal
dandyism—it occurred to me that he could make quite a service
able director of the Jewish Colonial Bank.
The only thing is, he made the mistake—possibly fatal for his
career—of saying that he did not quite share our views yet.
These Brechers are petty banking bourgeoisie. If they have
understanding enough to join in with us, they can become great
through us.
• • •
This provisional subscription will have peculiar ease and diffi

culty. The easy thing is that we shall have ready-made publicity
at our service. The difficulty, that we shall not be able to say out
loud that it is self-help against the big bankers, because we have
9 In English in origin»].
99 Translator'» Note: Familiarity and formality In the aarnc phrase. Austrian lav
school» grant doctorates.
to keep in mind that the Turkish government might hear about
it and lose its respect.
• • •
I didn’t need A lex Mannorek’s last letter to know that Edmond

Rothschild would turn his colonies over to the Bank once it is in
existence— to this Bank whose coming into being he would now
like to prevent. Undoubtedly the I.C.A. will capitulate too, once
the Bank is there.
Most people don’t see the connected events of the future. They
only see current connections, not future connections. That is
why the difficulties of my movement are so great and why it will
look simple when I bring it to fruition. For then the separate
strands will be woven together, and the piece of cloth will make
no particular impression. T h at is why I shall reap so much in
gratitude, too. What now exists as unused parts, and does not
exist as a whole, and would never exist without me, will then
be a "current connection” and in the future make no real im
pression on anyone.
• • •
Kokesch, a member of the Actions Committee, said a few

months ago: ” No one is going to lend us as much as ten thou
sand guilders!”
And now I want to raise a share capital of 60 million francs
for a Bank whose prospectus I am not even offering.
Naturally, Kokesch is opposed to founding the Bank, just as
last year he was against convening the Congress. But in the end
be does acquiesce, because he is a good boy and has faith in me.
• • •
If the provisional subscription yields only 800000 pounds

sterling, I shall be satisfied coo. This will then give us a basis for
the syndicate of guarantors which, to be sure, I could not get
along without under those conditions. The provisional people
will then constitute a unit in the share-issuing syndicate, and a
few bigger bankers will have to be won in addition. If wont
comes to worst, the Bank will be created with less basic capital.
May 2i
Hechler is going to Berlin to attend the Church Conference. 1

again urged him strongly to induce the Kaiser to receive me.
If he manages that, I promised him that he would be sent to
Palestine at our expense in the autumn when the Kaiser takes a
trip there.
Hechler sensed how much importance I attach to being re
ceived by the Kaiser and demanded that I come to the English
church tomorrow, Sunday, and pray with him. ,\7 plus ni moini
[Neither more nor less].
At this I began to speak about the grass growing in my garden,
where we were sitting, without going into his presumption fur
ther.
Then, when he had left, I wrote him that he would go to Pales
tine if he arranged that audience for me.
May 14
Yesterday, "Bank meeting" of the Actions Committee.

One man, Dr. Kahn, had collected 350 shares. All others, noth
ing! Kokcsch had a number of representatives conscripted from
the shekel bloc list who are to act as collectors. That was all.
I indicated my dissatisfaction to the gentlemen in a few words.
That’s how it was before the 1st Congress, too.
• • •
Wolffsohn has good intentions, but he is not energetic enough.
He requests that there be no more notices in the Welt about his
travels. He doesn’t want to become ridiculous. All those people
still don't understand that I am making them great.
May <5
Typical of the "big” Jews.
Wolffsohn telegraphs that Seligmann (Frankfurt) has declined
to act as a depository for the share down-payments.
Thereupon Wolffsohn turned to the A. Schaafhausen Banking
Association of Cologne (Gentile), which immediately declared
itself favorably inclined.
May *5
Spoke with my dear L. Kellner. I told him that if he survived
me, he should take care of the publication of this diary of mine.
The diary is to appear in the Welt in instalments.
Kellner shall also become editor-in-chief of the Welt when I
am no more. He knows the roost about my intentions.
He is to receive appropriate compensation for his efforts, ac
cording to the circumstances of the paper. The paper itself is, of
course, the property of my children, because during the period
in which I have been working in behalf of the Jews, I have neg
lected to earn for them.
If my Hans stays alive, he shall become proprietor of the paper
when he comes of age and pay his sisters an appropriate allow
ance from it— provided it yields a profit.
Whit-Monday
Yesterday it was three yean rince I started the Zionist move
ment with my visit to H in d i.
Today it is a worldwide idea.
• • •
Today I wrote to the amiable Hamburger Cohen, who can't

do anything in Hamburg (for the Bank), parce qu'on ne prête
qtïaux richer [because loans are made only to rich people]!
'The meaning of our Bank project is simply that with one leap
we want to get out of the circulus vitiosus [vicious drde] that
consists in the refusal of the bankers to go along unless the bank
ers go along.
“They are making our life a burden; that is why our movement
must finally break through or croak. T o me the matter is too
serious for a game, for the serious-minded it has hitherto been
too much of a game."
• • •
Hechler is in Berlin, will try to get to the Kaiser so that he
may receive me.
I need this audience, then the circulas vitiosus will be broken.
• • •
I don’t believe, though, that Hechler can fix it. His daily let
ters from Berlin sound more and more discouraged and close
with: Ora pro nobis [Pray for us]!
May 31
Hechler has left Berlin bredouille [empty-handed]. The Kaiser
sent him word that he was too busy.
Hechler thereupon went to Karlsruhe. Superfluously.
June 2
Jelski reports from Lodz that a merchant there had asked
Samuel Montagu in London whether he was participating in the
Bank.
If one day we take revenge on these big bankers, it will be well
deserved.
June 3
Gas ter is here. I told him the above facts and plan to discuss
with him the beginning of the campaign against the English big
bankers.
THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZL 6S9
The rich and the “ Great in Israel" are actually incurring a
fearsome responsibility by leaving me in the lurch. I am a very
serviceable instrument for the return of the Jews— and they let
me wear myself out in fruitless exertions. Perhaps I shall pass
without having secured the project, and then it will be lost.
June 5
Hechler is here again and reports that the Grand Duke of
Baden reacted favorably when he spoke about me and the Welt.
The Grand Duke advised Hechler to win over Eulenburg, the
ambassador here, for the cause. T h e Kaiser, he said, listens to
Eulenburg. Hechler should tell Eulenburg in the name of the
Grand Duke that in the latter’s opinion something was involved
that might prove to be important for German policy in the Ori
ent.
• • •
I am writing to the Grand Duke:

Reverend Hechler tells me that Your Royal Highness is still
interested in the Zionist movement and suggested that he call on
the Vienna ambassador. Count Eulenburg, for the purpose of ar
ranging my audience with His Majesty the German Kaiser.
Only this definite information from my reverend friend Hech
ler could have encouraged me to write Your Royal Highness once
more. Is it not remarkable the way events have developed in the
East since about two years ago I enjoyed the distinction of being
allowed to make a presentation of the Zionist movement at Karls
ruhe? German policy has taken an Eastern course, and there is
something symbolic about the Kaiser's Palestine journey in more
than one sense. I am, therefore, more firmly convinced than ever
that our movement will receive help whence I have patiently
been expecting it for the past two years. By now it is clear that the
settlement of the shortest route to Asia by a neutral national ele-
ment could also have a certain value for Germany's Oriental pol
icy.
And what element is this? T h e same that is, par la force da
choses [of necessity], almost everywhere driven into the arms of
the revolutionary parties.
In this respect, too, the events of the last few years have con
firmed many of my pronouncements.
• • •
This letter I did not complete or send off, because Hethler, to

whom I read the draft, advised me against it. Is it possible that
the Grand Duke did not express himself in the terms Hechler
conveyed to me? Could be.
June 10
Seventh birthday of my Hans.
I gave him a Zion flag. Shield of David with six stars in the six
triangles. The seventh on top.
In the middle field, the lio n of Judah after a drawing of the
painter Olein.
June 14
One of the most curious figures I have yet encountered is the
Rymanow Rabbi Horowitz, the son-in-law of the Wonder Rabbi
there.
He came to see me accompanied by his "secretary,” who, how
ever, seems to be a servant and is treated in a disdainful manner.
Both wore kaftans. T h e servant had to remain in the hall.
Horowitz spoke à coeur découvert [frankly], was very skeptical
about the fanatics, and explained to me the "business" (as he put
it) of the Wonder Rabbis and their elegant way of life. He
boasted: my father-in-law needs 500 guilders a week, equipage,
16 servants.
Yet there was a certain naivetl about it.
He promised to interest all Wonder Rabbis in Zionism. I think
it will be possible to direct these people if they are treated appro
priately.
If he arranges a meeting of all the Wonder Rabbis, I will go
there for a confidential conference with all these gentlemen.
• • •
It was especially interesting the way the fledgling Wonder
Rabbi Horowitz explained the power of all these Rcbbes. T he
fanatics, of whom he spoke with thinly veiled irony, constitute
the core of the "disciples.” T h e second group are the sensible
people who come to the Wonder Rabbi because be is at the cen
ter of connections and associations. Someone asks him whether
he should buy wheat. Someone else has been there before and
has mentioned the state of his wheat business. T h e Wonder
Rabbi, being at the focal point, is well informed. Therefore, his
advice is really worth its weight in gold. He gives tips, and good
ooes, bemuse, after all, his reputation depends on them. He
makes matches and settles disputes; by all this his power is pre
served and increased. Simply marchands d’influence [influence
peddlers], then. It is a natural explanation. T h e third group,
finally, are those who fear harm from the enmity of the Rebbc.
II someone has not domed this limina apostolorum [apostolic
threshold] in two or three yean and the Wonder Rabbi is asked
about him, he says: He must be badly off: be hasn’t been to see
me in a long time, apparently hasn’t the traveling expenses!
In short, be can do his "disciples,” who are his tributaries,
harm or good. It is an institution developed with singular
shrewdness in which everything happens in the most natural
way.
And the amiable little Rebbe of Rymanow told me all this in
the friendliest blind trust, although be had never laid eyes on me
before. He added that be would make such confessions to no one
else. Evidently he takes me for a greater Wooder Rabbi even
than the one of Sadagora, his uncle, and thinks that I am carry
ing on a business this way, too. There was an augur's smile in his
words as he sat before me in his elegant silk kaftan, with the
nicely anointed ear-locks and his golden pince-nez.
I didn’t disabuse him of his misconception.
June 15
Draft of a letter to Kaiser W ilhelm (in the event that Count
Eulenburg receives the Grand Duke’s message through Hcchler,
acts on it, and invites me to request the audience):
Your Imperial Majesty:
His Royal Highness the Grand Duke of Baden recently ex
pressed the opinion to one of my friends, as I am informed, that
the Zionist movement (whose leader I am) could acquire some
importance to German policy in the Orient.
The aim of Zionism— according to the program of la*t year’s
Basel Congress— is to create a home, safeguarded under public
law, for the Jewish people in Palestine.
If I were granted an opportunity to give Your Imperial Maj
esty an oral presentation of the political and social overtones in
Zionism— as I did before His Royal Highness ihe Grand Duke
two years ago— I believe I could get the brilliant German Kaiser
enthusiastic about this glorious project on behalf of the lowliest
Let me emphasize only one point out of the wealth of reasons
in favor of the Zionist idea: the only cultural element with which
Palestine can be seitled is the Jews. T h e land is too poor to at
tract others. For us it is rich in memories and hopes. And Pala
tine must be settled, for it is the route to Ophir as well as to
Kiaochow.
And if, per impossible [as seems impossible] attractive condi
tions were created for other cultural elements, too, the most
bitter jealousy among the nations would arise. Europe, it seems
to me, would more readily permit settlement to the Jews. Per
haps not so much because of the historic right guaranteed in the
most sacred book of mankind, but because of the inclination,
present in most places, to let the Jews go.
Your Imperial Majesty is going to Palestine. It will be a pro
cession of high and symbolic splendor. T h is journey will astound
the peoples of the East and disquiet those of the West. But if we
take everything into consideration, the new Imperial journey
to Zion may leave lasting traces in history only if it also ties in
with the modern Zionist movement.
For a long time I have had the conviction that help will come
to us from Your Majesty. Your Majesty can command me at any
hour. May it happen soon!
It would be good for the cause if I learned of this favor in ad
vance of Your Majesty's Palestine journey and the Second Basel
Congress. But with projects of this kind one must possess one’s soul
in more patience than men ordinarily do.
With deepest respects, etc.
June 17
Nordaa-Marmorek report from Paris that at the last meeting
of the LCA. Zadoc Kahn almost suffered violence, because he
read and supported our invitation to a conference of the coloni
zation associations prior to the snd Congress.
Thereupon the 1.G A . declined in an official, maitcr-of-fact let
ter to send a representative to this conference. T h e world press is
beginning to editorialize about W ilhelm ’s Palestinian journey.
Unfortunately I am still too powerless in the press to use this
occasion to promote Zionism.
• • •
Yesterday there was talk that the Emperor is going to abdicate

after the jubilee festivities and that his successor will suspend the
Constitution.
It is plain «hat the Jews will be left out in the revised Consti
tution. With such an Imperial gift the nationalities of Austria
can be pacified. All this I predicted long ago.
June 17
I am writing Nordau and Caster (in Transylvania) to try to
have French and English papers sound an alarm because of Wil
helm II’s journey to Zion. Everyone has got to begrudge it to
everyone else, and this is how we will get it.
July 1
I am thinking of giving the movement a closer territorial goal,
preserving Zion as the final goal.
The poor masses need immediate help, and Turkey is not yet
so desperate as to accede to our wishes.
In fact, there will probably be hostile demonstrations against
us in Turkey in the immediate future. They will say that they
have no intentions of giving us Palestine.
Thus we must organize ourselves for a goal attainable soon,
under the Zion flag and maintaining all of our historic claims.
Perhaps we can demand Cyprus from England, and even keep
an eye on South Africa or America— until Turkey is dissolved.
C’est encore à creuser profondément [This is still to be thor
oughly explored]. Discuss with Nordau before the Congress.
July 6
From my letter to Schaucr, who called my attention to an anti-
Zionist remark of the Turkish ambassador in Washington:
“I have long been acquainted with the mistrust of the Turks.
I anticipated it. That is the reason for my opposition to infiltra
tion. It is, at any rate, no short-sightedness in my policy. I can
demand a Jewish State in Palestine only while fighting coloniza
tion on a small scale. But the latter is apparently brainless— for
the critical moment at which Turkey "noticed” the will-to-a-state
on the part of the infiltrees would find the colonists unprotected
immigrants, while under my policy negotiations can be carried on
before the boundaries are crossed, thus in a manner far more
favorable to us."
July io
Various opposition to the Congress House in Basel which I
want to have Marmorck design.
I hope to overcome this opposition. The Jewish House in
Basel will be a landmark of Switzerland, but above all a symbol
for Jewry. With nations one must speak in a childish language:
a home, a flag, a song arc the symbols of communication.
Even Marmorck, to whom I suggested this plan for the build
ing, doesn't quite understand and showed me a sketch of no sig
nificance.
After all, in the ease of the Jewish House in Basel, neo-Jewish
style can be employed for the first time.
1 gave Marmorck the following suggestion for the façade of
the Jewish House:
The hall is the house. It opens onto the loggia, but is lighted
from above like a parliamentary auditorium.
The art form which is most meaningful to me now Is architcc-
nire. Unfortunately I don't command its means of expression. If
I had learned anything, I would be an architect now.
July ta
I gave an interview to the Vienna correspondent of the Pall
Mall Gazette about the Palestine journey of the German Kaiser.
I sought to stir up the attention and jealousy of the other Pow-
ctj, and said it was our entire hope that we would be regarded
as the pis aller [last resort]. No power could let any other have
Palestine.
At the ume time, l intend to irritate the Kaiser a bit by this.
M 3‘
Yesterday a small engagement with Bâcher.
I am now writing editorials for the A’. Fr. Fr. that arc success
ful. Bâcher showers me with compliments, as Bcncdikt, who is
on vacation now, previously did.
Yesterday Bâcher said: “ I like your editorials even better than
your feuilletons. Isn’t there material for one today?”
I: “There would be one: the German Kaiser's trip to Palestine.
But one would have to discuss Zionism in it.”
He: “One wouldn’t have to! You would.”
Thereupon I opened a discussion of Zionism. He denied the
growth of the movement, which, he claimed, was being men
tioned as a curiosity at most. He regretted that I was so obstinate,
because he liked me and I was an intelligent man otherwise.
I: "Well, then the assumption must be in my favor that I am
not doing anything stupid there either.”
He: “ It is this very assumption that makes me annoyed at you.
You can’t tell me that it is a serious movement.”
I: “The German Kaiser asked through Lucanus for my pam
phlet about the Basel Congress.”
That astounded him.
I: “In its beginnings Socialism w'asn’t a serious movement
either. Can you deny that it is one now?”
He: "Socialism has changed radically. Marx and I-assalle still
thought in terms of a bloody revolution. Today Socialism ap
proaches the gradual transformation of society with bourgeois
methods.”
I: “Do you think that I expect a realization of my ideas ac
cording to program? I am under no illusions about the plus-
petitio [exorbitance] that is inherent in my demands.”
After this I went into a discussion of the question as an inter
national one, saying that Fiance and Russia would not permit
the foothold in Palestine which the German Kaiser apparently
intends, and that we Zionists probably constituted the pis aller
for Europe.
He listened to me, shook his head. But this time the fight was
a draw.
August 3
WoLffsohn telegraphs that the bankers Seligmann and Marx,
who were supposed to come to Cologne (or the so-called Bank
Conference, have withdrawn their acceptance.
This dirty trick again calls everything into question. I am
telegraphing Wolffsohn: Stiff upper lip!
1 shall simply launch the Bank at the Congress, which will
save us being dependent on the banking bastards.
August 5
Letter to Benedikt (at Scheveningen):
Dear Friend:
First the news you asked me for when we parted: my good child
has pretty well recovered. I am starting my vacation today.
Only now am I calm enough to get back to something that we
once discussed at the Hotel Impérial: the question of whether
the N. fr. Pr. will this year report on the Zionist Congress in
Basel. You were going to discuss this with Dr. Bâcher, but in the
rush of your departure you probably forgot about it.
Without knowing your views Dr. Bâcher probably won't make
a decision on the matter, i.e., he will not make arrangements to
get coverage. However, all other papers, including the Viennese
ones, are likely to carry reports this time.
Added to this is the fact that in the near future there will be
two conditions which will make mention of the Zionist movement
inevitable: l. the founding of the Zionist Bank with two million
pounds sterling, which I have already told you about; t. the Ger-
man Kaiser's journey to Palestine. He is going to visit the Jew*
ish colonies there; it is not impossible that on this occasion he
will say something about Zionism.
In my estimation, a calm, impartial mention of this movement,
which you have underestimated, is advisable at this very time, on
the occasion of the Second Congress. Something like what is con
tained in the 18th volume of Meyers Konversationslexikon (half
a P ® g e )-
By this the ;V. Fr. Pr. will in no way commit itself as in favor
of my ideas. I certainly don’t presume upon you that the N. Fr.
Pr. should declare itself as a Jewish paper, although undoubtedly
both you and Dr. Bâcher feel as Jews. If previously you were ap
prehensive that the propagation of Zionism would deprive you
of the right to join in the discussion of the language controversy
and other internal Austrian disputes, such an apprehension is no
longer justified today.
The Berliner Tageblalt used to take a similar point of view,
and subsequently carried objective editorials of column length.
The N. Fr. Pr., however, will always be able to state that it did
nothing toward the dissemination of this idea, even kept silent
about it. Zionism has spread its own propaganda and now pre
sents itself to the paper from the outside, like other events.
I personally have not minded being able to perform my lit
erary work quite apart from my political activity. This way, at
least, not even the most malevolent were able to say of me that
I was a professional politician •— a breed that is greatly repug
nant to me. And I hope that in the future, too, I shall be able to
stay with my feuilletons quietly, although I have, so to speak, put
a major idea on its feet.
After all, I have also declined seats in the Reichsrat, and I’d
rather write plays, even though I want to help the poor Jews.
What serious objections can be raised against our wanting to
set up a refuge for the oppressed Jewish masses?
Believe me, everywhere the Zionists program has penetrated it
has given discussion of the Jewish Question a tone more favorable
to us.
August 8
This letter, too, went unmailed, because today in the compos
ing room I saw an editorial from the pen of Privy Councilor
Richter about the Kaiser’s journey to Palestine.
Bâcher got Richter to write the article I recommended— with
the omission of Zionism.
• In Engllah fn Che original.
August g
Wolffsohn reports that only 100,000 pounds have been sub
scribed for the Bank.
Everything depends upon whether the weeks until the Con
gress bring a substantial increase.
If they don’t, this time the atmosphere at the Congress would
have to be utilized for the Bank. A tremendously difficult task.
The rich boys want to let us freeze. La revanche sera terrible
[The revenge will be terrible].
I may even announce the boycott at this Congress.
August 11
Today Friedrich Schiff of Paris came to see me in Wâhring. I
reminded him of his remark about my idea when I gave him
the manuscript of T he Jewish State to read, three years ago in the
Hotel Castille, rue Cam bon. He was ashamed and embarrassed,
and said: “ I have already been converted. You are right, you are
really right.”
The bailing of Dreyfus convened him.
And just like this man, who once thought me insane, all the
others who called me crazy will come round. But what if I had
allowed such people to hold me back? The world would be
poorer by an idea, Jewry by this great movement.
How great, come to think of it, was the responsibility of those
who wanted to deter me, and how slight the punishment that is
befalling them for it.
He is embarrassed for a moment and says: You are right!
August 17
Yesterday, farewell to Bâcher, since I am going on vacation. He
was very cordial, couldn’t repeat to me often enough how hard it
would be to do without me. He himself broached the subject of
the Congress. I told him that if he changed his mind and wanted
to have the Congress covered, he only needed to send me a tele-
grain and I would make arrangements for him to get a good, ob
jective report.
He groaned: "It can’t be donel If you weren't with us, we
would certainly have written about Zionism by now, like the
KÔlnische Zeitung and others. It is impossible because of you
personally, the dual position you occupy.”
I didn’t press any further. We took a quite cordial leave of
each other. But because I have the impression that he has sof
tened after all, I will write the letter to Benedikt, mutatis mutan
dis [the necessary changes having been made]— since the article
about the Raiser is eliminated.
• • •
Conclusion of the letter to Benedikt at Scheveningen, Hôtel
Orange:
So, un bon mouvement [a good movement]!
If I’m not mistaken, Dr. Bâcher, who is certainly favorably
disposed toward me personally, is at heart no longer so sharply
opposed to reporting about the Congress.
You will be well informed, too, je vous en réponds [I guaran
tee you this]; you only have to notify me in time. And all this
can be done as discreetly as you require it. After all, this is what
we learned to read and write for.
One thing is certain: the Congress will this time be even much
more magnificent than the first one.
T h . Herzl.
Conclusion: I believe you ought to write or telegraph Dr.

Bâcher to order coverage of Basel from me. Then the N . F t.
Pr. will have registered the movement, as it were, and can hence
forth calmly wait and see whether something great, historic comes
of it (as I believe it will), or whether it dries up in the sand.
August 25
In Basel again.
Less and less time for impressionistic pictures. Everything has
turned into action.
Yesterday I came here from Lucerne with Wolffsohn. On the
train he converted me to the idea of establishing the Bank with
less than two million pounds, possibly with five million marks.
This small Bank can then set up the necessary subsidiaries.
In Basel I was met at the station by many people. This atten
tion was very embarrassing to me.
August 29
The first day of the Congress is over.
Beforehand, all sorts of excitement and weariness, Bank Con
ference a non conferendo [that doesn’t confer], agitation by
agités [the agitated], etc. Moreover, receptions, devotions, admi
rations. It all vanishes from beneath me in a peculiar way, as
though I were going up in a balloon— nor does it give me any
sort of pleasure. When I was twenty years old— or later?— we
were on summer vacation at some place where there was a green
meadow, and in the evenings I used to walk across it, absorbed
in youthful dreams. I no longer know the location of this meadow
which I still see before me; for ever since I have remembered
this peaceful evening as something lost, I have forgotten where it
was. Somewhere past Vdslau, I think, maybe Pottenstein; but it
could have been Reichenhall. In that case it would have been
five yean later, when I was working at the courthouse in Salz
burg. A green meadow at eventide, a tall tree by my path, a little
house— I no longer know whether a farm house or a parsonage—
an infinite, fragrant peace over it. There I was longing for the
world and happy in my lack of success. This charming meadow
occurs to me now when the world is becoming more map-like for
me.
• • •
Question is whether the intoxication of the Congress will again
pass like that, without leaving any traces. One hope is the Bank.
When I left for my hotel last night at eleven o’clock— wc had
three sessions, and no time for supper— the anarchist Marcou
Baruch, who has been tamed by Zionism, went with me. He said:
“Je regrette que vous mettiez en avant du peuple d'Israël la
banque. Je ne le voudrais pas— pour l'histoire [I am sorry that
you should put the bank ahead of the people of Israel. 1 wouldn't
want it— for the sake of history]I”
Otherwise a muddle-head, this fellow did utter the 6m mag
nificent words of the Congress.
• • •
The debates yesterday afternoon were depressing.

In the morning I had read off my programmatic speech, and
Nordau had given his annual address. He again spoke splendidly,
but a bit long-windedly, and actually did not have much that
was new to say. He is a terrific speaker.
In the afternoon, the treasurer’s report.
Then the nonsense started immediately. Caster presided with
a heavy hand. Oskar Marmorek, to my complete despair, praised
the Actions Committee because it had achieved so much— with
such small means. And in the gallery sat Newlinski, whom I had
sent for with his wife and children, so that he might report to
the Sultan how strong our movement was. After that Bernstein-
Kohan took the floor and praised us because we had accomplished
all this without money, without resources. I sent word to him that
he should shut up that instant, otherwise I would leave the Con
gress. He went on talking nonsense without stopping, referring
six more times to our poverty— until I had the session inter
rupted in order to convene the Finance Committee.
All the speakers wanted details, statements that we cannot give,
because they are too small. T h e movement this year is nine times
(Schnirer’s figure) bigger than it was the previous year— but it is
just that last year it was ridiculously small. Th is is something that
had to be hurdled. Luckily our books, which we submitted to
the Finance Commit.tee, were in splendid order. We were able to
show a surplus of 61,000 francs.
The rest is in the Welt.
• • •
The opponents who had been announced with a lot of shouting
evaporated in the Congress. Landau made himself ridiculous
with his opposition; I didn’t need to destroy him. Bambus pulled
in his horns.
September 2, at Constance
The Congress is over.
A feeling of utter exhaustion. T h e last session until five in the
morning.
I made the mistake of overloading the third day as the final
day; hence the excitement of the final night and the successful
dirty tricks of the Galician bastards Kohn (little Kohn), Landau,
Safe, and Malz. Landau was the noisiest and the stupidest.
It's true that I hamstrung them; but if I had not been so ex
hausted from that twenty-one-hour stretch of presiding, I would
have annihilated them. Now the chairman’s words needed for
that occur to me. I should have said: Once more there is an at
tempt from the same quarter to affix a yellow badge of shame to
our Congress!
I should have nailed little Kohn like a bat when he was up
there on the speaker’s platform: Are you a Zionist?
In short, many other things.
One can’t foresee everything. Otherwise, we would have had
a splendid fourth day with the turn in the Dreyfus affair and the
telegraphic reply from the Sultan which I had not counted on at
all.
I have to be all the more indignant at the behavior of Schnirer,
Kokesch, and Mintz. These people actually wanted to desert me
when they noticed the displeasure of the Congress at our failure
to make the financial picture public. I let Mintz go, because he
had been an uncertain recruit all year anyway. The two others I
induced to stay. Mintz is a bom deserter; he has caused me em
barrassment enough. Schnirer and Kokesch arc decent people,
even though their hearts sank into their boots. They live within
too narrow horizons. T h ey absolutely fail to understand why 1
allowed Newlinski to run up a hotel bill of 500 francs in Basel,
just as they approved his monthly subvention only with teeth-
gritting and mistrust.
These are the instruments I have to work with. They break
in my hand, like the wooden paper-knife at that tempestuous ses
sion.
• • •
This diary is deficient— I feel it. T h e stormy aspects are lack

ing in their secret nature, which I could still get down directly
afterwards and then forget. T h e lifeless aspects arc also lacking,
and the moods of depression which they cause would be of even
greater interest to the future readers of these notes.
• • •
During the Congress I also had a secret contest with the rabbis
of the blackest stripe who had come to join the movement. They
wanted concessions, which I denied them. I felt that they were
yielding and wanted to salvage whatever they could from their
defeat. When I made no concessions to them, they went along
even without them.
• • •
Big wrangles also about the Bank matter. However, the oppo
sition, with clever Bambus at its head, did not attack our badly-
covered position skillfully. When I saw that they chose a point
of attack unfavorable to them and fought only for the addition
"Palestine and Syria" to Article 2 of the first resolution on the
Bank, I forced discussion so as to tire the people out. After I had
let them scream on this point for four hours, I abandoned it, be
cause it was not at all important to me. T h ey thought they had
won a victory, and the proposal to found the Bank— the only
thing that mattered— went through amid cheers.
The only error in the debate on the Bank was that I allowed
a half-hour recess to take place, during which time the physically
exhausted opposition was able to fortify itself a bit.
Today I am traveling with Hechler to see the Grand Duke.
September 3, Brcgenz
Yesterday, then, I was with the Grand Duke. It was a charm
ing early-autumn morning when Hechler and I went in the hotel
carnage from Constance over to the island of Mainau.
My mood was fundamentally different from the one before the
meeting at Karlsruhe. I no longer expected so much from the
conversation, which this time was to bring so incomparably much
more.
At eleven o’clock we arrived at Mainau Castle, but had to wait
a full hour in the pretty salon on the ground floor. Court atmos
phere. Heavy lackeys, who still have the army in their bones and
try to float over the parquet floor with their peasant feet. Officers
in civilian clothes, then a general (Müller?) who was Hechler's
successor as tutor to the princes and accosted him. The general
said with a touch of humor: “ In those days you predicted to us
the end of the world as imminent. I held it very much against
you. And you sec, the world has’nt come to an end yet."
Hechler introduced me to the humorist, but I contented my
self with nodding coolly. T h e general looked at the photograph
of the Congress with polite irony, too. Hechler is fine for die
entrée, but afterwards one becomes a bit ridiculous because of
him.
Then we had to step into an adjoining room, because the
Grand Duchess and the Duchess of Genoa were supposed to pass
through the salon. Such small humiliations, which are not di
rected against me personally at all, but against everything that
is not "court,” give me back ray stiffness which I lose through
obliging treatment.
At twelve o'clock we were called to the first floor to sec the
Grand Duke. He was in civilian clothes, salon coat, white vest,
and greeted me with great friendliness. During the entire audi
ence I was able to see his face only in silhouette because he inten
tionally sat with his back to the window, while I was fully illumi
nated as though I were to be X-rayed.
The conversation was downright grandiose, highly political.
If I were to publish it today, it would be a sensation for all of
Europe. The Grand Duke conversed with me in the most can
did manner about all of world politics, and from each of his
kindly words there shone benevolence toward me and good will
for the cause. But he also gave me a magnificent demonstration
of his confidence by discussing with me the most secret German
political matters and speaking unreservedly about the intentions
of the Kaiser.
He began by saying that the German government had made
inquiries in Constantinople about the attitude there toward the
Zionist movement and had been informed that the Sultan viewed
our cause with favor. Later remarks brought out the fact that
the inquiry was made through Herr von Marschall who enjoys
great favor with the Sultan.
I was able to supplement this information with the news that
the day before I had received a telegram of thanks from the
Sultan.
The Grand Duke told me that he had made a detailed report
about the Zionist movement to the Kaiser. T h e latter thereupon
instructed Count Eulenburg to make a closer study of the matter
and report on it.
The Grand Duke now told me on what good terms the Kaiser
was with the Sultan. This excellent relationship started with
the Cretan question. Th e friendly turn that Germany rendered
the Turks by withdrawing troops from Crete made the very
deepest impression. German influence in Yildiz was now un
limited, he said. England has been crowded out completely, to
say nothing of the other Powers. And the Grand Duke added
with a smile of satisfaction: “ We have accomplished all this with
out using the fleet or making any special exertions. Germany’s
wishes receive unqualified consideration. And if our Kaiser drops
a word to the Sultan, it will certainly be heeded. But we have
to be very careful. In world history, individual steps sometimes
take a very long time. One must have patience. First you must
wait until the Kaiser returns. If he received you before that, it
might do the project more harm than good. You know what
comments the Kaiser's journey has elicited everywhere. T he
socalled Palestine journey, which was originally supposed to
have only a religious character, has now become a political one.
This follows from the fact that the Kaiser will be going to
Constantinople first, whereas originally be intended to go di
rectly to Palestine. Thus he will first be paying a visit to the
suzerain of the country. From Palestine he will then go to Egypt,
that is, to another vassal state of the Sultan.
Continued on the train:
I remarked that it would be very welcome if I could make a
presentation to the Kaiser before his departure, so that he might
speak about Zionism in Yildiz en connaissance de cause [from
acquaintance with the subject].
The Grand Duke asked: “ Do you intend to found a state?
I believe that would be the only right thing for you to do, if
you wish to have legal security. (I had told him that earlier, and
also that we don’t want to expose ourselves to the whims of pasha
government.) A formula could be found by which you keep the
overlordship of the Sultan, something like the former Danube
principalities. What it would turn into later (he smiled)— say,
in a generation— that, after all. we cannot tell today.”
I now expounded my oft-mentioned points of view, our rela
tionship to the revolutionary parties, which evidently pleased
him. (Parbleu [of course]!)
When I mentioned the consequences that Zionism has had
in Russia, where the Socialists and Anarchists are being con
verted to Zionism, because we have given them an ideal, he
nodded vigorously and said: "Pobedonostsev ought to hear that.
You should tell it to him.”
He saw a major misgiving in the fact that certain groups of
Jews would see something anti-Semitic in the partisanship of
the German government. Until now, he said, people have re
garded Zionism as a species of anti-Semitism. And he mentioned
the fact that during the Jewish riots in Algeria Rothschild had
threatened the French government that he would leave the
country if order were not restored. Thereupon a new governor
had been sent to Algeria. He seemed to fear a similar threat of
exodus on the part of the German-Jewish financiers.
I tried to set him straight on this. T h e German Jews would no
longer have anything against Zionism from the moment they
were sure that no one would interpret it as unpatriotic behavior
on their part. An exodus of all Jews was not intended anyway.
Assimilation would start in earnest then. And just as the Huguenot
families, who are still flourishing in Germany today, have been
well assimilated, it would then be the same way with the Jews.
Indeed, if a Heine wrote poetry for the Germans then, they
would not cast him out as a Jew, but rejoice at his having sung
the beautiful German songs.
Just as Chamisso, whose home was Boncourt Castle, is con
sidered a good German poet.
In other ways, too, I drew his attention to the fact that with
the Jews a German cultural element would come to the Orient.
Evidence of this: German writers— even though of Jewish
descent— are leading the Zionist movement. T h e language of
the Congress is German. T h e overwhelming majority of the Jew
are part of German culture.
We need a protectorate— accordingly, we would prefer a Ger
man one. We cannot do things all by ourselves; people must help
us if they acknowledge our endeavors to be just, c:c.— the often-
said things, but this time said at the right address.
He liked all that. He also spoke about anti-Semitism, entirely
in the spirit of Kaiser Friedrich. He called it an ugly movement,
first anti-Semitic, then anti-capitalistic, finally anarchistic.
Hechler occasionally broke in with prophetic remarks about
the return of the Jews.* T h e Grand Duke listened to him with
a benign smile, but nodded approval to me when I said:
“Such things are beyond my judgment. I can only speak of
what I see.”
At this the Grand Duke said: “ Yes, let us consider the matter
only as a world-historical matter and not as a theological one.”
Hechler spoke about the Ark of the Covenant which Henning
Melander plans to search for. I asked the Grand Duke whether
he had read those articles in the Welt. He said yes, and then he
said that the Kaiser wished to discuss this Ark of the Covenant if
they were so inclined in Yildiz. T h e Kaiser was extremely
interested in the Ark, and its discovery would certainly be an
event in world history.
One of the wishes the Kaiser planned to express to the Sultan
was for permission to conduct a search for the Ark.
Many other interesting and noteworthy things were brought
up. He spoke of the petty intrigues which the Prince of Bulgaria
was carrying on now, and of how here, too, Germany had inter
vened between the little Balkan princes and the Porte; Milan
in Serbia was the disquieting element. He said he had to tell me
something that I, as an Austrian, would probably not like to
hear—namely, that Austria no longer had the influence to
intervene in this way.
Then we spoke about Austria— he always with the greatest
candor and confldence— and how deplorable the present bungled
situation was. T h e latest proposal was to make Austria into a
federation of suites.
'That would be the end,” I said. “ Whom would one place at
the heads of the individual states?"
"Archdukes perhapsl" said the Grand Duke.
T do not believe that would work,” I replied. "The situation
is different from that in Germany. Germany is stronger as a fed
eration of sûtes, but Austria would be weaker. The unifying
bond is lacking. T h e only one is the dynasty. The archdukes
• la fngthh la ib« original.
could not be sovereigns, but only governors. A prince must grow
out of the soil.”
And many more memorable words were spoken, not all of
which now come back to my mind. Finally, at a quarter to two,
he said with amiable regret that he had to dismiss us now. He
gave me a long hand-shake, assured me of his aid and his good
will, and said that he had a lively interest in the subject And
when I had already walked a few step6 away, he overtook me
again and squeezed my hand once more.
I took my leave.
Hechler stayed behind a few more minutes and asked if the
fact that this audience took place might be made public The
Grand Duke permitted it. But later 1 told Hechler, who will
convey this to the Grand Duke today, that I preferred to forego
the announcement so as to be able to operate in complete secrecy.
It would give rise to distrustful discussion if it became known
that the Grand Duke is interested in Zionism— just before the
Kaiser’s Palestinian trip.
• • •
Letter to Bâcher, dated Bregen2, September 3:

Dear Friend: (Strictly Confidential)
T h e Congress is over. I am sorry, and not for my sake, that
the N . Ft. P t. has again failed to take cognizance of this event.
In my devotion to you and our paper, which is well known to
you, I consider it my duty nevertheless to tell you that very big
things are in the offing. T h e Sultan sent me a telegram of thanks
at Basel. Th e Grand Duke of Baden invited me to visit him fol
lowing the Congress. Yesterday I have been to Mainau Castle
and had a two-hour conversation with him which would cause
the greatest sensation throughout the whole world if I made it
public. The Kaiser will call on the Sultan in Constantinople
prior to going to Palestine.
It is high time for the N . F t. P t. to register the Zionist move
ment. I shall once more place at your disposal an article about
Zionism, which I will sign, so chat it may not be taken for the
view of the publishers. You are aware that I know how to write
discreetly.
Kindly direct your answer to Unterach am Attersee.
If you don't wish to accept my suggestion, I still count on your
complete silence to everyone, as though I had requested your
word of honor in advance.
Your devoted
Th. H.
September 9, Unterach
After careful consideration I did not mail the letter to Bâcher.
Wolffsohn, who accompanied me here, concurs with me in this.
• • •
Yesterday I wrote to the Grand Duke that for reasons of ex
pediency I would for the time being make no use of his permis
sion, conveyed to me by Hechler, to make public the fact that I
had an audience with him.
• • •
At the same time I wrote the Vienna ambassador Eulenburg
that the Grand Duke had informed me that he had been in
structed by the Kaiser to report on our movement. 1 would like
to speak to the Kaiser before his Palestinian trip. If Eulenburg
desired further information, I was ready to come to Vienna for
a day.
September 15, on the train to Vienna

Yesterday I received this wire from Eulenbuig: “Shall be
available on 16th, nine a.m., German Embassy. Eulenburg."
I thereupon decided to go to Vienna at once. The German
Kaiser is coming to Vienna on the 17th for the funeral services
of the murdered Empress and may receive me.
This time I have neglected entering a great deal about the
Congress.
Nordau was charming, amicable, and intelligent. He has rec
onciled himself to playing second fiddle, and because of this
shone all the more. This time, too, he was fully a Zionist, while
the first time he had not used the word and the idea as though
they were part of him. Last year he only gave a report on Zion
ism.
He was opposed to suppressing the financial report. He said it
was praiseworthy to admit that we were weak and had only an
army of beggars and fools. I would risk making myself suspect if
an accounting of the money were not given. I stubbornly stuck
to my view.
At length he said that he was standing by the shore, watching
me fight the waves in the middle of the river. (Truel) I was
swimming well and vigorously. But if he saw me in danger, he
would jump in after me and pull me out.

This morning, with Eulenburg.
When I arrived at the Embassy Palace, the Count has just been
summoned to the Emperor at Schônbrunn, because it was reponed
that the Prince Regent of Bavaria had had a stroke.
I had to wait for an hour, together with Hechler, who had
received permission from Eulenburg to convert a small salon
into a Palestine museum for the benefit of the Kaiser, who ar
rives tomorrow. While mounting his charts, Hechler started
perspiring and finally threw off his coat. He went on working in
his shirt sleeves. At last everything was arranged: temple models,
maps, plaster casts of ancient relics, etc.
About half past ten the Count returned, apologized, and after
inspecting Hechter's curiosities, he launched into an amiable con
versation.
He is a tall, elegant man, on life’s downward slope. Somewhere
around 55, but he still seems to have a future. Imperial Chancel
lor, perhaps?
He gives the impression of complete self-possession. You have
a man before you who is locked tight like an iron safe. He looks
you full in the face, and yet there is nothing to be read in his
cold, blue eyes, in his wrinkled face with its grey, pointed beard.
Suddenly the iron safe opens, although he has not moved a mus
cle. The change lies only in the expression of his hard, blue eyes,
which can become soft. And on bidding me farewell, while a
moment before he had given me a full and friendly look, he
suddenly locked himself up again.
He opened the conversation by expressing two misgivings: the
soil in Palestine was lacking in humus, and the Turks would
view the immigration of two million people with disfavor, in
deed, suspicion.
For the Sultan—he gave me a deep look—was downright crim
inal with fright
He spoke at some length and with assurance, although he evi
dently is not yet acquainted with the project.
Then I took the floor and said all the things I have already
aid so often, in T he Jewish State, The Basel Congress, etc. They
were new to him and visibly fascinated him.
He asked what I actually wanted the Kaiser to do at Constanti
nople; did I want him to tell the Sultan to give us the land and
autonomy?
No, I said, the Kaiser should only put in a word recommend
ing that the Sultan enter into negotiations with us. After all, the
matter was very complicated. We were not really interested in
getting permission to immigrate. We would take the country
only on the basis of autonomy.
The blue eyes repeatedly deepened as I spoke. He became per
ceptibly wanner.
He had promised me at the outset that he would try to persuade
the Kaiser to receive me in East Prussia, where he was going on
a hunting party, for he was to accompany the Kaiser there.
It was unlikely that the Kaiser would receive me tomorrow in
Vienna, for he would arrive at one o'clock and leave again at
nine in the evening. During those few hours he would have a
great deal of excitement, and he also had to confer with Biilow,
with the Imperial Chancellor, and with others. I thereupon made
the suggestion that perhaps I could go along on the Kaiser's Im
perial train and make my presentation to him en route.
Eulenburg thought it over and said he intended to bring it up
tomorrow, if the opportunity arose.
But I think 1 made the strongest impression on him when 1
said: "Our movement exists; I expect that one or another of the
Powers will espouse it. Originally I had thought that it would
be England. It lay in the nature of things. But it would be even
more welcome to me if it were Germany. T h e Jews of today are
predominantly German in culture. I am not saying this because
I am at the German Embassy right now, but because it is true.
Proof: the official language of the two Basel Congresses."
The mention of England, in which I have been mistaken thus
far (but which might still come through after all), was the coup
final [clincher].
All of a sudden he declared that he would welcome my speak
ing with Biilow tomorrow. T he latter was coming down from
the Semmering; he would not be attending the funeral services
and might be able to see me.
I put myself at his disposal, saying that I would be waiting at
the Welt tomorrow morning from ten o’clock on.
When I was at the door, the blue eyes again closed down like
iron, with the lids still open.
I held the outer, he the inner, door-handle as I went out. When
I pulled it shut somewhat slowly, I felt a stronger counterpres
sure from inside the room.
In the afternoon the Actions Committee met at my home. I
gave them a report. The two Marmoreks greeted my success en
thusiastically, Dr. Kahn was curious, Schnirer and Kokesch took
it almost as a matter of course.
Once a poor stock-exchange galopin [errand boy] suddenly
made 50,000 guilders. During the first hour he nearly went crazy
with joy. By the second he said: "50,000 guilders! Hasst à Tusck
[Some big deal]!
• • •
As a reward for his past management* Hechler gets his trav
eling expenses to Palestine— 1000 guilders, to start with.
He is such a good old soul, modest and humble. He did not
even ask for it. It does my heart good to make the old man's se
cret wish come true.
September 18, Ischl
Yesterday was a noteworthy day, one that might have become
a day of destiny for the movement. Would the Kaiser receive me?
I slept late, wasn’t a bit nervous, and didn’t arrive at the office
of the Welt until the stroke of ten, having come from my home
in the "Cottage” section. They had already phoned from the
German Embassy that I was to come there at eleven.
At eleven o’clock I drove up. T he doorman told me Count
Eolenburg was not in. I replied that I wished to see Herr von
BQlow, which surprised the lackey. On the staircase a footman
met me: "His Excellency is expecting you."
Bülow received me in his living quarters, with trunks open—
he had just arrived. He greeted me with captivating kindness,
nying he had read many of my writings, was happy to make my
acquaintance, etc.
At this 1 grew weak. I had confronted Eulenburg, who had
received me coolly, with resoluteness, and my words had been
iron-like and clear. In Bülow’s presence I unfortunately became
a vain writer and strove harder to make polished mots [phrases]
than to talk seriously to the point. This was simply a fit of weak-
nea caused by his ingratiating behavior. After the conversation
I had the delayed reaction d’avoir i l i bercé et roulé [that I had
been properly taken in].
BQlow doesn’t give the impresuon of being a Prussian, but ol
*IoEnglUi io the oricbul.
something like a North German Austrian: smooth, obliging, at
times almost sweet, more vieux jeu [the old style] of diplomacy
than the new iron kind of Bismarck's era. He is tall and slim, but
not stiff; a friendly face with rather gentle eyes and a small
blond-grey moustache, otherwise clean-shaven; the bearing of an
old lieutenant who resigned his commission early because his
gaiters bored him. Evidently has artistic leanings, too. (Eulen-
burg had mentioned the day before yesterday that he had.)
From this it may be concluded what a brilliant wind blows
from the summit. T he Prussian court appears to be more con
cerned with art than people suppose.
Our conversation unfortunately was more of a chat than a
tightly organized political conversation. It also jumped from one
thing to another; the anti-Socialist aspect of Zionism was gone
into in the greatest detail— “flirted with" would be more cor
rect ; on the other hand, little was said about the Oriental-colonial
and political aspects.
Biilow was already informed about the Second Congress, and
he asked why the N . Fr. Pr. had kept silent and the Frankfurter
Zeitung had written in such an unfriendly tone. I explained that
it was due to the fear on the part of the Jewish-liberal papers
that the anti-Semites would question their patriotism.
It was regrettable, I added, that our movement was actually
becoming known only through jokes and caricatures; but if one
had strong enough nerves, this too was a good way. after all, to
popularize the idea.
He nodded with a smile.
I then expounded my theory about draining off the surplus
Jewish masses. He agreed with me that through this immigration
the lot and the situation of the remaining Jews would improve.
There were also plenty of Jews whose departure would certainly
not be welcomed. But they would remain in any case. In fact, he
did not believe that I would get many adherents from Central
and Western Germany to come along; only from the F.ast, and
perhaps also those who felt the tightest economic squeeze and
who would then be led by a few idealists.
He, too, confirmed what Eulenburg had already told me: that
the Kaiser was by no means an anti-Semite, which he was decried
as being. He was merely against the destructive Jews.
This brought us to Socialism. I made my position clear—that
it was folly on the part of Jews to join the Socialist movement,
which would soon rid itself of them. Then, too, Jews were not
Socialists at heart. I mentioned something that I had recendy
read: Pre-Mosaic Egypt was a Socialist state. Through the Deca
logue Moses created an individualistic form of society. And the
Jews, I said, are and will remain individualists.
He liked that, too. He quoted Heine, who had talked about
“egalitarian louts." • T he Jews, said Bülow, would never put up
with that equality stuff. He had once discussed the Socialist state
of the future with a Socialist leader. It would be like a held of
poppies in which every taller flower would be beheaded. Such a
state would be boring and devoid of talent, too.
Was all this courtesy to a visitor, or honestly meant? Both
Eulenburg and Bülow expressed themselves about the Jews in
such a way that if their words were made public they would get
the reputation of being the most extreme philo-Semites.
Quite a few details of this conversation, which flitted about
restlessly, have already escaped me. When I quoted Bülow the
Grand Duke's words about his being considered the most quali
fied person to make an unobjectionable presentation of such a
difficult and delicate subject as Zionism, he bowed and was quite
touched; and at that moment he was the weaker of us two.
But presently he regained the upper hand when he said: "If
only we were that far along, the key-word of the situation would
be found. Whether you or I or another, wiser man says it makes no
difference. As I see it, the main difficulty lies in managing to give
the Sultan that advice to enter into negotiations with you. It
would surely make a big impression on him if the Kaiser were
to give him such advice. But we would have to see to it that
others do not find out about it, otherwise the entire combination
may be upset.”
9 Tramlator*• Noce: Heine o ile d America die land of Che GUichhtiUfUgtL
I gathered that he was not in favor of my being received by
the Kaiser either in Vienna or on the train. He didn't come
right out with it, but 1 sensed it, despite his geniality. Had I
been too talkative and given him the impression that 1 couldn't
keep my mouth shut? Or are their intentions toward us already
so serious that they have to carry out this plan with caution? 1
shall not find out until later.
With regard to the Socialist aspect of the question, at any rate,
we saw eye to eye. He was impressed when I mentioned the fact
that at the University of Vienna we have taken students away
from Socialism. Some might believe they will set up the Socialist
state of the future “over there” ; but that vras not my view. We
might be able to arrange some matters better than in our old
society, but on the whole, things would probably have to remain
much the same. If I thought otherwise, I would really be a
Utopian.
Again he had his charming smile: “Yes, it would then be the
polis [city-state] of Plato!”
We had chatted for about three-quarters of an hour. A servant
entered and put something in order. At this Bülow suddenly
asked me to excuse him: he had to go to the station to meet the
Kaiser.
And before I had had a chance to unfold the entire matter,
our conversation came to an abrupt end. He dismissed me with
the utmost amiability. I managed to give him Eller's article from
issue No. 37 of the Welt and told him that according to this
article there was even less of a legal case for the French claims
to the Orient than for claims which might be made by others.
He quite shared this view and promised to read the article.
Finally, I begged him to introduce me to the Kaiser, if possible,
even though it were only in the train on the return journey. I
should be pleased to hold myself at his disposal in some baggage-
car. Again he nodded. He never says no—-«or yes either.
Then 1 left, and knew even on the stairs that nothing was go
ing to come of it— either because I had committed some blunder,
or because he does not consider it expedient.
1 immediately summoned my good Hechler, so as to salvage
whatever could be salvaged from the situation.
Hechler then waited in the doorkeeper’s quarters at the Em
bassy during the entire dinner (which followed the funeral of
the Empress). He sent his card to Count Eulenburg, saying he
was below stairs and at his command. But no call was sent to
him
I myself waited at the W elt for a call, from five o’clock on. 1
put a crape band around my hat and bought black gloves, so as
n>appear at the station in the proper court attire. It got to be
eight o’clock— half past eight— a quarter to nine. Then Hechler
called me on the phone. T h e Kaiser had just left with Eulenburg
for the station— without remembering me.
I iras rather disconcerted and drove to the W’estbahn terminal
in order to u ke the train to Ischl. Hechler accompanied me. We
agreed on what he should say to Eulenburg today. I planned to
write Eulenburg from Unterach. At Ischl I received a wire from
Colonel Eiss, saying that the German Embassy had telephoned
mask whether 1 was still in Vienna. He had replied: No. Should
he call me back from Ischl? Unnecessary, they said; the message
would be put in writing.
Does that mean that all is not lost yet?
At any rate, 1 have the promises of Eulenburg and Bûlow that
the German government intends to assist us in Constantinople.
Vederemo (We shall see]!
September s i , on the train at the Lake of Zurich

When I left Unterach last night, no word had come from
Eulenburg. Therefore I must assume that I evaluated the situa
tion correctly after my conversation with BOlow. I shall not be
able to see the Kaiser.
To make one last attempt, I plan to write the following letter
to Eulenburg from Paris:
Your Excellency:
My devoted thanks for listening to me in Vienna, promising
me your help, and giving me the opportunity of speaking with
Herr von Billow. Unfortunately the conversation with the latter
remained incomplete, since His Excellency had to leave for the
station to meet His Imperial Majesty. Our discussion had not
progressed beyond those points which would indicate that our
movement can fight and weaken the revolutionary parties.
Originally I had believed that this alone would gain us the
exalted protection of His Majesty. But according to the remarks
of His Royal Highness the Grand Duke of Baden I may assume
that the further course of our movement in the Orient, if we
should succeed in initiating an organized exodus of the prole*
tarians to be settled, would engage the interest of German pol
icy. Actually it is an element of German culture that vrould
come to the Eastern shores of the Mediterranean with the Jews.
I beg Your Excellency not to interpret it as immodesty on my
part if I once more present my request for an audience with
H.M. It is of the greatest timeliness. 1 do not wish to reproach
myself later with not having appreciated this important moment.
One word from the KaiseT can have the greatest consequences
for the shaping of things in the Orient. I should particularly like
to direct the attention of His Majesty to some things which I
have already briefly indicated to Your Excellency:
l. The relief for the internal situation of the different coun

tries if those parts of the Jewish population that are con
sidered superfluous are diverted. At present they are supply
ing the revolutionary parties with leaders and lieutenants.
a. In the natural course of things each country would relin
quish only as many Jews as it can spare. In each country,
the drainage would come to a standstill along with anti-
Semitism itself. For the stimulus to emigrate, which, as it is,
is lacking or only slight in the upper economic strata, would
then be eliminated.
3. For Turkey, the influx of an intelligent, economically en
ergetic national element would mean an unmistakable
strengthening. Therefore, the advice which the Kaiser would
give to the Sultan would be the advice of a friend. The lat
ter should enter into negotiations with the Zionists, which
would for the time being involve no obligation and be kept
completely secret.
Turkey would have direct benefits (a large payment of
money on our part, and possibly a further improvement
of her finances) as well as indirect benefits, through the
general increase in commerce.
4. The return of even the semi-Asiatic Jews under the leader
ship of thoroughly modern persons must undoubtedly
mean the restoration to health of this neglected comer of
the Orient. Civilization and order would be brought there.
Thus the migration of the Jews would eventually be an
effective protection of the Christians in the Orient.
5. The needs of all of non-Russian Europe call for the crea
tion of a direct Southern route to Asia: that is, a railroad
from the Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf. The Jews
could and must build this great road of the nations, which,
if undertaken differently, might call forth the most serious
rivalries.
For all these reasons I venture to ask for a hearing from His
Majesty, even before bis departure for Constantinople.
In the internal situation of France I now find a peculiar, com
pletely unexpected corroboration of my arguments. I lived there
for four years and am somewhat acquainted with the country.
Nevertheless, this time 1 am quite taken aback by the increase
of disorganization in a short time. Thus France must acquiesce
to every fait accompli which does not irritate it almost to the
point of insensibility.
What I am saying here quite plainly and seriously «rill, I
hope, find its way to the genius of the Kaiser through the kind
ness of Your Excellency.
The journey to the Holy Land is now grandly conceived as a
pilgrimage on the part of His Majesty. But it can turn out to
be more; it can attain to the significance of a historic turning-
point in the Orient, if the return of the Jews is initiated.
And precisely this greater end would remain concealed for a
while. It is the same as in the mountains, where a water-shed is
not immediately noticed either. But then the waters flow differ
ently.
Commending the cause which I represent in all humility to
Your Excellency’s benevolence, I remain, with deepest respect,
Yours faithfully.
Dr. Theodor Herzl.
With it, a second sheet:
Since a letter addressed to Your Excellency might attract the
attention of the local post office, I am arranging for it to be
mailed in Cologne. My address, until September <9, inclusive,
will be: Hotel Castille, rue Cam bon, Paris; then, until October
1: Doelen Hotel, Amsterdam; from October 2 until October 5,
inclusive: Burlington Hotel, Cork Street, Piccadilly, London,
W. Then, Vienna again. A message will probably reach me most
inconspicuously through the German Legation in the cities con
cerned. I would be very happy if I received orders to travel from
London to His Majesty. However, it goes without saying that I
am available earlier, or later, at any place whatever.
September 24, Paris

I am writing the letter to Eulenburg at the Hotel Castille, in
the same room and at the same table where I wrote The Jewish
State.
• • •
Day before yesterday I was at Nordau’s, yesterday at Zadoc

Kahn's.
Just talk.
September *9, on the train to Holland
Obviously there is no helping the French Jews. They make a
fire with their beds. They seek protection from the Socialists and
the destroyers of the present civil order.
Zadoc was of good cheer, because it no longer involves Drey
fus, but Zola, and Picquart.
T h e Hague, September 30
The French Jews are absolutely unavailable to us. Truly, they
are not Jews any more. T o be sure, they are no Frenchmen
either. They will probably become the leaders of European
anairhiwn
• • •
I also had a farewell conversation with Xordau. He said be was

unable to put himself at the disposal of the movement to the
extent be would like to. He would jeopardize his position with
the Vossische Zeitung and his livelihood. Unfortunately true.
It is a crying shame that we cannot support a propagandisdc
talent like his.
Nordau views my achievements with the Grand Duke and
Bfilow with skepticism. He thinks nothing at all of Bûlow’s oblig
ing attitude. He feels that Bfilow only wanted to have a chat with
an interesting man who has recently been in the news.
• • •
Nordau showed me a letter from G aster imploring him to come

along to London, since I simply would not be dissuaded.
Strange behavior on the part of Bentwich and G aster, who
invited me in Basel to come to London at the beginning of Oc
tober and now are against it.
I have only one explanation for Caster's letter: he wants to
cushion my appearance with that of Nordau. T h e rally shall not
be held for one man. T w o men are less than one, thinks Gaster,
who seems to be concerned about supremacy.*
However, Nordau doesn't feel like playing a supporting role,
and be isn't going to London.
* la Engflah la the ovtclaaL
T h e Hague, September 30
Traveled again through the fragrant Dutch countryside. But
not as I once did. In 1885 I was a callow dreamer who saw only
the surface of things.
Today the country has a different message for me.
I see a city suddenly rising from the plain, without mountain,
river, or sea— without motive, so to speak. This is The Hague.
A proof that will-power makes cities rise.
If I point my finger at a spot, and say: here shall be a city— a
city will come into being there.
A ll Holland is a proof of what men can extract from the most
unfavorable soil.
A young man in love sees his beloved under every woman's hat.
In the same way, to me everything is now an allusion to, and
a memory of, my idea.
Th e Hague, October 1
Yesterday Kann, whom I came here to see about the Bank,
took me to the painter Israels. A short, agile, smart old little
Jew. He is just painting David playing the harp before Saul. 1
explained Zionism to him and recruited him. He thought the
idea beautiful.
October 2, 6 o’clock in the morning
What happened yesterday I shall record en route.
I am now writing to Eulenburg:
Your Excellency:
Please accept my humblest thanks for your very kind letter and
all that it contained.
I shall leave London on Wednesday evening and go directly
to Berlin; I shall report to Your Excellency immediately upon
my arrival, since 1 can stay in Berlin only till Friday evening.
My Berlin address is Palast Hotel, Potsdamer Platz.
With deepest gratitude and respect, I remain
Your Excellency's humble servant,
Dr. Th. H.
October 2, on the steamer between Flushing and
Queensborough
Yesterday the following took place. In the morning 1 went
with Kann from T h e Hague to Amsterdam where I had directed
my mail. 1 did not expect, or only vaguement [vaguely], that
Eulenburg would answer me.
At the Doelen Hotel I was told that a gentleman had come
there, looking for me, two days ago. Since 1 had written to no
ooe but Eulenburg and my family that I would be staying at
the Doelen Hotel in Amsterdam, 1 immediately guessed some
thing.
The surmise became a certainty when I received Eulenburg’s
note, the coda to his long letter. I immediately drove to the
German Consulate, where I was received without the m o r g u e
officielle [official arrogance]. T h e secretary told me that I had
been expected since yesterday. However, could I prove my iden
tity? “Because that could cost us our necks." I established my
identity in more of a psychological than a documentary fashion,
since 1 had no papers of any kind on me. My passport was at
The Hague. I persuaded them of my identity. The Vice-Consul
was even more amiable when he handed me Eulenburg’s letter.
I read the letter in the carriage, and at first was almost dazed
by it. The colossal achievement which it represented at first had
an unpleasant effect on me. 1 saw at once the grave consequences
which this can have for me at the Ar. F t. P r . If, after the expira
tion of my leave, I go to Palestine instead of reporting for duty
at the office, this could quite simply cost me my job. On the
other hand, I cannot disregard the Kaiser's wish, which really is
a command. Eulenburg writes that the Kaiser would be disap
pointed if he did not see roe in Jerusalem. So there is no hesitat
ing. Cest iengrennage [I'm caught in the toils]. I cannot do
otherwise, I must put even my position at stake.
Wolffsohn was waiting for me at T h e Hague. I did not im
mediately tell him and Kann what was in the letter. J'étais lit
téralement bouleversé fl was literally bowled over]. I rode my
bicycle, alone, to Scheveningen, relaxed through the physical
exercise and the view of the beautiful evening sea. A sunset in
reddened clouds, some cloud-drama of unknown melody and
plot which was taking place between the lustreless sky and the
shimmering sea, in bloody catastrophes, unintelligible but grip-
ping.
During the day I had seen many other beautiful things. The
brownish-green, softly fragrant landscape between The Hague
and Amsterdam. The deep green of the shrubs, the brown, oily,
sluggish canals, the wandering wings of the wind-mills— a whole
enchanting world of muted color. In Amsterdam, the exhibition
of the collected Rembrandts, including "T h e Night Watch,"
which was well hung this time and glowed with color. Also paint
ings by Maris, who is strangely reminiscent of Corot and Lher-
mitte. The prettiest picture, however, in the Jewish Quarter.
Three Jewish children, a tiny boy between two little boys, went
staggering arm in arm along the side-walk, pretending they were
tipsy, and humming the Dutch national anthem. It was Saturday,
the shops were closed, the Jews in their shabbes dress; and I said
to Kann: Ten years from now, the children in the Jodcnbreet-
straat and in all the Jewish quarters of the world must be singing
the Zionist anthem.
Not until lateT in the evening, after dinner, did 1 let WolfNohn
and Kann know the contents of the Eulenburg letter. First I
asked Kann how devoted he was to the cause; and when he
avowed his complete devotion, 1 made both of them give me
their word of honor and their hands, and read them the letter.
Since it mentioned a deputation, I was justified in informing the
two men I intend to take along.
They were both astounded. We had been speaking of bank
matters. I said to them: I must now establish the Bank under
any circumstances.
Kann said he could participate only if it was something solid.
I replied that of course I preferred a good, solid bank, honorably
conducted by reliable people. But I should have to deal with
the other sort too. It is like a bridge. I come roaring along with
a locomotive and cars. There is a stream I have to cross. If there
is a good bridge— so much the better. But I would get across
even if the bridge was bad. T h ey should help me to build a
good, solid bridge.
Kann, who was wavering a bit, seemed to have been stiffened
by this.
Then I went to bed and slept on the matter; and when I awoke
at five in the morning, I knew as usual what I had to do.
I sent Eulenburg the above letter not in the form of a letter,
but as a telegram to W olfbohn's partner Bernstein in Cologne,
and he is to re-telegraph it.
In Berlin 1 shall try to dissuade Eulenburg from having the
Kaiser receive me in Jerusalem. Instead, he should receive me
privately in Berlin. Th is is my view today, though it may be sus
ceptible of clarification and in need of it. By Wednesday, how
ever, I shall perhaps have considered the matter, surveyed it from
other angles, and may recognize the trip to Palestine as a neces
sity.
As of today the matter still seems premature. Still, it will serve
to hasten the completion of the Bank.
How swiftly we shall go ahead from now on is really incal
culable.
Too bad that I am a wage slave of the N. Fr. Pr. Everything
would be different if the tramps with whom I have so often strug
gled for my existence were different.
What obscure, indescribable battles I have had to fight over
every little step I took will never be suspected or appreciated by
the ungrateful Jews, who will show enmity toward me soon after
success has come.
• • •
One effect of the letter from Rominten is that tomorrow eve

ning in the East End 1 shall speak more moderately, because un
fortunately the participation of the moneyed Jews will be ncc-
eaary after alL
I was planning to lash out at them.
October 3, London
While crossing the magnificent sea, I discussed many things
with Wolffsohn on deck. He feels that I may be of even greater
value to the N . Fr. Pr. after Palestine.
After deeping on it once more, I myself now incline to the
view that maybe the trip won't break my neck after all.
• • •
Last night here I received a telegram from Hechler, to whom
the Grand Duke had given a detailed telegraphic account of the
Imperial matters already known to me.
This morning I received a telegram directly from the Grand
Duke, saying that he had sent me important news* to Vienna.
I am answering him: I most humbly thank Your Royal High
ness for the great favor. I shall be there in good time.
Herzl.
• • •
Tonight is the mass-meeting• in the East End. I slept badly,

have heart palpitations of a disagreeable kind; and since I have
prepared no speech, I am worried that I may be au dessous de
tout [at the bottom of the pile].
October 3, 6:45 in the evening

In the afternoon, va et vient [coming and going] at the Bur
lington Hotel. Candidates for the directorship of the Bank pre
sented themselves.— T h e majority of the "Bank Committee" is
opposed to its immediate establishment. Bentwich retires,* as CoL
Goldsmid retired when there was supposed to be some action.
I am insisting on it: the Bank must be created now. The ex
penses of registering and establishing it will be borne by Wolff
sohn, Kann, and myself.—
• In Englbb in the original.

FHE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZL 679
Between times I had Sidney Whitman introduce me to the
Bishop of London at the Athenaeum Club. Now I am supposed
10leave for the East End and make a speech before 8ooo people,
and in the excitement of the last few weeks I have had no time
to prepare myself.
I am not at all well today. Palpitations, shortness of breath.
And so I go cm riding across Lake Constance.*
October 4, rooming
Yesterday's mass meeting* * in the East End was attended by ten
thousand people. My speech (in German) got much applause,
but was oratorical only de chic [for style], and not good. Today
1 know some things I should have said. Mots [words] that would
have had wings, etc. T h e usual thing.
Very picturesque among my supporters'* was the Catholic
Father Ignatius. In his black pleated monastic habit, with his
medieval evangelist’s pulpit gestures, his beautiful, clear profile,
his spirited speech, be was a joy to listen to and to look at. I
admired him like a show-piece, while he praised me as if he were
talking about someone else. T h e enthusiasm that I inspire leaves
me quite cold.
Finally, a certain Herman Landau, an ugly Mauschel, came
forward to avenge his friend Montagu, w hom I had attacked. He
brought a jarring note into the meeting, and after the Boor had
been taken away from him. he screamed that we were trying to
take money from poor people in order to s u n our Bank.
Then the banker Seligmann, who had recently stabbed us in
the back, asked to be introduced to me. and made a sweet-and-
sour bee.
I left on foot with Sidney Whitman. But we had to u k e a
carriage after all, when the crowd of our followers on the main
street grew too big.
* T n m lu oli Sett: An allusion u> the ballad. b a td on an old S v ib iu kfend,
Der Reiter und icr Bodentee, klto Loowa u Orr Reiter itber den Bodentee, by
Guru* Schwab (i7ÿt »Byi). A traveler oa boncbkk unwiitinjly (idea m m
(rata L ilt Conuoce. When h« reaches the other there a ld y sad » told <d (h«
peril he has run. be drojn dead.
•• la Englhh la (he original.
October 5, in the morning, London
A t the Burlington Hotel it is like at a bank. Big conversations
in our drawing room. Cohen of Hamburg is on the side of the
Englishmen who don’t want to establish the bank right now, but
first a transitional corporation. Wolffsohn and Kann-The Hague,
my confidants, want to go ahead immediately. Still, yesterday
morning I inclined toward the view taken by timid Cohen, an
amiable, cautious adviser. But Cohen made the mistake of taking
me to the banker Rafaels. Rafaels, who seems to be a blockhead,
knew nothing whatever of our movement. And Cohen asked him
for advice. This turned me against Cohen and brought me back
to the immediate establishment of the Bank. W e went to see the
Solicitor of the Bank of England, in order to ask his legal advice.
He said we could found the Bank with seven shares. W’e have
$00,000.
Book Six
Begun in London
October 5.1898
October 5, London
Last night the Bank project took a remarkable turn.
We had called a meeting of the Colonization Committee at
the Burlington Hotel for yesterday evening. G aster, Bentwich,
de Haas, Greenberg, and Seligmann the banker were to attend.
Others who were there were Kellner, Wolffsohn, Cohn, Kann,
and Heymann. I treated Seligmann very coolly, hardly spoke to
him— and the reason for this was the perfidious letter opposing
(he Bank which he had published in the Jewish Chronicle.
Gaster opened the discussion with petty details of the Coloni
zation Committee. I let them talk. When they were discussing
the question of how to pay the secretary of the committee and
talking about the shilling difficulties, Seligmann took the floor.
He said he wished to tell us from where we could get the funds.
Instead of the Bank we ought to found a Jewish Colonisation So
ciety.* It would be possible to win the good will of the "big”
bankers for such a society. He was speaking unofficially, to be
sure, but he thought that such a society would easily raise not
two, but five, million pounds. He intended to discuss this with
Montagu and others. Our Bank would lead to catastrophes, A la
Union Générale, etc.
1 immediately sensed the victory that lay in this proposal, and
answered him, holding up to him the entire list of sins against
our movement committed by the bankers, argued down his mis
givings about the Bank, and threatened him with war and boy
cott if the big bankers came out in opposition to our Bank.
He laughed out loud. But his laughter was too loud to be only
mockery. There was also fright in it.
Then I told him that I was ready to drop the Bank project
if the land society* he had suggested came into being. I gave him
a Berlin address for a reply within two days. I said, however, that
* In Eaglbh in the original.
688
we would go ahead working for the Bank, because I had no con
fidence in the good will of the big bankers. And the matter could
no longer be carried on in dilatory fashion.
October 6, on the train to Berlin

T o me this incident is only one more proof of the necessity for
the Bank. If it instils fear in the big bankers even before its
establishment, it will accomplish all the more tremendous things
once it exists.
Between Dortmund and Hanover I conversed with a fellow

passenger, the London Zionist and tobacco-dealer Mayer, about
the soil outlook in Palestine. He has been there, has set up to
bacco plantations, and finds the land first-rate.
• • •
What under the sun am I not going through in this movement!

A noteworthy thing was the English p r o m o t e r • scenes in the
Burlington Hotel. The would-be directors that applied, all the
comings and goings of the visitors. T h e worried dissuader Cohen
from Hamburg, the sly little South African Heyman, who
doesn’t know yet whether there will be a profit for him in it, and
if so, how much. Because of this attitude of his Heymann will
have to be jettisoned at the next opportunity.
In contrast, Wolffsohn, and next to him young Kann from
the Hague, have been excellent, steadfast, loyal, adroit. For this
both of them shall be made great.
Also, the scenes with the English Solicitor Freskville, in ap
pearance like the fine picture of an old man in a c a s tle * and
many other things were very curious.
The impressions pass by too fast.
• • •
• In English in (he original.
On the crossing from Dover to Ostend I spoke with Wolffsohn
about how obvious and easy the founding of this Bank, which is
now costing us so many sacrifices, will be considered later. We
three, Woiffsohn, Kann, and I, are advancing the founding costs.
I have subscribed to the laigest number of shares (2000), also the
largest number in proportion to my means, although the project
certainly will not and must not yield me any profit.
And we are being abused by scoundrels à la Herman Landau
on orders from other scoundrels like Montagu and Rabbi Adler.
• • •
Tomorrow I plan to write the following to the Grand Duke:

Even before I am acquainted with the full scope of things in
the offing, I feel impelled to repeat to Your Royal Highness, even
though only in brief summary, my most respectful thanks which
I have already taken the liberty of telegraphing from London.
I cannot begin to express what comfort and reassurance I de
rive in the sometimes very bitter hours of the work I have started
from the thought chat the kindly hand of Your Royal Highness
helpfully hovers over our work. The name of the Grand Duke
Friedrich of Baden, which is venerated and loved by the German
people, will be blessed by other millions as well when the time
comes when one is allowed to say who was the first prince who
took an interest in the deliverance of the poor Jews.
Today I shall call on Ambassador Count Eulenburg in this
city, and I hope to learn from him the arrangements with which
Your Royal Highness is already acquainted in any case. It goes
without saying that I shall be in Palestine in time.
Berlin, October 7
This draft was not sent off. because I learned from Eulenburg
today that the Grand Duke was coming here.
Therefore I am wiring him as follows:
686 TH E COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZI.
T o H ii Royal Highness,
Grand Duke Friedrich of Baden,
New Palais, Potsdam.
I have learned from Count Eulenburg, on whom I ailed at

Liebenberg, that Your Royal Highness is coming here. For this
reason I am staying here one day longer.
T h is very day I was going to send off a letter with my mos
respectful thanks for all the favor I have experienced from Your
Royal Highness. As a precaution I preferred not to write from
abroad.— Now I would be very happy if 1 were accorded the
privilege of being received by Your Royal Highness tomorrow,
in order to request your exalted, kindly counsel at this new
turn in affairs.
Your Royal Highness* respectful servant.
Dr. Theodor Herd
Palast HoteL
Berlin, October 7
On arriving here last night I was disappointed at not finding
the expected message from Eulenburg. I considered asking bin
by telegram whether or not I should come to Liebenberg. 1de
dded simply to wire him that I was coming out today by the fits
express. And it was good that I did. For meanwhile a letter fran
him was on the way, telling me to expect him here at the Hades
or in my hotel. T he latter obviously a mere gesture of poUtenot
However, I preferred to talk with him out there, if only became
that way I learned in good time of the Grand Duke's arrival.
I almost missed the train this morning. The hotel potter bd
forgotten to call me. So, after waking up, I lay in bed for a long
time and, as usual, planned everything beforehand, thinking it
was not yet seven o'clock. Finally I looked at my watch. Eight!
T he train was due to leave the Stcttiner terminal at cight-fcny.
I jumped up, and in fifteen minutes I was ready and had break
fasted and was rushing to the station. I promised the driver doo-
ble fare. Luckily I still made the train. A lovely autumn morning
enveloped the Mark which is by no means such a sandy desert as
people say it is. So we too shall convert the sandy deserts of our
country into a beautiful Mark.
At Lowenberg the Count’s dog-cart was waiting for me. The
coachman surveyed me haughtily when I asked whether he was
waiting for a Dr. Herzl. He had been told only: a tall gentleman
with a black beard. I am probably the first Jew he has ever driven.
Nevertheless I managed to draw the stiff youth into an almost
friendly conversation. A refrain from one of Spielhagen’s novels
kept running through my head: “Hinrich Scheel drove the
bones.'* For here I was right in the midst of Spielhagen’s world,
the landed gentry, who had been spoken of in the circle in which
I used to live, among scoffing Jewish liberals, with nothing but
hatred, fear, and derision. The noteworthy thing about the epi
sode is that I am by no means coming to them as a submissively
fawning assimilationist, but as an upstanding Jew. This Hinrich
Scheel had probably never driven a Jew before. When I asked
him about distances, from Potsdam, etc., he explained them to
me by the time it takes the Dragoons and the Yellow Uhlans to
cover the ground. Hinrich Scheel—who, incidentally, is going
to Vienna as the Count's coachman—thinks in terms of Dragoons
and Yellow Uhlans. Huntsmen, too. He said that hunting had
been going on for three days now. A few of the gentlemen were
still in the castle. The Count himself would probably go to Ber
lin this evening.
This morning a few gentlemen had gone out after pheasants.
In the sunny fields, an occasional bird flew up; I lacked a shot
gun and the skill for them. These birds have evidently been re
producing themselves from time immemorial, for the benefit of
noblemen who on fine autumn days go out to kill them.
On the fields, which are now being turned over, here and
there small groups of peasants. Potato harvest. A living poem of
the Mark.
In a brief half-hour we were at Liebcnberg. A beautiful manor
house, to which a new wing is being added. I had no chance
really to look around. Two footmen were waiting outside the
gate. One of them announced me to the Count. In the hall, hunt
ing weapons and trophies. The whole, grand style* The Count
came out at once. He was in hunting costume, and it seemed to
me the first thing he did was to take stock of my clothes. I had
carefully considered what I should wear, and had taken my grey
frock-coat and trousers, although under different circumstances
the light-colored lounge-suit would have been more appropriate.
The light-colored suit would have been informal. However, I
certainly did not want to give the impression that I considered
myself a guest. I was coming on business, a shade less habillé
[dressed up] than if it had been in the city—that is, grey rather
than black.
I believe he found me suitably dressed.
He led me into the great hall where the whole family hap
pened to be gathered: his mother, wife, daughters, sons and their
tutors. I only had time to glance quickly at the very elegant
tableau and was unable to take in any details. A billiard table did
strike my attention, as well as a breakfast table, a few beautiful
old pictures—and the autumnal park shimmered through the
tall French windows of ihis ground-floor hall. Eulenburg briefly
introduced me to the whole party and invited me to take a stroll
with him—a bit of le tour du propriétaire [the proprietor’s tour].
But even though he permitted me a glimpse of the magnificence
of his estate he nevertheless did so in a grand manner, for he is
in every way a grandiose gentleman.• Naturally, as a member of
a race which he considers a higher one, he feels superior to me.
But how can I resent it when I consider the wretched way in
which precisely the “higher” Jews—that is, the kind he has con
tact with, if any—behave toward our idealistic cause? Inciden
tally, he does seem to acknowledge the fact that one can associate
with the Jew Herzl.
Since I am not forcing myself upon him socially, and indeed
• In Engliih in ihc original.
had made it quite dear at the outset that I intended to go back
just as soon as we had completed our business, his air of superior
ity could not shock me. We got down to business.
To begin with, he reported: “I have already written you every
thing of importance, at the Kaiser’s order. The Kaiser is very
warmly indined toward the project. I succeeded in making him
take this altitude, or else there would simply be no point to it.
He has to be greatly interested in a matter, otherwise he soon
loses sight of it, which is understandable, because such a gTeat
variety of things happen. T o be sure, I had already mentioned it
at Vienna, but there wc did not have the proper leisure for it.
Afterwards, at Rominten, it was different. There I was able to
return to the subject repeatedly, and I did."
I interjected: "It is one of the many different remarkable dis
pensations that we should have found an absolutely ideal advo
cate in Your Excellency.”
He gave a gratified nod. "That is true. My standing with the
Kaiser is such that I am able to speak to him differently from,
and more than, many others. Very few people can go as far as I.
There is always one point or another beyond which a man does
not dare to go; then he withdraws. I have been able to bring the
matter up again and again, and I have succeeded. Fortunately
for your cause I have also been able to win over BQlow, my best
friend and a most outstanding statesman. By the way, the world
will yet see quite extraordinary things from BQlow."
I remarked: "BQlow does not seem to have exerted himself
very much in Vienna. I had the impression that he was none too
willing."
The Count: "He restrained himself—which is understandable
at a first meeting. One is cautious, does not let oneself go im
mediately. However, the main thing is not what he said to you,
but what he said to me when I tried to persuade him. I convinced
him."
I spoke a few warm words of thanks. At this Eulenburg re
marked, while looking at me steadily with his steely eyes: "Per
haps the moment will come when I shall claim favors from you."
I declared: "Henceforth you will find in me a devoted and
grateful man.”
He said: "1 am glad that you feel that way about it."
I: “Your Excellency may count on me. Perhaps you will permit
me to give you proof of it at once.”
He made a motion of refusal with his hand. “No, not right
now. The occasion may arise some day, but this is not the time."
I begged him to be assured of my devotion at all times.
I am skipping about a bit in retelling this conversation, just
as it comes back to me. After all, during all these talks I must
concentrate my presence of mind on bringing up the right
things. That is why I am always weak in reproducing them later.
My own impressions are less strong, because I use all my psychic
energy to make strong impressions.
He said that I should go to Constantinople in any case. Per
haps the conversation there would be sufficient, and I would not
have to go on to Palestine.
I called his attention to the fact that it was not just a question
of myself, but of a deputation as well. I would not be able to use
residents of Palestine for the deputation, because they might get
into trouble with the authorities if they associated with a foreign
sovereign over the Sultan’s head.
He said that it was nevertheless the Kaiser's wish to receive a
deputation of Zionists in Jerusalem.
I remarked that in any case I was the only one who could
present the people. I intended to take along a man from Cologne,
one from the Hague, and one Viennese in addition to myself. I
did not want to include any Englishmen now, for political rea
sons. Russians might be harassed upon their return because of it.
Altogether, Russia was the great problem. It is true, I said, that
up to now our movement has been tolerated and our numerous
associations have been left in peace. But this has been so only
because there has been no talk of any intercession on the part of
Germany. There is no way of telling what the situation will be
once the German sponsorship becomes known.
Eulenburg*s comment on this was that, in his opinion, nothing
need be feared from Russia. “The Czar's intentions are obviously
idealistic, as evidenced by his peace proposal." (At this, a hint of
irony in his steel-like eyes.) "If worst comes to worst, our Kaiser
could write him a letter and win him over to Zionism. Since
Russia has no objections to the departure of the Jews, no obsta
cles will be placed in the way of the cause."
I mentioned the extraterritorializaiion of the Holy Places, in
the well-known way.
Eulenburg seems to anticipate difficulties only from England
and France. With regard to the latter country, I was able to give
him information gratifying to us. France was now undergoing a
severe crisis. Law and order were being championed by liars. The
country was too weak to take any action in the political arena.
Eulenburg further told me that the Kaiser had already got
quite used to the idea of a protectorate. The Kaiser did not
doubt that the Sultan would receive his advice favorably, since
he was convinced of the Kaiser's friendship. And the Kaiser had
also said that he could justify his espousal of the Jewish cause to
his own people!
Wonderful, wonderful 1
So the intervention, the protectorate, of Germany is a fa it ac
quis [actuality]. Nor does it detract from the colossal import of
this accomplishment that Eulenburg told me at a further turn
in the conversation: "We can only desire it. How it works out
later is in God's hands. We cannot know today whether we shall
be able to pursue the matter to its conclusion.
"Germany will not go to war for the sake of the Zionists."
When we had set out from the manor-house, a footman came
after us with a telegram. Eulenburg read it, then called to the
servant, who was standing by at a distance, to take the telegram
to the castle, and put the paper on the ground for the servant to
pick up; meanwhile we walked on, through the garden into the
woods, and then back.
After we had talked for a half-hour, I mentioned the two tele-
grams from the Grand Duke, especially the one sent to me di
rectly at London and mentioning important news.*
“He wired it en clair [openly]?” asked the Count, shaking his
head.
“Yes, en clair."
"He is coming here tomorrow, probably to bid the Kaiser fare
well. It was in the telegTam I received just now. 1 am invited to
luncheon. This will give me a chance to speak to both gentlemen
about your business. After the meal; when one sits back comfort
ably and chats.”
Then I said that I would stay over for a day in order to thank
the Grand Duke.
And we left it with the understanding that I would keep my
self at their disposal at the hotel tomorrow in case I was sum
moned.
A game-keeper with two dogs straining at the leash came into
view. The Count had been showing signs of impatience for some
time now. I declined his invitation to eat a second breakfast,
which had been set out especially for me, on the pretext that I
was anxious to get back to Berlin.
The Countess was charming on closer contact, when I said
good-bye, and shook hands with me very amiably, although we
had not spoken together. The Count finally instructed the coach
man to take me to the station by a lovely roundabout route. A
waving of hats, and then Liebenberg lay behind me.
Hinrich Scheel drove the horses. But this time, I think, with
greater respect, for he had seen the Count stand in the gateway
until my departure.
Hinrich Scheel was silent.
• • •
Following Eulenburg's advice, I only left my card at Billow's.
Something else occurs to me: I pointed out various considera
tions. Actually, I said, there were two forms of effectiveness. If
a widely-publicized demonstration is the object, then of course
• In Engliih in the original.
a reception of the deputation would be the best thing. But if it
is desired to lay the actual ground-work in secret—thus, “long-
range effectiveness,” as it were—then it would be better merely
to receive me here or in Constantinople. I was, of course, at their
disposal in either case.
EulenbuTg said that since a protectorate was involved, the
matter could not remain concealed for very long.
Therefore he thought it best to come right out with it, im
mediately and demonstratively. The world would then have to
come to terms with it.
Here I recognized the Prussian. This is the forthright grand
old style. Open and above-board! This way they have accom
plished everything.
Berlin, October 8
The protectorate! Many will shake their heads over it. But I
believe the only right course is to accept it gratefully, now that
it has been offered. For surely no one among us has dreams of
a monarchy, since I have none.
To live under the protection of this strong, great, moral, splen
didly governed, tightly organized Germany can only have the
most salutary effect on the Jewish national character. Also, at
one stroke we would obtain a completely ordered internal and
external legal status. The suzerainty of the Porte and the pro
tectorate of Germany would certainly be sufficient legal pillars.
The only question is whether it should be “and” or "or,” suze
rainty and/or protectorate? We shall see how this develops.
In any case, the big-money scoundrels will no longer be able
to behave as they have up to now.
• • •
I am racking my brains over what Eulenburg could have meant

by “favor».” Whatever they may be, he will get them—no mat
ter when, no matter where, no matter how. Everyone who comes
into contact with me shall get the opposite of the proverbial
opinion of the Jews.
Today I am sitting in the hotel and waiting.

It is now high noon, and I have had no sign of life whatever
from either the Grand Duke or Eulenburg. They are now at
table in Potsdam and must be talking about me. If my calcula
tions are correct, I am bound to be summoned to Potsdam this
afternoon. I have laid out everything; black frock-coat, shirt,
neck-tie, shoes; and I am having my hat blocked.
But 1 also made such preparations on the day of the Empress'
funeral in Vienna, and I was not called.
T o be sure, if the matter is now being taken as seriously as
Eulenburg says and writes, and as the Grand Duke telegraphs
en clair [openly], it is absolutely essential that I be called to
Potsdam. I would be completely mistaken in the Kaiser if, after
luncheon, he does not simply give orders to summon me. Per
haps the Grand Duke will have me sent for?
At all events, tense moments in the serial novel of my life.
In the evening I must definitely go to Vienna.
October 8, 1:15 p.m.

The expectation is becoming more and more tense.
I am putting on my No. 1 patent-leather boots, so as to lose
less time dressing when the command arrives.
I was at the hotel clerk’s desk a moment ago when one of
Billow's servants came and left the latter’s visiting-card for me.
From this I infer that Eulenburg has spoken to him during the
morning and that things are going well.
• • •
Strange ways of destiny.

Through Zionism it will again become possible for Jews to
love this Germany, to which our hearts have been attached de
spite everything!
Berlin, October 8, 4:20 p.m.

At half-past three the following telegram arrived from the
Grand Duke:
‘T o Dr. Theodor Hcrzl, Palast Hotel, Berlin; despatched at
Potsdam, Oct. 8.
My letter to you left Mainau for Vienna on the fifth, but am
glad to be able to see you here, if you are willing to come very
early tomorrow morning, say, eight o'clock. Stadtschloss, Pots
dam. Friedrich, Grand Duke of Baden.”
I replied:
‘T o His Royal Highness Grand Duke Friedrich of Baden,
Stadtschloss, Potsdam.
Shall be there at eight o'clock tomorrow morning. Most re
spectfully, Dr. Th. H .”
• • •
This delays my departure by another day. I can’t go to Vienna
until tomorrow evening. The whole pany of travelers will be
delayed. All my arrangements, ordering of clothes, etc., will be
impeded. But q u e fa ire [what to do]? 1 must definitely find out
all the details here first.
October 8.5 p.m.

I am now waiting for Eulenburg who, according to the time
tables, ought to arrive here from Potsdam at four-thirty in order
to make the 6:06 train to Lôwenbeig. Provided that he is return
ing to Uebenberg via Berlin. After that there is only one other
train from here to Ldwenbcrg, at ten o’clock. To be on the safe
side, I shall leave word with the desk clerk that I shall be at the
Kônigliches S ch au spielh au s [Royal Theatre] until ten o'clock, so
that 1 can be summoned by telephone if Eulenburg comes later.
I have often thought of withdrawing from the movement as
soon as I achieve something decisive. I would then say: No re*
ward would be too high for what I have done for the Jews. But
even the smallest reward would give rise to the assumption that
I have done it for the sake of some advantage. Now, it would be
a terrible disgrace for the Jews if someone were to reproach me
with such a thing. T o forestall that, I am taking my departure,
and this is the last service I am performing for the Jews.
My mind always does hurry ahead of events. But now the
latest developments give me an idea that goes even farther: that
I shall be in no position to act thus. For the German government,
which is making agreements with me, will want me to remain so
I can keep them!
October 9, in the evening,
on the train returning to Vienna
The car is shaking badly, and that is a pity. For tomorrow in
Vienna comes a great whirl of fresh events, and I shall have no
time to make entries.
And this has been a tremendously interesting day. I was up
by half-past five—no rest day or night.* Careful toilette. At seven
o'clock I was at the Potsdamer Bahnhof. Going up the steps ahead
of me was—who? Bülow. Grand salut [Big greeting]! Then again
on the platform where he was walking up and down with a gen
eral. However, I quickly got into a compartment, so that he
would not think I wanted to intrude. If things went well, I was
sure to see him again during the course of the day anyway.
On the trip out there I was quite calm, without the least ex
citement within me. On arriving at Potsdam, I did not look
around for Bülow, but immediately took the first cab and drove
to the nearby palace.
The sentinel at the gate, the ensign of the guard, and finally
a flock of servants directed me to the Grand Duke’s wing. I had
to wait for a quarter of an hour in the ante-room, rather disre-
•Trantflntor'i Note: K einc Rub* bei T ag u nd N a c h t, a phrzue from the German
vervion of LcporclJo'i opening aria in Mozajrt'i D on G iovanni.
gardcd by the v a le ta ille [servants] who carried on their conversa
tion about silver and laundry without paying any attention to me.
I turned my back to them and looked out at the impressive cour
<fhonneur [grand courtyard] of the Prussian Versailles.
The activity would be a good subject for a feu illeto n . A great,
splendid order. All sorts of lackeys and maids, a whole hierarchy
of horses and carriages.
At eight o’clock sharp, the head footman issued an order,
which was relayed from one to another of several servile spirits, to
announce me to the Grand Duke. And he. the kindly soul, did
not keep me waiting long. I was immediately conducted to him
through three or four sumptuous salons. He received me in an
exquisite study, wearing a general's uniform. I don’t even re
member all the kind words with which he greeted me. I only
know that I love and venerate this wise, good, and great man.
Never in my life have I met a man so truly aristocratic through
and through, never have I believed that princes like him exist.
After he had asked me, with his customary courtesy, to be
seated in an armchair facing him, he opened the conversation.
I thanked him for all he had done. He waved it aside, smiling
gently. His letter had been sent to me at Vienna on the fifth.
Now he wished to give me an oral report. "The Kaiser,” he said,
"has been thoroughly informed about the matter and is full of
enthusiasm. That word is not too strong; he has taken to your
idea quite warmly. He speaks of it in the liveliest terms. He
would also have received you by now, for he has confidence in
you; but it is now deemed better to receive you at Constanti
nople and at Jerusalem.” (Apparently the Kaiser was conveying
this message to me through him.) "Things seem to be going well,
too. A good report has come from Herr von Manchall, and that
in itself is a success. The Kaiser believes that in any case the
Sultan will receive his advice favorably. For during the Cretan
crisis the Sultan had occasion to assure himself of the Kaiser’s
good will. The Kaiser has now undertaken to mediate and he
intends to go through with it. He is enthusiastically in favor of
The good Grand Duke repeated the word several times—as
though intentionally, so as to make me feel quite hopeful. And
so I told him quite confidentially about the various difficult hours
I had had to go through. There have been times, I told him, when
I could have lightened my burden by saying that the Grand
Duke of Baden was in sympathy with our cause. But I had al
ways kept silent. And it was just as well. For the cause would have
had more authority, but also more enmity, if people had known
that a man who had seen and taken part in so many great affairs
was in favor of it.
He said: “Yes, it is just as well if the personal element is not
too much in evidence. Even, and especially, in the houT of suc
cess there are always people who begrudge it to a man. What
difficulties we had effecting the unification of Germany! Many
a man who later benefited by it would not participate."
I listened to his allusions to that great epoch, made in confi
dence and yet with aristocratic restraint. It was one of those
moments when one pinches oneself to make sure one isn't dream
ing. Here was one of the greatest men of the greatest period of
Germany speaking in this way with me, a plain journalist.
We then turned to some of the specific obstacles. I mentioned
Russia as the greatest. There we would have to come to a clear
understanding about the extraterritorialiration of the Holy
Places, the e x tra co m m erc iu m [removal from the trafficking of
nations]. Then all that remained would be to take the poor Jews
out of the country. Surely no one would object to this out of
sheer cruelty.
He said: “In Russia one must be prepared for anything. Let
me just remind you of how the Germans in the Baltic provinces
were treated. In that case persecution was carried quite far—as
far as Siberia."
The situation in England appeared more favorable to him.
He agreed with me that the English Church favored our idea,
even though English statesmanship had not taken up the matter.
He was glad to heaT that 1 had spoken with the Bishop of Ixradon.
We then talked about France and her present situation. He
listened attentively to my Teport which culminated in the con
clusion that France was too weak to resist a fa it accom pli.
He remarked that the conditions were moving toward a dic
tatorship, and called my attention to the fact that the younger
Napoleon, the Russian general, was in Paris now. He could be
expected to make a c o u p d e m a in if he won over the generals.
I said that this man was too little known in France; on the other
band, the Duke of Orleans would have more chance, at least in
the provinces. Paris was strictly Socialist.
After that he said: "The generals are in agreement among
themselves. In case of war they would no longer act together.
It would be different only if we provoked things—only then
would they be united. But let us hope that we shall not live to see
such eventualities."
And he spoke with the greatest frankness about the French
general staff. In the Dreyfus affair, the rotten system was rebelling
less against the acquittal of the innocent man than against the
exposure of the embezzlement and fraud of the secret fund.
Boisdeffre's hurried resignation was probably connected with
the three millions of the fo n d s secrets [secret funds] which they
could not account for.
The Grand Duke is convinced of the inefficiency of the French
army. Of course, many things have improved since 1870, but
things have gone to rack and ruin nevertheless.
Then the conversation turned to the expansion of the German
navy, of which be is a warm proponent. He expects a great deal
from the newly-founded Naval Association, which aims at the
popularization of proposed marine legislation in the country.
He further told me that he had had research conducted to 6nd
out to what extent domestic industry participated in the expan
sion of the navy. It had turned out that not a penny of the
expenses was leaving the country . . . And these German ships
then served to secure new markets for the entire domestic econ
omy and to increase the greatness of the Empire. After all, it
was not a matter of world dominion, but of the economic welfare
of the people. He reminded me of Venice and what it had accom
plished by its sea power.
With admiration I listened to these exalted, mature thoughts,
surrendering to their calmness without even being acquainted
with the details. I suggested to him that he disseminate these
views among the people in some easily grasped and entertaining
form, and placed my pen at his disposal for this. That would
be the most effective propaganda against the Socialists.
Then we got back, to out project. I said I would not make it
public in any form, but leave it to the German government to
release whatever seemed suitable to it. T h e presentation of the
matter would require a great deal of caution and skill. I would
remain silent.
Thereupon he thought it desirable for me to speak with
Bülow that same day at Potsdam, and advised me to wait for
Bülow at the Hotel Einsiedler.
He thought that this would be a suitable form of presentation:
With the consent of the Sultan, the Kaiser would take the migra
tion of the Jews under his protection.
We had talked for about an hour and three quarters. He con
cluded the conversation with kind words. When I thanked him
for everything with feeling, he said he regarded it only as the
fulfilment of a duty. I should not hesitate to turn to him when
ever I needed him. By now I must have noticed that he was no
ill friend to the cause.
Long and warmly he pressed my right hand, from which I had
forgotten to remove my glove, as etiquette would have required.
The lackeys outside were amazed at the long audience and
made low bows. That's nothing new to me.
• • •
Then I checked into the "Einsiedler," opposite the palace,
and wrote to Bülow, asking whether he would receive me. I had
breakfast and looked out the window. A splendid group of
officers, for the Flag Festival. And up the street came cadets.
lictlcT and littleT ones, the future officers of this inexhaustible
Germany, which wants to take us under its protection.
Fully dressed I threw myself on the bed of the small room
which I had taken for a short time.
At noon a reply came from the palace: Minister-of-State
BQlow requested me to come to room No. 14g of the palace at
about one o'clock.
I went. They were just making preparations for a dinner.
Lackeys and officers* orderlies in droves. Glanced into an Im
perial office.* It all could scarcely have been any bigger.
Bülow’s servant was awaiting me outside Room 14g, at the
end of the long palace corridor. I was immediately ushered into
a small rococo apartment: ante-chamber, salon, bedroom, in
bright colors.
Bülow was in the salon, but not alone. A short, crooked old
gentleman, bedecked with decorations, a yellow grand-cordon
across his court dress, sat with him. Both arose and I was intro
duced— to the Imperial Chancellor, Prince Hohenlohe.
I understood at once: a trial of the heart and reins.* •
Hohenlohe looked at me with his dim, blue, old man's eyes
in anything but a kindly fashion. From him, too, I heard the
first anti-Semitic remark in these exalted circles:
"Do you think that the Jews are going to desert their stock
exchange and follow you? T h e Jews, who are comfortably in
stalled here in Berlin?"
I replied: "Your Highness— not Berlin West, but Berlin East
or North— I don’t know exactly where the poor Jews live here
—will go with me."
All of Hohenlohe's objections were terre à terre [on a low
level]— somewhat in the vein of Agliardi during that talk in
the nunciature in Vienna. T h e Catholic objections, so-to-speak.
He also asked what territory we wanted to have, whether as
far north as Beirut, or even beyond that.
1 said: "W e will ask for what we need— the more immigrants,
* Id Eogltih in original.
•• Traosbitor’t Note: Prûfung «*/ H en und Nierm (Faims 7. 10).
the more land. It will, of course, be purchased from its present
owners in accordance with civil law."
Hohenlohe: “Who are these?"
I: “Arabs, Greeks, the whole mixed m ultitude*•of the Orient."
Hohenlohe: “And you want to found a state there?"
I: “We want autonomy and self-protection."
Hohenlohe: "What does Turkey say to all this?"
Je le croyais mieux renseigné [I had believed him better in
formed], and replied: “The Grand Duke told me that favorable
reports had come in from Herr von Marschall."
Bülow, who had been sitting in the corner of the sofa next to
Hohenlohe’s armchair, with his lips pursed tight and his eyes
deliberately vacant, interjected: “ I don't know anything about
that. I ’ve seen nothing from Marschall on the subject."
I did not allow myself to be disconcerted, and said: “ I have
reports that the sentiment is favorable. I recently telegraphed to
the Sultan and he replied."
Hohenlohe then asked a few skeptical questions about the
number of those ready to migrate, and the funds available. I
referred to the various funds which would combine when things
reached a serious stage. One of these funds, I said, amounted
to ten million pounds.
Bülow, who had been listening en poupée rose aux yeux de
porcelaine [like a pink doll with china eyes], now remarked:
“That's a loti . . And, half turning to Hohenlohe: "The
money might do the trick. With it one can swing the matter." * *
Hohenlohe was silent.
Earlier, when I was taking a seat opposite him in a rococo
armchair, he had taken his white-plumed two-cornered hat from
the table between us and put it on the little side-table, so as to
have a good view of me.
Now he picked up his hat, said to Bülow, “ Let's go to that
• In English in original.
•• Translator's Note: These two sentences are reproduced in the Berlin dialect
in the original.
dinner now/’ and got up; we also arose. He gave me his hand
and went out.
Billow too was suddenly in a great hurry:
"See you in Constantinople, doctor 1” And he adjusted the
gold shoulder-cord of his blue court-dress.
"Where will the Kaiser receive me? In Constantinople and
in Jerusalem?"
"In any case only once!” said Biilow.
I said: "Shall I, then, submit at Constantinople the address
which I am to deliver at Jerusalem?"
"Yes, oh yes!" And he was already in the next room, where
I heard him call out in an irritated voice, "Neumann! Neu
mann!" Evidently the valet. His Excellency was, or pretended to
be, in a rush to get to "that dinner."
Back again through the long corridor; in the office• one could
see even more feverish preparations for "that dinner."
When I was downstairs and was walking alongside the palace,
a brilliant suite of officers was just coming from the park and
toward the ramp of the palace. T h e Kaiser!— who has certainly
spoken about me a number of times today and is quite enthusi
astic, according to the Grand Duke.
But why the depressingly cool behavior of Hohenlohe and
Bülow?
There are two explanations for this.
Either they are at odds with their Imperial master, but do not
dare as yet to stand up to him. So for the present they treat the
matter with dilatory coldness, in order to trip it up at the proper
moment and bring the whole thing to the ground.
Or is it merely the official face of diplomacy? This is how they
probably always sit back in sofa corners and armchairs, with eyes
which practically suck dry the person they are watching. This
is how they probably always display the utmost indifference—
even toward matters which fill them with the greediest excite
ment I believe this is the vieux jeu [old style] of diplomacy.
•In Infllah in die original.
If Bismarck had concerned himself with the matter while he
was Chancellor, he would no doubt have dealt with me differ
ently. He would have attacked me differently— I would have de
fended myself differently. Cela aurait été un plus bel assaut [That
would have been a grander onslaught].
But how strange that the Imperial Chancellor du jour [of the
present] is obliged to enter into negotiations with me— and with
obvious repugnance at that— regarding which the dethroned
Bismark did not even answer me three years ago; it may have
seemed that crazy to him.
Today the German government concerns itself officially with
a matter which Bismark did not think worth so much as a chat or
a letter in reply.
Hohenlohe and Biilow are certainly cold and unfavorable.
But how does it happen that the good Grand Duke spoke of a
success involving Marschall, which Bülow knows nothing about?
How does it happen that Eulenburg tells me Biilow is won
over, when the latter, or at least Hohenlohe, shows himself unin
formed?
Perhaps the explanation for Billow's coolness is his ignorance
of how much the Grand Duke and Eulenburg have told me about
the Kaiser's attitude. After all, this, more than anything else, is
what counts.
Of course, 1 also must not forget that the most splendid inten
tions of this Kaiser of genius often are subsequently corrected,
denied, and modified by his counsellors.
He was forced repeatedly to change his policy toward Social
Democracy. In other cases, too, he was not always able to carry
out his best decisions. Therefore, caution!
However, I believe that even if worst comes to worst our idea,
as the jilted darling of the German Kaiser, would be taken up
by others, for this adventure can only contribute to its advance
ment.
October 10, morning, on the train, nearing Vienna
Supplement to the Biilow-Hohenlohe conversation:
Bülow: “ In any case it would be the first eastward migration of
the Israelites. Until now they have always moved westward.”
1: “Not at all! This time too it’s toward the west. It is simply
that the Jews have already circled the globe. East is west again.”
At which both smiled.
Throughout the conversation I was en pleine possession de
moi-mime [in full control of myself]. Not flustered for a moment.
Vienna, October 11
Addendum to the conversation with the Grand Duke.
He spoke about Rome. "W e may have nothing good to expect
for our cause from Rome. A Protestant empire is odious to the
Jesuits down to their souls— their black souls. Now, our empire
as such is not Protestant, to be sure, but embraces all creeds. Yet
it is a fact that a Protestant is at its head, and this is what bothers
them- Therefore we must expect opposition from that quarter in
Palestine, too.”
October 11, Vienna

Immediately upon my arrival in Vienna I had Marmorek con
vene the Actions Committee. Marmorek himself declared he
could not go on the crip, because he might lose a lot of money on
a building he had started for his father-in-law. Later he asked for
time to think it over.
• • •
At noon at the Nette Frété Presse.
I spoke first with Benedikt. He was still antagonistic, but
wavering deep down inside. He said he had carefully read the
repons on the Congress and was beginning to see the light. We
had given up a great deal of our original program. He does not
believe in the Bank and is afraid I could compromise myself with
it. "If you raise two millions pounds, you can hang me.”
"W ill you put that in writing?” I said.
"Vienna, October 10. If you raise that two million pounds, you
can hang me.”
He made a droll gesture toward the desk, as though he meant
to sign it.
Then with Bâcher, who was grinning uncertainly.
I showed both of them the telegram from the Grand Duke call
ing me to Potsdam. Naturally I told them nothing further, but
prepared them for something big that was in the air.
They both tried to worm the secret out of me; but they did
not succeed.
• • •
In the evening, the A. C.— Schnirer, Kokesch, Marmorek—
met at my place. I gave them a report.
Kokesch suggested that the presidium of the Congress go to
Palestine as a deputation. I accepted this proposal and immedi
ately sent an urgent telegram to Nordau and Caster, asking them
to go to Brussels today where Wolffsohn would give them further
information. At the same time I wired Mandelstamm, asking him
to go to Tamopol where we are sending Marmorek.
In the course of the day negative replies came. Nordau can't
come until the beginning of next week. This is a way of saying
no if one is urgently summoned at once. Gaster wanted to be
wired first what it was all about, and since Wolffsohn didn't give
him any information, a difficult problem came up in Caster’s
congregation and he couldn’t get away.
T h e most willing of them was Madelstamm, I believe. But
it would have taken him two days to get a passport, and therefore
he wasn’t able to go across the border.
Foreseeing these refusals I had already provided an alternative:

The Actions Committee is to go. I was going to take Schnirer
and Marmorek with me. But then Kokesch, the least suitable
one, sulked because I did not choose him. Schnirer pointed out
that for him it was a matter of subsistence because he lived from
hand to mouth. T h e traveling expenses alone wouldn't be
enough. He would also lose wages and must provide for his
family. We quickly decided to compensate him. Marmorek has
a big construction job which he cannot leave. Despite this he
came round and promised to go with us. Wolffsohn telegraphed
that Bodenheimer wanted to go along. That would make six of
us, of whom Kokesch is quite superfluous. They want to leave
only Kahn here, to carry on the daily business.
• • •
After the A. C., Newlinski came to see me. I plan to send him
to Rome while I am in Constantinople and Jerusalem, to pre
pare the ground for me. On my way back I intend to go to Rome.
He thinks the most that could be achieved would be some
thing negative, at best a few indulgent words in an encyclical.
But something would have to be done for the Peter's Pence, too.
Entendu [Agreed].
I promised him (by agreement with the A. C ) two thousand
guilders for his trip.
During working hours at the office today, a row with Bâcher
and BenedikL
I said to Bâcher: “ I have been invited by the Kaiser to go along
to Palestine."
The news actually depressed him.
"Don't you find that interesting?" I asked him.
T foresee difficulties for the S e u e Freie Presse arising from
this. After all, he invited you as a Zionist.”
"In any case, not as an editor of the .V. F t. F t . You need not
write anything about Zionism in the future either. For you the
best thing would be if you let me expound the matter in the
paper.— But suit yourself."
Then with Benedikt, who looked away wildly, shyly, and en
viously. I presume that they are cooking up something; perhaps
708 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HER7JL
they are going to disclose my confidential information to the
Foreign Office.
I ashed them to get me a recommendation to the Austrian
ambassador at Constantinople through the Foreign Office.
Bâcher referred me to Benedikt. T h e latter, back to Bâcher.
Benedikt lied: “Calice has been our enemy for the past two
years, since the time you were there with Newlinski. He wrote
a secret letter about you to the Foreign Office, which Ddczy
conveyed to us.”
“Well, I wanted to grab Ddczy by the throat; you kept me
from it."
Incidentally, 1 need Calice like a hole in the head.
Et sur cela bonjour [And with that, good-bye].
October 12
The two greatly excited me again yesterday.
A strange psychological phenomenon that Bâcher causes me
more anguish than Imperial Chancellor Hohenlohe!
In his presence, strangely enough, I still feel like what 1 once
was: a shy journalistic tyro, although he certainly does not im
press me intellectually.
October 14
On the Orient Express, on the way to Constantinople. Nearing
Sofia.
Great hubbub in the last hours before the departure. Head
quarters: my home.
After a lot of back and forth it was decided that Schnirer and
Seidener the engineer would go along from Vienna.
• • •
The day before yesterday I called on Ambassador Mahmud

Nedim Bey. One hour of absolutely empty talk. T o my request
to give me introductions to Constantinople he replied with an
Arabian tale: A gardener came to a wealthy man and begged him
for a loan. T h e rich man refused gruffly. Half a year later the
poor man came and brought him a basket of fruit by way of
thanks. T h e rich man was astonished and thought it a mistake.
"No,” said the pauper, “ I owe you a debt of gratitude, because
you did not put me off, but gave me a flat No. That way I lost
no time and turned to someone else who helped me.”
In the same way, he, too, did not wish to put me off. He must
not recommend me, otherwise people would think he had been
bribed. But if an inquiry came, he would make a favorable
report.
Since that was all I had wanted from him in the first place,
I was quite content.
I said: "I hope. Your Excellency, that I, too, will return in
half a year with a basket of fruit."
• • •
Yesterday, prior to my departure, I read Unser Kàlhchm

[Our Katie] to the actors in the Burgtheater. There, too, I wanted
to establish a fait accompli. W ho knows how much longer I shall
be with the N eue Freie Presse. And by now I know people well
enough to realize that they would also punish me for the loss
of my position.
Yesterday I did not bother to go to the office, so as not to let

myself be excited again by Messieurs Bâcher and Benedikt. I
sent the “Steward's Key to the Literary Section" (the key to
my desk) to Bâcher with a few joking words of excuse.
• • •
Taking leave from my loved ones was quite hard this time.
I could very well stay in my beautiful bouse, with my lovely
children, whose rosiest childhood is passing without my enjoying
it; who are growing up without my observing the delightful de
tails of their development. And I am undertaking such a long
journey, one that may not be without danger. 1 have even been
warned that an attempt on my life might be made in Palestine.
The warning came from Ben Yehuda, through Dr. Werner.
But it is my duty to go.
It affected me deeply at parting that my good parents cried.
They would be the only inconsolable ones if I did not come back.
It would be no comfort to my poor old parents that I would
then be a figure in world history.
They both blessed me when I left them. May God keep them
healthy and grant us a happy reunion!
• • •
In the waiting-room in Vienna I saw the Berlin ambassador

Ahmed Tewfik, accompanied by Mahmud Kedim.
Yesterday evening, after dinner, I chatted with Ahmed Tewfik
for hours. I believe he is not favorably inclined. But I mean to
make him benign.
• • •
The Austrian ambassador. Calice, is also on the train. At first

I didn’t recognize him. He is the source of the Dôczy slander.
1 didn't want to recognize him either. But then, in the afternoon,
he passed me in the smoking-room and smiled at me. At this
I greeted him.
October 15, on the train, nearing Constantinople.

Yesterday evening, after dinner, I chatted for two hours with
Ahmed Tewfik in the smoking-room. I got him to talk, so I
could inquire incidemment [incidentally] about the Sultan'i
relationship to the Kaiser. For Mahmud Kedim had given me a
skeptical answer to a similar question. He had said that in the
Cretan question Turkey had not got very much out of Germany
and Austria. They did withdraw from the concert of the Powers;
but he wished they had stayed in it and defended Turkey.
Ahmed Tewfik, on the other hand, was delighted with the
Kaiser and with Germany. The Saltan and the whole Turkish
people, he said, were filled with gratitude for this great friend.
They regarded the importation of German culture to Asia Minor
as a major boon, etc.
Naturally, this information pleased me greatly, for it betrays
the kind of disposition that we need for our cause.
• • •
With Wolffsohn and Bodenheimer we converse in code, so
as not to be understood. T h e code words are “ the old man" for
the Grand Duke, "the nephew" for the Kaiser, etc. My good
Wolfisohn, who goes along with everything, finally went so far in
his precaution as to say "the J. S." for my pamphlet about the
Jewish Sate.
• • •
All the fellow passengers recognize me and whisper. An Eng
lish clergyman, Mr. Biddulph, a charming person, introduced
himself to me en roule, saying hewas a Zionist.
• • •
Discussed with Bodenheimer the demands we will make.

Area: from the Brook of Egypt to the Euphrates. Stipulate a
transitional period with our own institutions. A Jewish governor
for this period. Afterwards, a relationship like that between
Egypt and the Saltan. As soon as the Jewish inhabitants of a dis
trict amount to ^ of the population, Jewish administration goes
m force politically, while local government (communal au
tonomy) always depends on the number of voter» in the commu
nity.
These are Bodenheimer’s ideas, in pan excellent.
A transitional stage is a good idea.
• • •
At the station we were met by Donusso and that servile Greek,

Eonstantinides.
No sooner had I arrived and changed than I drove to Yildiz
Kiosk in order co announce my presence. All die scenes already
familiar and therefore lacking the interest of those first days two
years ago. It was raining, and the city, which could be so beauti
ful, looked even filthier and more down-at-the-heel than it had
then.
When I drove to the hotel from the station in a carriage, Zia
Pasha passed on the old bridge; he recognized me and gave me
a long, searching glance.
In the hotel, the sycophantic activity. Fawning frauds.
In Yildiz Kiosk, crowds of idle servants. I had myself an*
nounced to the Second Secretary, Djevad. He was not in. Why
didn’t 1 come back tomorrow (today)? I left Newlinski's letter
of recommendation, which says that I have come pour déposer
mes hommages au pied du trône de Sa Majesté Impériale le
Sultan [to place my respects at the foot of the throne of His
Imperial Majesty the Sultan].
Then I went to the Chief Master of Ceremonies, Munir Pasha.
He wasn’t to be seen either. For him, too, I left a letter from
Newlinski of the same contents, introducing me as the head of the
Zionist movement.
I am not a bit interested in seeing these gentlemen. It is only
a matter of acte de présence [putting in an appearance], lest they
make false assumptions.
Meanwhile 1 had sent Bodenheimer to the German ambassa
dor, MarschaU.
He and WolfEsohn came back soon after I had returned to
the Hôtel de Londres from Yildiz. Both of them downcast.
Bodenheimer described the course of his mission as follows:
“I got to the Embassy and sent MarschaU my card on which I
had written that I had an important disclosure to make to him
in behalf of Dr. Herzl. He received me coldly, and after I had
told him that you were requesting an audience from him he said,
‘I don’t know Dr. Herzl.’ Thereupon I declared: *Dr. Herzl
is the leader of the Zionists and has been in touch, in person and
in writing, with Count Eulenburg. It concerns the reception of
a deputation by his Majesty the Kaiser.' At these words I
noticed that Marschall vas taking on a more conspiratorial
expression. But he replied: *1 cannot receive Dr. Herzl now,
because in half an hour I shall go to the Dardanelles to meet the
Kaiser.’ Thereupon I took my leave. If you still want to see
Marschall, you must go to the Embassy immediately."
I decided not to go, for, since he was on the point of leaving,
I would in any case have been une figure piteuse [a sorry figure].
Still, it is a blow that Marschall, on whom I had counted défi
ciente [in the absence of] Biilow, has such a negative attitude,
doesn't even know me, or claims not to.
Later it occurred to me that Bodenheimer might have said
the wrong thing by mentioning Eulenburg. For Eulenburg pre
sumably was one of the "men in the background" of whom
Marschall spoke when he "rushed into print.”
• • •
The evening passed with disagreeable thoughts. We went to
the Petits Champs theatre for one act. Two years ago the troupe
of La Morosina was at this out-door theatre. Now there is a Yid
dish theatrical troupe, presenting Gibor-Hail.
A depressing impression. Since this pitiful an, such as it is,
represent* the top achievement of our jargon-speaking masses,
their present level must be recognized as a most sadly low one.
J’ai été écœuré [1 was disgusted].
• • •
For dinner there showed up, in addition to Danusso, Lionel
Bey Bondy, the ad hoc correspondent of the Seue Freie Presse,
a Bohemian-Jewish opponunist of the Catholic faith and in
Turkish services. He had read in the evening paper (the work
of the Greek Konstantinides) that Dr. Herzl, "the director of the
Neve Freie Presse," had arrived here. Did I perhaps wish to
report on the Imperial journey in his place? Maybe he wanted
to find out ocher things, too, because he is in and out at Yildiz.
I reassured him, saying I was on a trip for my health with my
friends and did not have any reportage in mind.
Then, when he bragged about his "intimate friends” Tahsin
Bey (currently the Sultan's first favorite) and Nuri Bey, I
asked him to bring me together with these two. I know that
I was demanding something impossible these days, and did it only
according to my principle of pluspetitio [making exorbitant de
mands], since great lords must always be given the opportunity
of granting something to someone or of denying it.
• • •
Overnight I slept on the next plan. Tomorrow I shall have a
letter delivered to Bülow, saying that I have to see him the very
same day, because otherwise the deputation could not be on the
scene in good time. As a last resource, if Bülow fails me, which
I expect with near-certainty: a wire to Karlsruhe asking for the
telegraphic arrangement of an immediate audience with the
Kaiser. This is the ultima ratio [last resort].
• • •
Also overnight: Bodenheimer’s transitional stage is simply
impossible. We can demand only the creation of an organic germ
cell—a Jewish land-company for Syria (with chartered• sover
eign rights)—and, if all goes well, get it.
Detailed legal proposals would provoke an immediate brusque
refusal from the Turks. Therefore, a return to my idea of a
Jewish Company.
October 16
The formidable armies were born of cowardice.
October 17, Constantinople

I think I am now once again riding over Lake Constance.
• • •
Nothing happened all day yesterday. In the morning, letters.
In the afternoon, a visit to poor, good Mrs. Gropler at Bebck.
• In Engliah in the original.
She lies in bed and waits for her disintegration. Yet she is charm
ing and intelligent. I promised her to come to sec her each time
on the day after my arrival in Constantinople.
A beautiful evening with southern colors on the Bosporus.
October 17
Now that Marschall has failed us, the great problem is how
to get to the Kaiser. I shall try to get a letter into his hands
through Court-Marshal Eulenburg. I am also writing to Bülow
and telegraphing to the Grand Duke for aid.
Letter to Court-Marshal August zu Eulenburg:

Your Excellency:
I have received a written message at Amsterdam, and later a
verbal message at Liebenberg, from His Excellency the Ambas
sador Count Philipp zu Eulenbuig that His Majesty the Kaiser
is willing to take the cause of the Zionists under His Most Gra
cious Protection and wishes to receive a deputation in the Holy
Land. I have learned likewise that Your Excellency will most
kindly prepare the reception of the deputation.
I now permit myself to present to Your Excellency the enclosed
letter for His Imperial Majesty, begging you to take note of its
contents and to submit my letter to His Majesty at your earliest
convenience. Tim e is extraordinarily pressing, and if everything
is to be in accordance with His Majesty*s wishes, which have been
conveyed to me by His Royal Highness the Grand Duke of Baden,
an expeditious treatment of the matter will be necessary.
Begging Your Excellency to accept the expression of my
deepest respect» I am
Your very obedient servant,
D r.T h . H.
Hôtel de Londres, Pera.
Letter to the Kaiser:
Your Imperial and Royal Majesty,
Most Gracious Kaiser and Lord:
After the disclosures which His Royal Highness the Grand
Duke of Baden was gracious enough to make to me last Sunday
at Potsdam, I venture to direct to Your Imperial Majesty the
most humble request to grant me an audience, even though brief
and confidential, here in Constantinople. T he reasons for this
request are as follows.
The reception of a Zionist deputation in the Holy Land will
undoubtedly supply the public opinion of Europe with material
for discussion. If this discussion is accompanied by a fait accompli
—one that need not be announced in its full extent—any inter
vention on the part of others, which may be intended as hostile,
will come too late, and everyone will have to acquiesce in it.
Precisely at this time France is inwardly so weakened that it can
not make a move. To Russia the Zionist solution of the Jewish
Question means an enormous relief; in addition, the problem
of the Holy Places will simply be eliminated.
Nor is an effective objection to be feared from English policy,
since the English Church is known to be on our side.
Everything depends on the form of the fait accompli which is
to be created.
In my modest estimation, the permission for a “Jewish Land-
Company for Syria and Palestine” under German protection
would suffice for the moment. This land-company would gradu
ally establish the other, more specific organs of implementation.
The*
• • •
• Translator* Note: The break at this point corrctpontl* to the original.
To HU Royal Highness,
Friedrich, Grand Duke of Baden.
Karlsruhe.
That was all. By way of precaution, the telegram I had in
mind was not sent off, following a consultation with Wolffsohn
and Bodenheimer.
• • •
•observation of the general political situation will then deter
mine when and where, at what moment and to what extent, the
German protectorate can be given a greater public emphasU.
Even if HU Majesty the Sultan does not immediately realize
what aid the Zionuts would bring to hU impoverished, decaying
state, he will accept Your Imperial Majesty's advice in a personal
discussion as to how hU administration and finances could be
regenerated. Once thU moment of personal contact U past, the
intrigues, which so proliferate in the Orient, will begin to hold
sway again.
Tomorrow morning at ten o’clock a Russian steamer leaves
for Alexandria; it U the last boat that I can take if I am to be in
Palestine in time to present to the Kaiser in the land of Israel
the delegation of European Zionists which has been ordered
there. If, therefore. Your Majesty wishes to grant me the favor
of giving me a secret hearing prior to the public gesture, the
available time U limited. I could come to the German Embassy
inconspicuously and there await my orders.
God's designs hover over us in these world-hUtoric hours.
There U no fear if He U with us.
With the most profound respect, I remain
Your Imperial and Royal Majesty's most humble servant,
Dr. Th. H.
• • •
9 Tramlator's Note: Thus In the original. The semence broken off on the pmi-
<m page continues here.
Letter to Biilow:
Your Excellency:
I have the honor of most humbly informing you that I am
keeping myself at your disposal here. Unfortunately I can stay
here only until ten o’clock tomorrow morning, because this is
the hour at which the Russian steamer sails for Alexandria, the
last ship I can still take if I am to be in Palestine in time to
present to His Majesty the Kaiser the delegation of European
Zionists which has been ordered there.
I should like to request Your Excellency to be kind enough
to inform me when and where the deputation will be received.
There is also the question of determining exactly the contents of
my address to His Majesty.
Begging Your Excellency to accept the expression of my deep
est respect, I am
Your most obedient servant,
Dr. T h. H.
Hôtel de Londres, Pera.
October 18, Pera, 10:15 in the morning

I just made a clean copy of the letters, a bit excited. In the
letter to the Kaiser I made a slip on the 3rd page; it should have
read “when and to what extent." In my nervousness I wrote
“moment" instead of “extent." I was afraid I would have to
write the whole thing over—unpleasant when the time presses
so. Then I helped myself by inserting “where” : when and where,
etc.
• • •
Wolffsohn, my most reliable man, has now left by coach for
Yildiz, together with Danusso and a dragoman, to deliver the
letters.
This morning Schnirer and Seidener arrived.
Bodenheimer is a bit of la mouche du coche [a busybody].
I am preparing my cloches for the audience—quitte à les
remballer [at the risk of having to pack them again]—and having
my hair cut.
October 18, 1898,

eight o’clock in the evening, at the hotel
After the audience with the Kaiser, which I will enter tomor
row en route.
I had arranged with the Kaiser and with Bülow that this very
evening 1 would submit the draft of my address in Palestine.
Draft:
Your Imperial and Royal Majesty!
Most Gracious Kaiser and Lord!
With deepest reverence a delegation of sons of Israel ap
proaches the German Kaiser in the country which was our fathers'
and no longer belongs to us. We are bound to this sacred soil
through no valid title of ownership. Many generations have
come and gone since this earth was Jewish. If we talk about it, it
is only as about a dream of very ancient days. But the dream is
still alive, lives in many hundreds of thousands of hearts; it was
and is a wonderful comfort in many an hour of pain for our
poor people. Whenever foes oppressed us with accusations and
persecutions, whenever we were begrudged the little bit of right
to live, whenever we were excluded from the society of our fellow
citizens—whose destinies we have always been ready to share
loyally—the thought of Zion arose in our oppressed hearts.
There is something eternal about that thought, whose form,
to be sure, has undergone multifarious changes with people,
institutions, and times.
Thus the Zionist movement of today is a fully modem one.
It grows out of the situations and conditions of present-day life,
and aims at solving the Jewish Question on the basis of the pos
sibilities of our time. Indeed, we believe that we may finally
succeed now, because mankind has grown so rich in means of
communication and technical achievements. Enterprises that
would have seemed fantastic as recently as half a century ago
are commonplace today. Steam power and electricity have altered
the face of the earth. Humane conclusions should be drawn from
this as well.
Above ail, we have aroused the national consciousness of our
seafE£red brethren. At the Congresses of Basel the program of
our movement was formulated before all the world. It is: The
creation, under public law, of a home for the Jewish people.
This is the land of our fathers, a land suitable for colonization
and cultivation. Your Majesty has seen the country. It cries out
for people to work it. And we have among our brethren a fright
ful proletariat. These people cry out for a land to cultivate. Now
we should like to create a new welfare out of these states of dis
tress—of the land and of the people—by the systematic combina
tion of both. We consider our cause so fine, so worthy of the sym
pathy of the most magnanimous minds, that we arc requesting
Your Imperial Majesty’s exalted aid for the project.
But we would not venture to do so if our plan contained any
thing that could offend or encroach upon the ruler of this land.
Your Imperial Majesty’s friendship with His Majesty the Sultan
is so well knowrn that there can be no doubt as to the intentions
of those who are turning to Your Majesty for the most gracious
transmission of their desires.
We are honestly convinced that the implementation of the
Zionist plan must mean welfare for Turkey as well. Energies
and material resources will be brought to the country; a mag
nificent fructification of desolate areas may easily be foreseen:
and from all this there will arise more happiness and more cul
ture for many human beings.
We are planning to establish a Jewish Land-Company for
Syria and Palestine, which is to undertake the great project, and
request the protection of the German Kaiser for this company.
Our idea offends no one's rights or religious feelings; it
breathes long-desired reconciliation. We understand and respect
the devotion of all faiths to the soil on which, after all, the faith
of our fathers, too, arose.
Oct. 19, '98

On board the "Imperator Nicholas II"
(This is as far as I got, for it was already 8:45 and we had to
hurry to the harbor to embark for Smyrna-Alexandria. There
fore, in all haste, I wrote at the end that I would add the conclu
sion in Palestine.)
1 accompanied the draft for the address with (roughly) the
following letter to Biilow:
Your Excellency:
I beg to enclose herewith the draft for my address to His
Majesty. I have spent a very bad night with all sorts of pains in
my heart and am virtually incapacitated for work. I shall append
the conclusion later. I am leaving at ten o’clock, shall be at
Smyrna on Thursday morning, at Piraeus on Friday, at Alex
andria on Sunday, Port Said on Tuesday, Jaffa on Wednesday.
Any messages should kindly be sent via the Legation of the city
concerned, where I shall call immediately if a line is left at
Thomas Cook’s Office. Above all, I request most respectfully
that word be sent me at Alexandria as to when and where the
deputation is to present itself to His Majesty, and also as to
whether Palestinian Zionists are to be added to the deputation
(which consists of five European Zionists). I would have to know
this as early as Alexandria, in order to make the necessary ar
rangements.
If the proposed draft of my address is not satisfactory, I shall
make the desired corrections in Palestine.
en respect, I am
Very sincerely yours.
D r.T h. H.
October 19,
3 o’clock in the afternoon
On board the "Imperator Nicholas II ” in the Sea of Marmara.
Only now do I have a chance to record the events of yesterday.
I am sure some of them have already escaped me. T he long-pre
pared conference with the Kaiser did find me a bit nervous. 1
can remember all the little things about it better than the sub
stance of it. It is like a photograph taken with an unsteady hand.
The picture is bound to be a bit blurred. Above all, I don’t quite
clearly remember the course of the conversation. T he Kaiser, to
be sure, made a deep and strong impression on me. Afterwards
I tried to capture this impression in the form of a metaphor and
could only hit upon the following: I felt as though I had en
tered the magic forest where the fabulous unicorn is said to
dwell. Suddenly there stood before me a magnificent woodland
creature, with a single horn on its forehead. But its form sur
prised me less than the fact that it existed. I had previously im
agined the appearance, but not the breath and life of this crea
ture. And my astonishment grew when the one-horned creature
began to speak in a very friendly human voice and said, “I am
the fabled unicorn!”
This is how the day went yesterday.
Having laid out my frock-coat, etc., so as to be ready in a jiffy
when the call came, I went to lunch, but ate and drank little,
so as to be alert and brisk when the expected moment ar
rived. Wolffsohn came back from Yildiz Kiosk at half-past
twelve. He had done brilliantly. W ithout knowing the lan
guages, without either Turkish or French, he as well as Danusso
and the dragoman of their carriage had got through the guards
of Yildiz Kiosk and reached the quarters of Court-Marshal Eulen-
burg. He had sent the latter his card, on which he had written:
“Of Dr. Herzl's party.” Eulenburg came out at once, called him
inside, closed the outer and the inner doors after looking around
carefully, and took my two letters.
“It’s a good thing that you are here already. I shall immedi-
atcly give the letter to His Majesty. . . . How long has Dr.
Hercl been here?”
WollEsohn replied: "For a few days."
Enlenburg noticed that he was holding another letter in his
hand. “Have you anything else? I might transmit that also.”
WollEsohn: “It is a letter to His Excellency von Bülow.”
Eulenbuig quickly returned it: "Deliver this one yourself.”
He saw him to the door and out, and then turned him over to
an adjutant who conducted him to Bülow’s door. Bülow came
out grumpily, took the envelope, tore it open, and shouted at
him: T h a t will be all.’’
WollEsohn said: “Good-bye, Your Excellency."
Bülow snapped: “Good-bye!” And disappeared.
• • •
After WoUEsohn’s report—confirming Bülow’s animosity and

Eulenburg’s friendly attitude, which I had already divined—I
waited with greater certainty for a word from the Kaiser.
After lunch I cried to take a siesta, but sleep wouldn’t come.
Then 1 chatted a bit with WollEsohn and the others.
Suddenly, at a quarter past three, the hotel clerk came in
excitedly: “There is someone downstairs with something for
Dr. Heed from His Majesty."
I slipped into my grey frock-coat, and the gentlemen left the
drawing-room. But it was only a messenger or a secret-service
man, who presented me with a slip of paper which read:
Theodor H erd to report at 4:50 to His Majesty. Yildiz.”
I pencilled a receipt on the slip: "Dr. Herzl, received at 3:15."
The gentlemen were quite excited. I was conscious of no
shock, but 1 had been considerably unnerved even before that.
I gave Seidener my hand for him to feel that it was quite steady.
1asked Schnirer merely to feel my pulse. He found it to be 108,
which is very fast for me. But I believe it had been that fast even
before I received the message. Schnirer asked me whether I
wished to take some bromine. I inquired when it would produce
an effect. In half an hour. So I did without it, because by then it
might not be necessary any more.
Careful toilette. The color of my gloves was particularly be
coming: a delicate grey.
I had Wolffsohn accompany me, and installed a dragoman
(a sly-looking Jew who appears to have police connections) on
the coach-box. Wolffsohn took along a clothes brush.
We drove through the bedecked streets of Pera. A lane of
curiosity-seekers. All the windows occupied. O ur carriage, too,
attracted quite a bit of attention, but it still could not arouse as
much interest as the imposing state-coaches with courtiers in
gala dress and gold-braided officers. Yet I thought to myself that
perhaps none of these coach es-of-state was carrying so much world
history through the streets as the ordinary hackney cab of my
arabaji.
In front of the German Embassy the crowd was denser. The
Kaiser's escort was waiting there, his flag was flying from the
roof and his carriage was standing in the driveway. So I would be
reaching Yildiz before him. In order not to arrive too early, I
had my driver stop for a few minutes near Dolma Bagjeh. Mar
velous colors on the Bosporus. Off shore lay the trim yacht “Ho-
henzollem."
At 4:15 we passed through the upper gate of Yildiz Kiosk. The
Jewish dragoman had to remain behind. A gate-keeper took the
seat next to our arabaji, and we drove into the gardens of
Yildiz. These grounds are, I believe, permanently off-limits to
the public. We went on for five or six minutes. Magnificently
large, although not particularly well-kept grounds. On our left,
a very high mysterious wall—behind it the flowers of the harem
bloom and fade.
At five minutes before 4:30 we drove up in front of the new
little palace, built especially for the Kaiser. Grim-looking soldiers
outside the gate. On the stairs and in the halls, an immense num
ber of Turkish and German servants, along with much-be-
ribboned officers and Turkish courtiers.
None of the German court people was there. They were all
still at the Embassy. Rather unnoticed, I withdrew into a corri
dor. I looked so insignificant that the German footmen conversed
quite unconstrainedly right next to me. They cracked their
lackey jokes. When I came in, I had told the functionaries only
that 1 wished to see Court-Marshal Eulenburg. They had told me
to wait. At a quarter to five I grew anxious: was there not some
mistake—-or even a bit of hidden malice? Perhaps I had been
given the Kaiser's message incorrectly: I should have been at the
Embassy at four-thirty, as I had offered to be in my letter. Who
knows, perhaps the Kaiser was superstitious, and if the appoint
ment fell through, maybe he would no longer want to have any
thing to do with me.
In my concern I turned to the Turkish adjutants. All they knew
was that the Kaiser was expected. After leaving the Embassy he
was first scheduled to visit the German school.
The only result of my inquiry was that I was invited to enter
one of the ground-floor reception rooms—which, however, I
could not leave again. It seemed to me as though I heard my
name repeated by the officers in the main corridor, and I had the
impression of being closely watched . . . Once Wolffsohn passed
by the doorway, but didn't see me. Later he told me that some
one had come up to his carriage and asked him if he was here
with Dr. Herzl of the Neue Frété Presse; then four people had
stood around his carriage and kept guard over him until our
departure. When the Kaiser arrived and Wolffsohn left the car
riage and took off his hat, someone crept up from behind and
peeked inside his top-hat—to make sure there was no bomb in it.
Meanwhile, I kept growing more and more uncomfortable
in my salon, which had become a guard-room. I had already given
up the audience as lost. Then, at 5:15. a stir. The guard of honor
outside the building came to attention. Cavalry men hove into
sight at the foot of the steep, winding road. Behind the horsemen,
the Kaiser's carriage: at his side, the Empress.
I was not sorry that the windows of my room gave no view of
the splendor of this procession. It might have made me more self-
conscious. I wanted to step out into the hall—but some flunkey
blocked my path and with an unmistakable gesture motioned
me back into the room.
At this point there is a blank. I believe I told someone to in
form Count Eulenburg at once that I was here. Five minutes later
1 was called. An elderly gentleman stepped up to me in the hall.
"Dr. Herzl?” he asked.
"His Excellency, Count Eulenburg?" I asked.
He gave me his hand and pointed to the stairs leading to the
upper floor. I think he also said, “You will go with Herr von
Billow to His Majesty!”
I went up the stairs rather calmly. At the top there stood, most
splendidly, the aide-de<amp on duty, a gentleman of Prussian
elegance, who watched my ascent l’oeil narquois [with a quizzical
expression]. Still, he seemed to be satisfied with my coat, the
arease of my trousers, and my patent-leather shoes, for when I
mentioned my name, he clicked his heels:
"Count von Kessel!” and gave me his hand. Somewhat fatu
ously, I repeated:
“Dt. HeTzl!" Whereat he flashed a brief smile of superiority.
I now stood at the head of the staircase. Count Kessel was
staring intently over my shoulder; so somebody worthy of notice
must have been standing behind me. However, I did not tum
around. Presently that somebody came round the comer, so that
by half glancing to the right I was able to see who it was.
A white dress—the Empress! She had been standing with
Billow behind a column and had watched me ascending the stairs.
1 bowed, she gave a slight acknowledgment and disappeared.
Count Kessel stood at the center door, opened it a little, looked
in, and spoke to someone. Then he motioned to me and held the
door open.
I walked in briskly. The Kaiser, in a dark Hussar uniform,
approached me. I stood still and made a deep bow. He then
came up to me, almost as far as the door, and gave me his hand.
I believe he said he was very pleased—or something of the sort
—to meet me.
I said: “Your Imperial Majesty, 1 am very happy about this dis
tinction."
He then went back around the table, moved an armchair in
place for me, made a gesture of invitation with his hand, and
seated himself with his back to the writing table, crossing his
legs with the Hussar boots, like someone who is making himself
comfortable for a lengthy conversation. Biilow had entered be
hind me, and we sat down together. Like myself, he held his
top-hat between his knees throughout the audience. I forgot to
take off my right glove, as etiquette would have required.
While waiting I had been a bit uneasy as to whether my
morning-coat was appropriate or whether tails would not have
been correct. Billow's morning-coat reassured me.
When I had come in, the Kaiser had looked at me grandly with
his great sea-blue eyes. He has truly Imperial eyes. I have never
seen such eyes. A remarkable, bold, inquisitive soul shows in
them. However, he obviously is not indifferent to the impression
be makes on others, particularly the first impression. He is ex
actly as tall as I am, and my first impression was that he is
embarrassed about his withered arm. And that he thinks to him
self: You, who are coming from the outside, from a world that
knows me only from pictures or merely sees me rush past in the
whirl of splendid royal parades—aren't you disappointed at
seeing before you a Kaiser who has one arm shorter than all
other men?
Accordingly, I kept my gaze on his fine, frank, genial and yet
bold eyes, which fairly bewitched me.
1 had expected that he would begin with a stream of conversa
tion, and thus hadn't fully recovered my breath when he invited
me to speak.
"Where shall I begin. Your Imperial Majesty?"
"Wherever you like," be said, a bit ironically, and leaned back.
So I repeated the substance of the letter I had sent him yester
day. in a rather shaky voice and with my heart pounding against
my ribs. It annoyed me to think that the unsympathetic Bülow
was surely watching my embarrassment with amusement. Still,
I didn't say anything stupid. My uneasiness lay only in my tone.
But when I had propounded the matter of the land company
and the German protectorate, the Kaiser nodded quickly and
contentedly, as is his wont—more with his eyes than with his
head. It is most characteristic. He looks at you squarely and
strongly—the Kaiser!—and when a remark or turn of phrase
appeals to him, his magnificent eyes, with his lips tightly closed,
say: I got you—you're my man—that’s fine with me.
There are innumerable portraits of him, but because this
approving glance, a most original, powerful flash, cannot be
painted, people don't know what his eyes are like.
He soon took over the conversation and explained to me why
the Zionist movement appealed to him. Unfortunately I was a
preoccupied listener and, besides, had to concentrate all ray
energies on preparing my replies, so that not all the details have
stuck in my mind. He always referred to the J e w as "your
people"—and in a tone that was not exactly friendly. He did
not doubt that with the financial and human resources at out
disposal we would succeed in carrying out the colonization of
Palestine. While he said this I was a little inattentive, since I
had to make a mental note of the effectiveness of my three years'
work in making the obscure word "Zionism" a terme reçu [house
hold word], one that the German KaiseT used readily in talking
to me.
“There are elements,” he said, “among your people whom it
would be quite a good thing to settle in Palestine. I am thinking
of Hesse, for example, where there are usurers at work among
the rural population. If these people took their possessions and
went to settle in the colonies, they could be more useful." (This
was roughly the sense of his remarks.)
That he should identify the Jews with a few usurers annoyed
me; and suddenly my irritation restored my composure, and
I made a brief speech attacking anti-Semitism which, I said, had
scabbed the rest of us Tight to the heart. We had been deeply
hurt.
Bülow noticed that I was making an attack, and parried my
thrusts. He said that the Jews had recently shown themselves un
grateful to the House of Hohenzollem, to which, after all, they
owed a great deal. T h e Kaiser's grandfather and father, and His
Majesty himself had always shown themselves gracious toward
the Jews, and now the Jews were to be seen among all the opposi-
doo parties, even the anti-monarchical ones.
“Singer1” murmured the Kaiser, w'ho had been listening to
Bülow with an expression of approval. Bülow hinted that the
Kaiser felt offended.
I explained that we were taking the Jews away from the revo
lutionary parties.
The Kaiser remarked that he thought the Jews would support
the colonization of Palestine if they knew that he was keeping
them under his protection, and that therefore they would not
really be leaving Germany.
Bülow added: "And let us hope that they would be grateful
for it!" But he called my attention to the fact that the rich Jews
were not in favor of my ideas. "T he big newspapers are not for
it either, particularly your own. You should certainly try to win
over one or another of the great papers."
I said: "Your Excellency, this is a mere matter of money. As
a man of letters, I regTet having to say this."
Balov's point in raising this objection was, by the way, un
mistakable. He wanted to indicate to the Kaiser that I had no
power behind me. Bülow said everything in opposition, with the
exception of the little word No, which he obviously does not dare
to say, since the voluntas régis [royal will] is Yes. Bülow' says,
“Well, yes . . . "Yes, but . . . "Yes, if only. . . . " All
masked No's.
However, I felt my argument strengthened as the Kaiser visi
bly supported me with nods and glances.
Presently I came to the favorable feature of the moment, the
internal weakness of France.
At this point the Kaiser took over with serve.
“I tcad in the S e u e Freie Presse today about the projected
coup d'état. You know the conditions. What do you think of
Prince Napoleon's chances?"
"Your Majesty, I believe he has none. T he country docs not
know him."
“But it does," interjected Bülow, "he is a Russian officer."
I rejoined: “Yes, but Russian prestige has declined greatly
since the disarmament proposal."
The Kaiser laughed with his eyes—almost audibly, I am
tempted to say.
“They have calculated," 1 added, “that the conversations of
Kronstadt and Toulon have cost them eight billions."
The Kaiser now laughed aloud. “That's a lot. A crazy people,
anyway. How hard I ’ve tried to put some sense into them. All
in vain. Now I've finally given it up. There is no helping those
people. The only thing they see is the Gap in the Vosges." He
clenched his right fist and imitated the theratening gesture of the
French in the direction of the Vosges. Then he shrugged his
shoulders.
1 remarked that the army had suffered gTeatly because of the
latest Dreyfus incidents. And suddenly we were en pleine affaire
Dreyfus [deep in the Dreyfus affair]. The Kaiser—I think to
Bülow’s mild horror—spoke frankly and freely about the Affair.
I advanced no opinion one way or the other; but soon it became
completely cleaT that they considered Dreyful innocent! It was
something absolutely colossal.
“What kind of people are they,” cried the Kaiser. “Do they
really think I am crazy enough to write such letters to anybody
at all? Hanotaux put 27,000 francs on the uble for those forger
ies. They were offered to him, and he, the Richelieu, the great
statesman, thought they were genuine—or pretended he did.
Why, it's incredible! The matter got about through Princess
Mathilde. Hanotaux declared in her salon, before a gathering of
army people, that he had letters from roe in his possession. Of
course, she immediately saw the impossibility of it and told him
_ _ ff
SO.
At this point my recollection is uncertain. If I am not mis
taken, the Kaiser said: "And then she bounced him out." This,
at any rate, was the sense of his words.
Bülow said: "T he mendacity of these people is remarkable.
Didn't one of their ministers declare that Dreyfus' innocence was
known to the government? 1 forget which one it was."
Tiger," said the Kaiser. "This old red radical Brisson, aston
ishingly enough, is the only honest man left among them; he
wants to bring out the truth."
I told about Bourgeois, the master mind of the Cabinet, who
let Cavaignac run upon the sword that was held in front of him.
Again the Kaiser laughed with his eyes and said: 'T h e other
day I was with a num ber of my colleagues . . . " (I think he
aid: in Vienna, at the funeral of the Empress. I didn't immedi
ately understand whom he meant by "colleagues” until he con
tinued:) 'T h e King of Rumania told me something he had
found out in a roundabout way from a French officer. Namely,
that embezzlements are at the bottom of the whole business. For
a long time now, the French General Staff's secret funds have
been stolen. Captain Dreyfus, too, was offered >0,000 francs.
He would not take it and said: I don't need the ao,ooo francs.
What am I supposed to do with 20,000 francs? So they had to
get rid of him, since he knew what was up. And this is why
Ejterhazy and Du Paty de Clam were kept. More and more offi
cers who had taken money became implicated, and now they
are shielding one another . . . I often wonder what is to become
of that country. It is valuable, after all. The French spirit con
stitutes the spice, the pepper, for the other cultures—the Attic
salt Of course, too much pepper is no good. But what is going
to happen to France?"
"Your Majesty, I think that it will crumble from within," I
said. T t is fine indeed in literature and aru, arid it is the refine
ment of decadence. T h at the French are seeking a war 1 do not
believe. The ruling class has the greatest interest in not wanting
a war.”
"Yes," said Billow, "a war would remove them in any case, the
present republicans. Victory like defeat would bring a mon
archy.”
With this truism• I agreed, of course.
The Kaiser said: “From all appearances in France it docs seem
to follow that a republic is not the best conceivable form of gov
ernment."
I spoke about the present parliament in the vein of my treat
ment of it in The Palais Bourbon, and asked the Kaiser whether
I might send him this book.
He said yes with his large eyes.
Then he said: "I also think that they will keep quiet, if only
because of the Exposition. T hat is when they want to get money
from everybody.”
"A real Frenchie,” I said, "can't stand a German, but he gladly
takes his cash."
“They won't get to see mine,” said—I think—the Kaiser; but
perhaps it was Bülow. I think, but am not sure, that this answer
was given. Nor do I know in what connection I answered the
Kaiser's question about the coming development of France as
follows:
“People will always go to France in order to have a good time."
Bülow interjected jokingly:
“Yes, cafés and Beisel [joints], as they call them in Vienna."
Now and then the Kaiser glanced at his watch, which he wean
strapped to the wTist of his short left arm. T o think how much
these Imperial minutes are worth, especially on such a day. the
first day of his visit to Constantinople!
The conversation flagged for a moment after this French inter
lude. I used the pause to get back to our muttons:
“And that is why France cannot offer any objections to our
project.” And for Russia it also meant a solution, etc.—the
familiar points.
The Kaiser said with a touch of humor, in which, however,
there was only free-and-easy sympathy and certainly not heart
lessness:
• In English in original.
"Yes, your people have had a pretty bad time of it in Russia
during the past couple of hundred years.”
"Pretty bad” was what he really meant; the expression he
ironically used said just the opposite. But this phrase, too, has
escaped me.
I then proceeded, and unfolded the entire plan before him,
accompanied by his nods. I believe I presented all the argu
ments: Russia's Siberian railroad, a Pandora's box with untold
ills for Europe; the shortest line to India* etc. Everything,
everything. He listened to me magnificently, at times with visible
strain and effort when I touched upon the complicated forms of
the loans we could arrange for Turkey. Finally I said:
"I don’t know—maybe I’m extremely stubborn about it,
but the thing seems completely natural to me!”
He looked at me grandly: "To me, too!”
BOlow interposed: "Yes, if only the people here are willing;
perhaps the Ministers ought to be . . .” With his thumb and
index finger he made the gesture of counting out money. "Well,
here they all take.”
The Kaiser rejected this with a light movement of his hand and
said:
"But surely it will make an impression if the German Kaiser
concerns himself with it and shows an interest in it.”
(It was then that I had the magic-forest sensation of encounter
ing the fabulous unicorn which said with a human voice, "I am
the fabled unicorn.")
The Kaiser continued: “After all, I am the only one who still
sticks by the Sultan. He puts stock in me."
He had glanced at his watch again and arose. But when he saw
that I had something to say, he asked: "You have another ques
tion?”
Already on my feet, I brought up the specific questions about
the audience in Palestine, my address, etc.
The Kaiser said: "W rite out your address and give it to Bülow.
In Englfch in original.
Then I shall go over it carefully with him. . . .J u s t tell me in
a word what I am to ask of the Sultan."
“A Chartered Company•—under German protection."
“Good! A Chartered Companyl” And he grandly gave me his
hand, which is strong enough for two, squeezed mine good and
hard, and went out first through the center door.
Outside stood Count von Kessel.
• • •
Insert:
At an earlier point in the conversation— I believe, after we had
mentioned the distressing situation of the Jews in the East, the
Kaiser said:
“But things will probably get worst of all in France. In that
country anti-Semitism is likely to become strongest. For there the
Church is behind it, and the Jesuits won't let go once they start
a thing like that. H err von Rothschild seems to know this too,
for he is having his art collection shipped to London."
• • •
After the Kaiser had left the salon, I went out with Biilow.
He gazed after the Kaiser who was striding with an elastic step
down the corridor with Kessel, and said to me: “T hat is a mon
arch of genius!"
Then we descended the stairs together, and Biilow said eagerly:
"You must see Marschall and talk things over with him. Iêt him
give you exact information. I think the Turks are now unfavor
ably disposed."
I naturally promised him to go to Marschall at once and not
to write my Address until afterward; but I thought to myself that
he was not giving me this advice out of benevolence. Actually,
I don't want to be unjust, not even to the unfriendly Biilow.
He has very great responsibilities and would pay for it if mat
ters went wrong. Under the Constitution, it is he who will have
* In frngiUh In original*
to endorse the project; hence he is not merely entitled but even
obligated to observe extreme caution.
The courtiers and officers, and especially the lackeys, were as
tonished when they saw the previously disregarded, unknown
Jew in civilian clothes come down the stairs—after a private one-
hour audience with the Kaiser—in the company of the Minister
of State and engaged in animated conversation with him, with
Bülow whispering along in easy familiarity. I finally arranged
with BQlow that immediately after my conversation with Mar
shall I would prepare my Address and send it to him.
Then I left. T h e colorful cluster of Turkish officers gave me
none too friendly looks. In fact, unless my hasty look as I went
out deceived me, in the glances of some of them I saw ha
tred—or was it envy? Did they already know, had they already
guessed, what my business was with the Kaiser? Or were their
servile souls piqued at the conspicuous distinction I had been
accorded?
I stepped into my carriage, where Wolffsohn had been waiting
in the greatest agitation, and we drove off through the Yildiz
gardens. I only told this good fellow briefly that the audience had
been fine and that we would be received in Palestine. For after
Manchall's negative behavior we had begun to doubt it, and
had not even bought our steamship tickets for Alexandria.
As we drove out through the Yildiz gate, the festive illumina
tion of the d ty had already started. An exquisite sight, for which,
however, we lacked the proper attentiveness. We were too ex
cited.
First 1 drove to the German Embassy. As I had expected. Mar-
schall was no longer there, having gone to Yildiz for the gala
dinner. All along the road, in fact, we had been passing guests
on their way to the affair. 1 gave the Embassy clerk my card, with
a corner folded down.
Schnirer, Seidener, and Bodenheimer were waiting at the
Hotel de Londres, themselves greatly excited. Since Danusso
was also present, 1 called them into the next room, gave them a
summary account, and asked them to take the fat Italian down
7S6 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZL
to the dining-hall with them. I was quite exhausted from the
great psychic strain, and still had to compose that difficult and
important Address. I had some tea, but still didn't pull myself
together enough to finish the speech.
I kept trying until eleven o’clock, while Wolffsohn was packing
my trunks for me. Then I sought to make myself sleepy by drink
ing a bottle of Bavarian beer, and I did sleep until four o'clock in
the morning. Then I got up, lit all twelve candles in my bed
room, wrote for half an hour, and then went back to bed, ex
hausted. At six o'clock I got up again and finished as much of
the Address as I could by half-past eight, when I sent it off to
Bülow, with a covering letter, by the German post.
In the meantime, Wolffsohn had “managed” our departure.
AU I needed to do was drive to the harbor and board the ship.
Glorious sunshine at the harbor of Constantinople. I also ex
perienced a certain sense of relief when I felt the deck of this
Russian ship under my feet. For I did not, and up to this time
do not, know how the Turks will regard the matter, which has
now become something to take seriously. On approaching Smyrna
I even thought it possible that the local Turkish authorities, in
formed of my presence, would bestow their more or less benevo
lent attention upon me. Even now, on October s i, out on the
Aegean Sea, I am still quite uncertain as to what may be in store
for us. Yesterday at Smyrna I sent for the local newspapers to
learn whether the news agencies had reported on my audience.
I wasn't able to find anything.
That my audience cannot long remain secret and that the
diplomatic world is in a great uproar over it by now I think I
may assume without delusions of grandeur. Enfin, nous verrons
[Anyway, we shall see].
At any rate, today I already constitute a troublesome personage
to many a party interested in the Holy Land, and I don’t know
whether some plot is not being hatched against me in Palestine.
From what quarter? I can’t even make the most far-fetched guess.
But I am not telling these anxieties of mine even to my travel
ling companions. I am obviously approaching the climax of my
tragic enterprise. If the expedition to Palestine is successful, the
very hardest part of it will be done. Everything else will then be
simply a matter of execution, something which can be accom
plished by others, too.
The days I am now living through are critical days of the first
order. Only when I am again on a ship headed for the Italian
coast will I have the feeling that this new ride across Lake Con
stance is behind me.
• • •
I have written down these recollections of the great day, Oc
tober 18, on shipboard on the 19th, 20th, and 21st. I do feel now
that I have set down all the most important things, and that the
day with the Kaiser has been preserved for posterity, to whom it
belongs.
October 21
One more recollection. Most of the time the Kaiser looked me
full in the face. Only when I spoke of the new overland route to
Asia—Mediterranean, Persian Gulf—did he stare into space as
though lost in thought, and the thoughtful expression on his
fine, serious face revealed to me that I had fully gripped him.
October 27, Risbon-le-Zion, 6:00 a.m.

No entries were made during those sunny days at sea. They
were halcyon days. Everything worth noting moved past my un
clouded spirit without leaving any traces. And yet there were
noteworthy things: the ship that took us to Alexandria, that
floating cosmopolitan city which contained all sorts of things,
from a cattle market to a French salon; Smyrna, picturesque
filth and varia miseria, assorted misery in red, yellow, blue col
on; Jews—Ashkenazim and Sephardim—from all over the world,
cast up in this Asia Minor town. And once again over the wine-
colored sea, past the epic isles of the Greeks, to the Piraeus,
which was a disappointment. Up through the dust to the Acrop
olis, which likewise says so much to us only because classical lit
erature is so powerful. The power of the wordl Then raced
through Athens in a matter of minutes, but that seemed enough
for this modem city.
Evenings on shipboard, long talks with the French writer René
Bazin. My judgment of the French was not a gentle one. I told
him, among other things, that a powerful literature can also
disseminate weak ideas throughout the world. On the other
hand, powerful ideas (such as the i8th century ideas about re
forming the state) can also spread a feeble literature all over the
world. But present-day France, I said, has neither great ideas nor
great writing.
The Frenchmen Bazin, Lamy, Mille, etc., took down their im
pressions throughout the voyage. I did not. Now I am sorry 1
didn't; but the soul, too, must have its fallow season in order to
become fertile again. And I have so many projects ahead of me
that 1 can forgive myself for not making a literary harvest from
my journey.
Hot days in Alexandria and Port Said. Alexandria shows how
a clever European administration can draw a habitable, comfort
able dty even out of the hottest soil.
At Port Said I greatly admired the Suez Canal. T he Suez Canal,
that shimmering thread of water stretching away toward infinity,
impressed me much more than the Acropolis. Human lives and
money, it is true, were taken and squandered on the Suez Canal,
but yet one must admire the colossal will that executed this sim
ple idea of digging away the sands. In Panama this will had
grown senile; this, and not the natural obstacles, evidently
wrecked that second project.
The last two nights of our voyage, which we spent on a smaller
vessel, the "Russia” (sailing from Alexandria), it was unbearably
hot in the cabin which the five of us shared. I was up on deck
by three o'clock in the morning. The last night I even slept à la
belle étoile [under the open sky] from midnight on. At night
and in the morning the sea was wonderfully still and shimmered
in variegation. When it grew light, we began to peer toward the
Jewish coast. Toward seven o’clock die first bit of land, two dots
of mountains on ihe right, was sighted by Wolffsohn. We ap
proached the land of our fathers with mixed feelings. Strange
what emotions this desolate country stirs up in most people: in
the old German pastor from South Africa, in the Russian muzhik
in the foul-smelling steerage, in the Arabs who have been trav
eling with us from Constantinople, in us Zionists, in the poor
Rumanian Jewess who wants to join her sick daughter in Ye-
rusholayim and who has reason to fear that she will be turned
back on account of her Rumanian passport. Incidentally, our
companion Seidener is in the same situation with his Russian
passport.
Thus the landing shaped up as rather uncomfortable, when
Jaffa hove in sight. In any case, I had made my plans for the
eventuality that the Turkish port authorities refused to let us
pass. I drafted a telegram to the Kaiser informing him of the
trouble that was being made for us. But it turned out differently.
When we were on the big Cook landing-boat, which I had asked
the Rumanian woman to board also, 1 learned that German
police would be at the pier. I jumped ashore, and while the
Turkish police were snooping about our tezkerchs, I took the
German official aside and told him that we were here on the
Kaiser's orders; the five white cork-belmets should be allowed to
pass through at once. This was done. I turned the Rumanian
woman o v c t to Mme. Gaulis, the wife of a French journalist, who
was sitting in the next boat; she was to pass off the Rumanian
as her servant. Mme. Gaulis did so, the poor old soul clung to the
Frenchwoman's skirt and thus slipped through the cordon—so
happy at being in Palestine where she was going to visit her
mortally ill daughter. What forms happiness takes!
And we were in Jaffa!
Again poverty and misery and heat in gay colors.
Confusion in the streets, at the hotel, not a carriage to be had.
I was already on a horse, to ride to Rishon, but dismounted again
when Dr. Joffe procured us a conveyance.
We drove—in the terrible heat—first to Mikveh Israel. This
is an excellent school of agriculture. Bunting over the gate in
honor of the Kaiser, who will pass by here tomorrow on his way
to Jerusalem. I will try to persuade him to visit the institution.
From Miikveh, through the countryside neglected in Arab
fashion to the much-praised Rishon-le-Zion. For a poor village
this is a fairly prosperous place. But if one has imagined it as
more than a poor settlement, one is disappointed. Thick dust on
the roads, a bit of greenery.
The administrator received us with a frightened air, obviously
dared to be neither amiable nor unamiable. Fear of Monsieur
le Baron hoveTs over everything. T he poor colonists have swapped
one fear for another. We were shown through the wine-cellars
with elaborate ceremony. But I have never doubted that with
money one can set up industrial establishments no matter where.
With the millions which have been poured into the sand here
and stolen and squandered, far different results could have been
achieved.
Meanwhile, news of our arrival had spread through the vil
lage. A deputation came to invite me to the Beth Ha'am. We
were welcomed by music which, unfortunately, was only well-
intentioned. Again a lane of faces such as I have seen in London,
Berlin, Briinn, everywhere. Someone made a speech in which he
tried to harmonize their obligations toward the Baron and their
love for me, a harmony just as impossible as the one the con
ductor tried to achieve between the violin and the flute. The
big drum had to cover up everything. I also spoke a few words,
advising them to be grateful to the Baron, although his aims
were different from mine.
Then I inspected the house of a colonist who had made good.
Large rooms—habitable, anyway. But faded faces.
Next I saw the house of some day-laborers. Wooden plank-beds
and squalor.
Finally I spoke to the physician of the colony. Dr. Mazie. He
gave it to me straight. Fever! All of the colonies suffer from
fever. Only large-scale drainage operations and the elimination
of swamps, he said, could make the country habitable.
This is also my view and intention.
It will cost billions, but create billions of new wealth! Such
Arabs as are immune to the fever might be used for the work.
Jerusalem, October 29
Conclusion of my Address to the Kaiser:
This is the fatherland of ideas which do not belong to one
people or to one creed alone. T he farther men advance in theiT
morality, the more clearly do they recognize the common ele
ments in these ideas. And thus the actual city of Jerusalem, with
its fateful walls, has long since become a symbolic city sacred to
all civilized men.
An emperor of peace is making a great entry into this eternal
city. We Jews gTeet Your Majesty at this exalted moment, wish
ing from the bottom of our hearts that an age of peace and jus-
tice may dawn for all men. Including ourselves.
October 29. Jerusalem

Sent the Address to August Eulenburg with the following cov
ering letter:
Your Excellency:
I have the honor most humbly to submit the enclosed Address
of the Zionist Deputation. I beg Your Excellency to be kind
enough to inform me, when returning the manuscript, of the
changes desired by His Majesty the Kaiser, or else to convey his
gracious approval to me. I shall read it as bidden when the au
dience takes place.
At the same time may I request that I kindly be notified of
the day and hour appointed for the reception of the deputation.
est respect, I remain
Your humble sériant,
Dr. Th. H.
October 29, Jerusalem
I must add what has happened since the day before yesterday,
when we left Rishon-le-Zion. We drove away from Rishon in
the morning. About half an hour’s distance from there is the
Jewish hamlet of Wad-el-Chanin. There sve were met by the en
tire population; singing children; an old man presented me with
bread, salt and wine from his own vineyard. I had to visit almost
all the homes of the colonists.
We drove on. A cavalcade came galloping toward us from the
settlement of Rehovot: about twenty young fellows who put on
a kind of fantasia, lustily singing Hebrew songs and swarming
about our carriage. Wolffsohn, Schnirer, Bodenheimer and 1
had tears in our eyes when we saw those fleet, daring horsemen
into whom our young trouser-salesmen can be transformed.
Hedad! they cried, and dashed away cross-country on their little
Arab horses. They reminded me of the Far-West• cowboys of
the American plains whom I once saw in Paris.
At Rehovot, an even greater demonstration; the whole village
awaited me in rank and file. The children sang. With the re
sources of the poor, a princely reception.
Back in the brooding heat to Jaffa, which I reached exhausted.
My good Hechler had arrived. I related what had happened
since our last meeting and asked him to tell Count Eulenburg
that I would await the Kaiser the following morning on the
highway outside Mikveh Israel.
Early yesterday morning I drove out to Mikveh Israel. I was
already unwell, but with an effort managed to stay on my feet.
The picture of the trainees at their farm implements was a
pretty one. Among the curious the somewhat baronially arro
gant Rothschild administrators turned up also. I told Niego, the
director of Mikveh, that I would introduce him to the Kaiser,
should the latter recognize and speak to me. Niego begged me
to refrain from doing this, because it might be regarded as a
Zionist demonstration and could harm him. I was there as the
# Id Engllih Id ihc original.
guest of Mikveh and therefore should not introduce him, the
director. Actually, this was a mild reprimand, but I did not re
sent it from the otherwise amiable man.
At nine o'clock a commotion on the highway, which was lined
with a mixed m ultitude• of Arab beggars, womenfolk, children,
and horsemen, heralded the approach of the Imperial procession.
Fierce-looking Turkish cavalry came galloping toward us at full
tilt, rifles at the ready and shooting even more threatening
glances all around. T hen the outriders of the Kaiser. And there,
among a grey-clad group, including several ladies, the Kaiser
himself.
I gave the schoolchildren's choir of Mikveh the signal to in
tone "Heil Dir im Siegerkranz." • • 1 stood beside one of the
ploughs and took off my cork-helmet. T he Kaiser recognized me
even at a distance. It gave him a bit of start; he guided his hone
in my direction—and pulled up in front of me. I took two
steps forward; and when he leaned down over the neck of the
hone and held his hand down to me, I stepped up quite close
to his horse, stretched up my own hand, and stood before him
with my head bared.
He laughed and flashed his imperious eyes at me.
"How are you?"
‘Thanks, Your Majestyl I am having a look at the country.
And how has the journey agreed with Your Majesty so far?"
He blinked grandly with his eyes:
"Veiy hot! But the country has a future.”
"At the moment it is still sick," I said.
"Water is what it needs, a lot of water!" he said from above me.
‘Yes, Your Majesty! Irrigation on a large scale!"
He repeated: "It is a land of the future!"
Perhaps he said some other things which have escaped me, for
he stopped with me for several minutes. Then he held down his
* la Engflah la the original.

•• TiaruUtor*» Note: "Hall 10 thee with the victor*» wreath.** a »oog by Schu
macher and Marrie» (about 1790), widely aung a» a royal talutc to the tune o t
"Cod Save the King.**
hand to me again, and trotted off. T he Empress, too, had ridden
forward a bit and gave me a nod and a smile. Then the Imperial
procession moved on to the strains of “Heil Dir im Siegerkranz"
from the children's throats.
I noticed the Kaiser drawing himself up more proudly in the
saddle and saluting his hymn, as, back, in Breslau, he had saluted
the statue of his grandfather.
Among those riding behind him I recognized Court-Marshal
Eulenburg, who greeted me affably.
The spectators at Mikveh Israel were quite dumbfounded. A
few of them asked who it was. They simply wouldn't believe that
it had been the Kaiser. The Rothschild administrators looked
timid and out-of-sorts.
Wolffsohn, that good soul, had taken two snapshots of the
scene. At least he thought he had. He patted his kodak proudly:
“I wouldn't part with these negatives for ten thousand marks."
But when we got to the photographer’s at Jaffa and had the
negatives developed, it turned out that the first picture showed
only a shadow of the Kaiser and my left foot; the second was
completely spoiled.
Then we took the train in the frightful heat to Jerusalem.
Just the departure from the Jaffa station took an hour. Sitting
in the cramped, crowded, scorching compartment was torture.
While crossing the dismal, desolate countryside I developed a
fever and grew more and more feverish and weak as we rode
further into the Sabbath. For, because of the delayed train, and
to Wolffsohn's extreme chagrin, we found ourselves traveling
into the Sabbath. The moon was full when we arrived in Jeru
salem. I would have gladly driven the half hour's distance from
the station to the hotel; but the gentlemen made long faces, so
I had to resign myself to walking to the city, weak with fever
though I was. I tottered all over the place on my cane; with my
other arm I braced myself alternately against Wolffsohn's and
Schub's arm.
In spite of my weariness, Jerusalem by moon-dust with its
grand outlines made a powerful impression on me. Magnificent
the silhouette of the fortress of Zion, the citadel of David.
The streets were crowded with groups of Jews strolling in the
moonlight.
I was very sick before falling asleep. I took quinine and vom
ited after it. Then Schnirer rubbed me with spirits of camphor,
and slept that night in my narrow little room.
Wolffsohn was beside himself with excitement. Maybe he had
already given me up.
In the morning I awoke feeling better. But I'm still quite
feeble today. It is now evening, and I have not stirred from the
house all day. I only look out the windows and conclude that
Jerusalem is magnificently situated. Even in its present decay it
is a beautiful city, and, if we come here, can become one of the
most beautiful in the world again.
From my hotel window, this afternoon, I saw the Kaiser pass
through the triumphal arches, first the Jewish and then the
Turkish. He is said to have stopped a little longer at the Jews’
arch. I haven't been to the Jewish arch, because there are two
factions here. One wanted me to deliver the communal address
to the Kaiser. T he other apparently wished me to stay away en
tirely—me and my Zionism. Since, as I was informed, the Hak-
ham Bashi of Constantinople has proposed to the Chief Rabbi
here that I be put under the great ban, I preferred not even to go
near these carping Oriental objectors.
October 31, Jerusalem

When I remember thee in days to come, O Jerusalem, it will
not be with pleasure.
The musty deposits of two thousand years of inhumanity, in
tolerance, and uncleanliness lie in the foul-smelling alleys. The
one man who has been present all this time, the amiable dreamer
of Nazareth, has only contributed to increasing the hatred.
If we ever get Jerusalem and if 1 am still able to do anything
actively at that time, 1 would begin by cleaning it up.
746 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HER7.L
I would clear out everything that is not something sacred, set
up workers’ homes outside the city, empty the nests of filth and
tear them down, bum the secular ruins, and transfer the bazaars
elsewhere. Then, retaining the old architectural style as much
as possible. I would build around the Holy Places a comfortable,
airy new city with proper sanitation.
• • •
Night before last the good Hechler arrived here and came to
see me.
I told him: “If I have anything to say at the next vacancy of
the Jerusalem English diocese, you must become Bishop of Jeru
salem.” *
He resisted the idea.
I repeated: "Bishop of Jerusalem!"
• • •
The local Jewish Community is like the rest of them. It turned

out that the man who brought me their supposed invitation had
lied. After leaving me he went to the communal leaders and told
them that I would very much like to await the Kaiser undeT their
triumphal arch. Thereupon the leaders declared that—there
were no more available spaces.
Yesterday the Sephardic Rabbi Meir was among the visitors
who have been calling on me at the Marx house. He explained
the attitude of the local Grand Rabbis to me: they don't want to
incur the displeasure of the Turkish government.
Amused, I said: "In order not to cause the gentlemen any em
barrassment, I shall also omit paying them a visit."
• • •
We have been to the Wailing Wall. A deeper emotion refuses

to come, because that place is pervaded by a hideous, wretched,
• in Vtigiiah in original.
speculative beggary. At least, this is the way it was when we were
there, yesterday evening and this morning.
• • •
Yesterday evening we visited the Tower of David. At the en

trance I said to my friends: “It would be a good idea on the Sul
tan's pan if he had me arrested here."
A touching view* from the decayed battlements on the dcy
melting away in evening mists.
Earlier we had walked—rather quickly—through the Via Do
lorosa, because it is said to be an ill-omened place for Jews. Seide-
ner, who used to live in this dcy, absolutely refused to accompany
me. I would have considered it cowardice not to go, and so I did
walk along the street of the Holy Sepulchre. My friends restrained
me from entering the Church itself. It is also forbidden to set
foot in the Mosque of Omar and the Temple area, otherwise
one becomes subject to excommunication by the rabbis. This is
what happened to Sir Moses Montefiore.
How much superstition and fanaticism on every side! Yet I
am not afraid of any of these fanatics.
• • •
We were in a Jewish hospital today. Misery and uncleanliness.

Nevertheless, for appearance’s sake, 1 had to testify in the visitors'
book to its cleanliness. T his is how lies originate.
From the gallery of an andent synagogue we enjoyed a view
of the Temple area, the Mount of Olives, and the whole storied
landscape in the morning sunshine.
I am quite firmly convinced that a magnificent New Jerusalem
could be built outside the old city walls. The old Jerusalem
would still remain Lourdes and Mecca and Yerusholayim. A
very pretty, elegant town would be quite possible beside it.
October 31
Today the Church of the Redeemer will be consecrated by the
Kaiser. I avoided his procession while on our way to the city. At
Mikveh it was good, here it would be bad, to stand in his path.
• • •
1:30 p.m.
Again hours of intense, uncomfortable expectation. Since the
night before last, when Wolffsohn delivered my letter to Count
Eulenburg in the Imperial encampment, there has been no word.
The five of us hang around, not knowing when we arc to be
received. The Kaiser is scheduled to go to Jericho today and will
not return until day after tomorrow. Question is whether he will
receive us today or the day after tomorrow (the last day). In fact,
the more faint-hearted among us are beginning to ask: will he
receive us at all?
Who knows what international intrigues are now being played
over our heads. We have no newspaper here, in two weeks no
news of what has been happening in the world.
• • •
Despite this general despondency of my four friends, I just
gave them a bit of instruction for the reception: the order in
which they are to stand, their deportment, etc.; I also tried to
prepare replies for the questions the Kaiser might ask. I told
them to keep in mind that the Kaiser was a powerful figure, but
still, only a human being. They should be humble, of course,
but nevertheless remember that they were representing the re
nowned Jewish people at a historic moment.
1 further inquired whether their clothes, linen, neckties, gloves,
shoes, and hats were in order.
Then I sent off Wolffsohn to reconnoitre why we had received
no word. He was to go to Hechler, and the latter to Eulenburg
out in the encampment.
And I am waiting.
Three o'clock
Wolffsohn returns from Hechler all excited.
Hechler told him the Kaiser was leaving tomorrow morning di
rect for Berlin, as grave events were taking place. France had
declared war on England.
The whole thing seems incredible to me.
Meanwhile a Russian consular official is here at the Marx
house with the same rumor.
I still believe it is a case of exaggeration or a fantastic rumor.
Perhaps both reports come from the same source.
Hechler also told Wolffsohn that during today's consecration
ceremonies the Kaiser had beckoned to him twice, whereupon
he reported for an audience. Half an hour from now he will be
with Eulenburg, after that with the Kaiser, and he will ask the
latter whether he has forgotten the Zionists.
Wolffsohn is now going to Hechler again.
• • •
6:30 p.m.
Hechler was here for an hour, drank tea, and told us about his
contretemps [mishap].
He had arrived at Eulenburg's tent where he was told that the
Count was expected back momentarily. Hechler rushed out in
order to notify Wolffsohn that it would be a while longer. When
he returned, Eulenburg had been there and left again. For half
an hour our good Hechler sat in Eulenburg's tent and waited.
Then, trumpets, the noise of departure. Who was leaving? The
Kaiser. And Count Eulenburg? With him. So Hechler marched
off bredouille [empty-handed].
At 5:30 he drove back to the Imperial encampment. Now
Wolffsohn and Schnirer have gone out there to wait for Hechler.
This uncertain waiting has by now completely demoralized us.
Hechler told us that the Kaiser would not be leaving for
Jericho, but for Beirut. So the war scare seems to have been a
fabrication after all.
November 1, Jerusalem
At 7:30 yesterday evening Wolffsohn and Schnirer tame back
from the encampment with the following report:
Hechler saw Eulenburg, first spoke about this and that, and
then asked when the Zionists would be received. Eulenburg said:
“Tomorrow or the day after.”
The Kaiser is not going to Jericho, but is staying here a while
longer.
• • •
I am very sorry that I allowed my companions to dissuade me

two days ago from writing to the Kaiser and asking him to re
ceive me as soon as possible, because I had to return to Europe
without delay; my ship would be leaving on Tuesday.
T he gentlemen were afraid of forcing the pace. They don’t
know my reason: I want to leave the country immediately after
the audience, before the Turks regain their senses and perhaps
make trouble for me.
Now the chance is lost. There won't be a safe vessel sailing
for Port Said before next Tuesday, and it is highly doubtful
whether there is a chance connection which would enable us to
be in Port Said or Alexandria by Saturday.
1 made a great mistake in letting myself be dissuaded.
Overnight it occurred to me to send the Kaiser some photo
graphs of the colonies and take this opportunity to remind him
of the audience. I have now sent out someone to buy a piece of
costly fabric as a covering for the pictures. Wolffsohn will take
the packet to Eulenburg, to whom I am writing the following
note:
“I have the profound honor to hand Your Excellency herewith
a few photographs of the Jewish colonies already established in
Palestine, with the request that the pictures be submitted to His
Majesty the Kaiser.
“May I take this opportunity to inquire whether the day and
the hour of our reception have already been fixed? Directly after
the audience we should like to depart for Europe, where pressing
business calls us.
“With repeated thanks to Your Excellency for your very kind
offices and begging you to accept the expression of my deep re
spect, I remain
Your humble servant,
Dr. Th. H.
This letter to Eulenburg was not sent off. For while Seidener
and Schnirer were out, yesterday morning, to get the cover for
the pictures, the kavass of the German Consulate came with a
slip that bore only my name, and he invited me to call on the
Consul-General.
1 found the Consul-General, von Tischendorf, in the company
of a Count Mûhling who wore the new red Cross of Jerusalem.
Tischendorf told me that I was being expected at the encamp
ment by Legation Councillor Kemeth who wanted further in
formation from me about the audience 1 had requested. So there
was to be an audience after all.
My friends and 1 had already been quite disheartened by hav
ing to “stew” for so long. On our way to the Consulate,
Schnirer pulled a long face and expressed a pessimistic view,
saying that this summons to the Consulate meant snow.
He was all the more overjoyed when I told him in the carriage
what was happening. We drove to the Imperial encampment; I
bad myself announced to the I>egation Councillor. The latter, a
slightly-built, still young, but already very self-possessed official,
received me with some condescension, led me into a reception
tent, where he lounged back rather grandly in an armchair,
crossed his legs, and then waved my corrected Address in front
of me. A number of passages in the draft 1 had sent Eulenburg
were crossed out with a pencil. These I must discard, he said. He
could not let me say that to the Kaiser. He! He? Who is he? It
reminded me of the servant in Dr. Klaus who treats the patients
in the doctor's absence, but I took the young man’s presumptu
ousness with an unperturbed expression. He finally desired me
to submit the document to him again, along with the revised
manuscript, so that he might compare them and see whether I
had done things right. I overlooked the impertinence of it and
said calmly, “Certainly!"
He added, with half an apology, that after all he had the re
sponsibility. He? Who?
Then he asked me, not ungraciously:
“What city is your usual place of residence?"
As if he didn't know all this very well. Surely an audience of
this sort is not an everyday occurrence. These gentlemen must
have talked about it at length and often, as well as grumbled
about me. Obviously they are all furious that the Kaiser should
pay so much attention to a Jew.
But again I gave a very calm and modest answer: “In Vienna."
I also asked in what way I would be notified about the publi
cation. I would, of course, make public only what I was instructed
to publish.
He observed coldly: “ 'Instructed' does not seem the right
word to me. At most you will be permitted to publish some
thing."
This time he was right. I prepared to leave. Might I bring
along some pictures of die colonies for the Kaiser? Herr Kemeth
or Kehmetz had no objection; but he would welcome it if we did
not take too much of the Kaiser's time. He welcomes something.
I learned, too, that Bülow would be present at the audience.
Then I left.
• • •
In the evening I sent Bodenheimer to the mighty Herr Lega-
tionsrat [Legation Councillor] with a clean copy of the new ver
sion as well as the corrected manuscript.
In the light of evening he is said to have been not entirely un
gracious. He said to Bodenheimer: “Your representative, Dr.
Herzl, spoke about publicity. In any case, we are counting on it
that for the time being nothing of the sort will be undertaken."
Bodenheimer assured His Importance of our discretion.
For a man who knows so well how to correct one's diction it
was undoubtedly a deliberate mistake when he spoke of me as
the "representative" of Dr. Bodenheimer. Je déplais à ces Mes
sieurs. Je m’en doutais [I displease these gentlemen, I suspea].
• • •
In the afternoon we were on the Mount of Olives.

Great moments. W hat couldn't be made of this countryside!
A city like Rome, and the M ount of Olives would furnish a
panorama like the Janiculum.
I would isolate the old city with its relics and pull out all the
regular traffic; only houses of worship and philanthropic institu
tions would be allowed to remain inside the old walls. And the
wide ring of hillsides all around, which w'ould turn green under
our hands, would be the location of a glorious New Jerusalem.
The most discriminating from every part of the world would
travel the road up to the M ount of Olives. Tender care can turn
Jerusalem into a jewel. Include everything sacred within the old
«alls, spread everything new round about it.
We climbed the Russian Tow er—myself only as far as the
first level, because 1 got dizzy, the other gentlemen to the very
top. Incomparable view of the Jordan valley with its mountain
dopes, the Dead Sea, the mountains of Moab, the eternal city of
Jerusalem.
It would require time and a clear head to elaborate all these
imprêtsions.
• • •
On out way back we went to the rocky Tombs of the Kings,

which were once owned by a French Jew, Péreire, and—pre-
tented by him to the French government. T his is how impossible
people considered it that the Jews would ever own anything
themselves.
The morning before the great event a bit hectic. While still
in my night-shirt I instructed my friends how to behave during
the audience. Amusing details. Bodenheimer doesn’t have a good
silk hat. Then the excitement of procuring a carriage, since we
must certainly drive up in state.
Many bothersome callers.
Our good Hechler has just been here. He undertook to deliver
the folder with the photographs of the colonies to Count F.ulen-
burg. Then he blessed us in the name of the God of Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob, put on his white hat with its flowing veil, and
left.
Now, at eleven, we are taking a snack, and then we shall dress.
Schnirer wants to give each of us a little bromine—which is what
people take nowadays before going to fight a duel.
• • •
At 1:08
We are already back from the audience.
This brief reception will be preserved forever in the history
of the Jews, and it is not beyond possibility that it will have his
toric consequences as well.
But how odd were the details of the entire procedure.
At 11:30 we were finished with our abbreviated luncheon. I
insisted on keeping my gentlemen on short rations, so that they
might be in the proper trim.
By noon we were all dressed. Bodenheimer had a grotesque
top-hat and cuffs so wide that his shirt-sleeves kept sliding down
into sight. At the last moment we had to dig him up another
pair of cuffs.
I put on (for the first time) my shabby Mejidiye decoration.
I wouldn’t let anyone take bromine—as Marcou Baruch said
at Basel: je ne le voulais pas pour l’histoire [I didn't want it,
for the sake of history].
Et j'avais raison [And I was right].
In the burning noonday sun and the white dust wc drove to
the encampment. A few Jews in the streets looked up as we
paced. Ducks in the swamp, when the wild ducks are flying over
head.
«
At the railing enclosing the encampment, the Turkish guards

hesitated to admit Schnirer and myself. Then a non-commis
sioned officer came and let us pass.
Inside the enclosure Count von Kessel, in colonial uniform,
met us and directed us to a reception tent. There we stood for
about ten minutes and inspected the little salon with its colorful
carpets and furniture.
Then we were summoned to the Imperial tent. T he Kaiser
awaited us there, in grey colonial uniform, a veiled helmet on
his head, brown gloves, and—oddly enough—with a riding crop
in his right hand. A few paces before the entrance I came to at
tention and bowed. T h e Kaiser held out his hand to me very
affably when I entered. Somewhat to one side stood Biilow in a
dusty, grey lounge-suit, holding my corrected draft in his hand.
My four companions entered the spacious tent behind roe. I
asked if I might present them; the Kaiser nodded, and I did so.
As each name was pronounced, he placed his hand to the visor
of his helmet.
Then, after exchanging a glance with Bülow, I took out my
script and read it aloud, at first softly and in a somewhat tremu
lous voice, but gradually très i mon aise [quite at ease]. From
time to time I glanced up from the paper and looked into the
Kaiser’s eyes which be kept levelled at me.
When I had finished, he spoke.
He said roughly the following:
T thank you for this communication which has interested me
greatly. The matter, in any case, still requires thorough study
and further discussion.” He then went into some observations on
the colonization up to now. "T he land needs, above all, water
and shade.” He used some technical terms related to agriculture
and forestry. For the rest, his observations had told him that the
soil was arable. ’T h e settlements I have seen, the German ones
as well as those of your people, may serve as indications of what
can be done with the land. The country has room for everyone.
Only provide water and trees. T he work of the colonists will also
serve as a stimulating example to the native population. Your
movement, with which I am thoroughly acquainted, contains a
sound idea."
He then assured us of his continued interest, and what else he
said during the five or six minutes of his reply 1 can no longer
remember.
When he had concluded his formal response, he gave me his
hand, but did not dismiss us yet; instead, he drew me into a
conversation with Bülow: “You know H err von Biilow, don't
you?"
Did I know himl Biilow, who had followed my whole address
running his forefinger along my draft copy, gave a sweet smile.
We talked about our trip.
The Kaiser said: “We happened to hit the hottest time of the
year. The day when we met was the worst. At Ramleh we took
the temperature: 310 in the shade, 410 in the sun."
Bülow said sweetly: “As His Majesty the Kaiser was gracious
enough to observe, water is the main thing. H err Herzl will
know better than I what the Greek poet says:
“Apurrov pir vSup" [Water is best].*
“We can supply the country with it. It will cost billions, but
it will yield billions."
“Well, money is what you have plenty of," the Kaiser exclaimed
jovially and slapped his boot with his riding crop. “More money
than any of us."
Bülow abondait dans ce sens [echoed this]: “Yes, the money
which is such a problem for us you have in abundance."
1 pointed out what could be done with the water power of the
Jordan and drew Seidener, as an engineer, into the conversation.
Seidener discussed dams, etc. The Kaiser eagerly took up the sub
ject and developed the idea. This brought him to sanitary condi
tions, eye diseases, etc., which break out particularly at the time
• Tranilator'i Note: A quotation from Pindar.
of the fig-harvest. At this point I brought in Schnirer, who spoke
briefly on the subject.
I managed to get in my idea of turning over the old city to
charitable institutions, cleaning it up, and building a New Jeru
salem which people would view from the Mount Olives the way
Rome is viewed from the Janiculum.
I was not able to bring in Wolffsohn and Bodenheimer, for the
Kaiser concluded the audience by shaking hands with me once
more.
I went out first, then cast one more sidelong glance behind me.
I saw the profile of the Kaiser who had turned to Biilow and was
speaking with him; it looked as though he w'ished to give himself
contenance [an appearance].
As we went away. Count von Kessel asked: “Already over, the
audience?” He was less obliging than at Constantinople, from
which I inferred that our stock was lower.
Upon leaving, I said to Schnirer: *7/ n’a dit ni oui ni non [He
said neither yes nor no].”
Again they didn’t want to let us pass the barrier. But outside
stood the secret-service agent and supposed Zionist Mendel Kra
mer, who has been accompanying us since Jaffa—by order of the
Turkish government, it seems to me—and made them open the
gate for us.
• • •
He said neither yes nor no. Evidently a lot has been happening
behind the scenes. On the back of the draft copy that I returned
there was a pencilled note, “Tewfik Pasha, Grand Hotel.” I
made an inquiry as to whether this was the Foreign Minister. It
was.
Telegram to the Grand Duke:

To His Royal Highness, Friedrich, Grand Duke of Baden.
I feel impelled today to send Your Royal Highness, from the
Holy City, thanks from the bottom of my heart for all His kind
ness.
Respectfully,
Theodor Herd.
November 4. Jaffa
Following the audience, the day before yesterday, we drove to
the Marx house. A few people who had seen us leave and return
pushed their way in, pretending to be visitors. W ith an effort we
managed to dear the drawing-room. At half-past three I drove
in company with Wolffsohn, Bodenheimer, and the colonist
Broze to the beautifully situated, but still very, very poor colony
Mozah, where that stout-hearted young man started four or five
years ago to cultivate the unspeakably infertile soil. By now he
sees the fruits of his industry, he is already beginning to reap the
harvest. The drive along the picturesque mountain road from
Jerusalem to Mozah—somewhat reminiscent of the Pyrenees—
passed quickly for us while the colonist Broze told as about the
hardships of the initial period. Once, when the vines were be
ginning to sprout, deer came at night and ate off the shoots.
Thereafter he camped out with a rifle for three nights, although
there often are hyenas there, and didn't sleep a wink so as not to
be taken unawares by them.
Was ever a soil more heroically conquered?
At Mozah I planted a young cedar on Broze's holding, on the
sheltered slope which faces away from St. Jean. Wolffsohn
planted a little date-palm. A few Arabs helped as, besides the
colonists Broze and Katz.
We returned to Jerusalem in the dark of night.
So as not to have attention of any sort at our departure, I had
asked my friends not to pack until after night-fall. I got up at
two in the morning and packed my things.
We took the early train yesterday from Jerusalem to Jaffa. I
wanted to leave the city and the country without delay, and hur
THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HER7.L 759
ried to the harbor. I took a small boat and bad the boatmen row
me oat to a Lloyd steamer which was ready to sail. Not for us,
unfortunately. The ship was bound for Beirut. I was willing to
go along there and then back again by another Lloyd steamer,
anything to avoid staying here any longer. But it prosed to be
impracticable, because the ship already had steam up, our lug
gage was still at the railroad station, and connections back from
Beirut were «uncertain, too.
Besides the German battleships, the only other vessels lying
at anchor were another Beirut-bound boat belonging to a travel
agency, a Russian freighter which still had four days of cargo-
loading, a Turkish steamer for Constantinople, and the yacht of
Gordon Bennett of the New York Herald. 1 rowed up to all of
them, with the exception of the Turkish steamer which I avoided.
Nothing doing. A shipping agent told us that an English orange-
freighter would be sailing for Alexandria the next day (that is,
today). A ship of the Prince Line would not arrive until tomor
row.
So we were unfortunately obliged to spend the night in Jaffa,
where I was bothered by curiosity-seekers, friends and foes. In
particular, there was a certain Dr. Marie of Rishon who, I am
told, goes about saying that I wish to convert the Jews to Procès-
tannsm. that I am a tool of the English Mission among the Jews,
etc.
Hedbler, who has been here, occasioned these lies by his incau
tious remarks.
It should also be mentioned that Mr. Niego, the director of
Mitah Israel, expressly requested me not to pay a second visit
(here, which, at Mme. Niego’s urgent invitation. I had promised
to do pro forma [as a matter of courtesy]: the Turkish authori
ties, he aid. might take it amiss.
This is the effect of the chatter on the part of the Rothschild
officials, which I had foreseen right after the encounter at Mik-
teh.
My four Mends are discontented, because for the time being
we must not divulge anything about the audience.
• • •
I am writing to Gordon Bennett:*
Dear Sir,
Perhaps you know my name as that of the leader of the Zion
ist movement.
I had to speak with the Emperor at Jerusalem and came back
yesterday too late to Jaffa, so that there is no ship for me. I wish
to go to Alexandria.
Now I understand that your Yacht leaves this evening for
Alexandria. If that is so, have you a place for me and only one
of my four companions? In that way I could reach Alexandria
to-morrow evening, in time for the steamer to Naples, where I am
expected.
I should be very thankful to get your answer as soon as pos
sible. If you have no place for me, I must try some other combi
nation, and that is difficult in this place.
Believe me, Sir,
Yours obediently
Dt. Th. H.
• • •
I am also writing to Hechler not to have any more chats with
anyone here, on account of the tattling and the informers.
November 5, in the morning

At sea, between Jaffa and Alexandria, aboard the English
orange freighter “Dundee.”
Only now do I consider our expedition completed, and with
fairly good success.
In Palestine things had got too hot for me. If the Turkish
government had only a glimmer of political foresight, this time
* In Engliih in the original.
they would have had to put a stop to my game once and for all.
Ever since my arrival at Constantinople they have had an op
portunity to do this which may never return. All they would
have had to do was to expel me. O r they could have made even
shorter work of me by simply having me attacked and put out
of the way by gendarmes disguised as robbers.
But people's lack of understanding for my idea not only fre
quently does me harm, but also does me good. My plan is not
understood; that is why it is furthered so little—and impeded
so little.
The Turkish government allowed me to continue and com
plete my journey; and unless my suppositions deceive me, I am
a political factor by now.
One of the peculiarities about this journey is the fact that since
October 19 I have not known what has been happening in the
world. Newspapers are non-existent in these pans, telegrams take
four to five days, letters are delivered haphazardly—or not at all.
Thus we have no idea whether our expedition was so much as
noticed in the political world; and if so, what comment it has
evoked.
For a few days we heard talk of war-like entanglements be
tween France and England, but these improbabilities as well as
the story about a successful Napoleonic coup d'état were soon
denied again.
• • •
The last day in Jaffa was most disagreeable. All sorts of beg
gars and spies turned up. A very bad impression was made by the
Rothschild physician Mazie, who intruded upon us and who, we
learned, was making me out the tool of the English mission
among the Jews.
That is why yesterday morning—sans crier gare [without any
warning]—I went with Wolffsohn down to the harbor and had
ounclves rowed to the little English freighter “Dundee*' (of
only 350 tons); and when I saw that five persons could be ac
commodated. though but poorly, I booked the passages and sent
Wolffsohn ashore with instructions to fetch the whole party,
bag and baggage, within the hour.
I myself stayed right on the ship, out of reach of the Mendel
Kramers, Mazies, and all those people who, with good intentions
or bad, might have got me into trouble with the Turkish mis
govern ment—whether in order to save imperilled Jewry, eam
their thirty pieces of silver, or get into the good graces of Roths
child or some pasha.
Only aboard this cockle-shell of a boat, which would presum
ably be tossed high in a high sea, did I feel safe and regard my
renewed ride across Lake Constance as successful.
My companions, however, whom Wolffsohn brought aboard
the “Dundee” precisely within the hour, did not see things that
way. They considered the little boat too small for the passage to
Alexandria. Seidener and Bodenheimer in particular rebelled.
Schnirer maintained a sullen silence. Only Wolffsohn stood this
test, too, as he always does, and stuck by me through thick and
thin.
The gentlemen complained about my arbitrary action, re
proaching me for calling no previous discussion of this sudden
embarcation. I explained to them that there had been no time.
In bad weather it is impossible to get out of Jaffa harbor. One
can get neither aboard nor ashore. Since all the reports had pre
dicted an imminent storm and the skies were already overcast, I
had produced this fail accompli. Incidentally, an immediate
restoration of the status quo was still possible; why didn’t those
gentlemen who had no faith in the “Dundee” go ashore again.
Seidener thought that was no longer possible; he would not
be permitted to go ashore with his Russian passport. I offered
to accompany him and get him through, as at the first landing.
Then they hesitated. Finally I categorically insisted on the three
of them going ashore again, because I wouldn’t want any re
proaches en route if the weather turned bad. Thereupon—they
stayed, intending to spend only the night on the “Dundee” and
today transfer to a bigger ship that was expected.
Meanwhile, the captain speeded up the loading of the oranges
because he didn't want to lose these passengers. T he sea was
smooth at sunset, and when the three mutineers were for the last
time faced with the question of whether to go along or stay be
hind, they—went along.
But we have had a rough passage so far. T he “Dundee" rolled
and pitched like mad. We couldn’t stay in the cabins because of
the stifling heat. All five of us had our mattresses put on the
deck and once again slept, or lay awake, à la belle étoile [under
the open sky]. Seidener and Bodenheimer became sea-sick even
during the night. Now, in the forenoon, my good Wolffsohn feels
sick also.
Schnirer and I are still in good shape.
And in spite of this bad passage I feel fine when I consider
that this venture of a Pretender's journey to Palestine has, up to
now, come off successfully.
November 8, on the high seas,

bound for Naples
Aboard the “Regina Margherita.”
We are heading north, homeward. Wonderful Egypt was full
of the most joyful surprises for me. There one can see what in
dustry and energy can make even out of a hot country. Even
though we don’t have the Nile mud in Palestine, the soil does
offer a thousand possibilities which sensible management can
bring out.
• • •
The Khedive Ismail had an excellent idea for the creation of

new city districts. Whoever pledged himself to build a house in
the value of 50,000 francs within a certain time received a piece
of land gratis. This could be imitated and even improved. Parts
of the city could be constructed according to a master plan.
Architectonic collective effects, as on the Place de la Concorde,
Similarly with the elimination of swamps. Anyone who pledges
himself to drain a piece of land, gets it as his property and is
exempted from taxes for several years.
• • •
On the "Regina Margherita" there is a Franciscan priest who

was also our fellow passenger on the "Dundee.”
When we met again in Alexandria yesterday we greeted one
another affably. This morning I got to talking with him. He is
the prior of the Franciscans of Tiberias. An amiable, intelligent
man. He had a cursory acquaintance with the Zionist movement.
In my presentation it made perfect sense to him. Particularly my
idea of cleaning up all of the old Jerusalem, barring daily traffic
from it, and making out of it, so to speak, a sacred jewel in a
rich setting. In Rome he will introduce me to the head of the
Franciscan order, Lauer.
November 9, at sea
A letter to the Grand Duke, one about which I have been
ruminating since Jerusalem, is to give a push to our cause,
which is certainly at a standstill and may have been upset. For
the past two or three weeks we have been cut off from all news.
The French and English newspapers which, much delayed, wc
were able to get hold of in Egypt did not contain a word about
us. Neither did the dispatches of the telegraphic news agencies.
From Alexandria I wired my father, asking whether the Jeru
salem audience was already known, and received the cabled re
sponse: "Audience known.”
Now we are heading for Naples, full of excited anticipation.
My companions were afraid that the whole audience would have
to remain a secret.
However, I had determined to make the fact, if not the sub
stance, of the audience public. Since they were seasick between
Jaffa and Alexandria, I did not tell them about it until Cairo. It
suits me better that the audience has become known even with
out our action. Th is way my dispatch to the Welt gets merel
the character of an official confirmation and not of a revelation
November g, lying in my cabin

(Dated November 18, ’98)
Letter to the Grand Duke:
Assuming a continued interest in our cause on the part o
Your Royal Highness, upon my return I am permitting mysel
to report to you most respectfully about the events of the Pales
tine journey.
On the second of November, following the reception by HL
Majesty the Kaiser of the Zionist delegation, I took the liberty
of telegraphing my most humble thanks for all the kindness and
encouragement I have received from Your Royal Highness.
A positive result in the sense of his Imperial Majesty formal))
assuming the protectorate requested by the delegation has not
been achieved. When I had my first audience— in Constantinople
— I believed, it is true, that such a result might come about on
the occasion of the public gesture in Jerusalem. For His Majesty
was very favorably inclined toward the Zionist idea— something
that we evidently owe to the gracious intercession of Your Royal
Highness. It was stipulated that I should submit the draft of my
Address prior to the formal reception. This I did, and the draft
was approved with a few cuts. I take the liberty of sending Your
Royal Highness herewith the Address I made in Jerusalem, and
beg most humbly that the manuscript be returned sometime.
However, between the private audience in Constantinople and
the reception of the deputation in Jerusalem, difficulties seem to
have arisen. I don't know anything further about this as yet and
only draw this conclusion from the fact that His Majesty did not
mention the protectorate over the land-company in his response.
The establishment of a land-company after the pattern of the
Chartered Company* or the East India Company seemed at the
• In Engliah In the oriflmL
moment to be the very thing that could be obtained from the
Sultan without arousing too much ill feeling among the other
Powers.
I am still of the opinion that under the present circumstances
no effective objection may be expected particularly from France,
the power which claims to have a protectorate over this part of
the Orient. The Fashoda incident was confirmation of this view.
The present Republican government must quietly acquiesce
in any fait accompli that is not a downright insult.
Since His Majesty was gracious enough to remark that “the
matter requires even more detailed study and further discus
sion/' 1 shall probably soon learn the nature of the difficulties
that have arisen.
Unless my interpretation of the most recent events is an er
roneous one, it was only external difficulties and not a change
of mind on the part of His Majesty that have for the time being
postponed the declaration of a German protectorate which we
expected. 1 am mindful of the wise words Your Royal Highness
spoke at Mainau: that in such world-historic matters each in
dividual step requires great patience. And perhaps 1 am not
wrong in regarding even the undeclared protectorate as one
virtually existing; at least until such time as I am expressly in
formed of the contrary. The fidelity and caution which this im
poses upon me I shall observe and maintain.
But even if German policy had to turn away from our cause,
1 shall owe an everlasting debt of gratitude to Your Royal High
ness for the moral support of my endeavors which cannot be un
just if such a high-minded prince approves of them.
1 wish the conferences which I svas privileged to have with
Your Royal Higness and about which 1 am most dutifully keep
ing silent were known to the world.
This infinitely noble and simple way of performing a ruler's
functions would surely touch most people and make some others
deeply ashamed. T o me they have been unforgettable moments
which have compensated me for many struggles and sorrows in
my difficult task. And I shall also remain forever grateful for
being given the opportunity of becoming acquainted with the
sunny personality of the Kaiser.
With the most profound respect, I remain
Your Royal Highness' very obedient servant,
Dr. T h . H.
Karl-Ludwigstr. 50, Wâhring, Vienna.
November 15, on the train

between Conegliano and Udine
Since we left the "Regina Margherita” in Naples there have
been days of depression. At Naples we got the first news from
Europe. T ill then we had been cut off from the world.
The German news-agency has issued a colorless, odorless des
patch about our audience: a Jewish deputation had been re
ceived by the Kaiser, in Palestine.
"Received after going to press.
Jerusalem, November 2. Kaiser W ilhelm has received a Jew
ish deputation, which presented him an album of pictures of the
Jewish colonies established in Palestine. Replying to an address
by the leader of the deputation, Kaiser Wilhelm said that all
those endeavors were assured of his benevolent interest that aimed
at the improvement of agriculture in Palestine, thus furthering
the welfare of the Turkish Empire, with complete respect for
the sovereignty of the Sultan."
This is apparently from the pen of the ungracious legation
Councillor Klement or Kemeth, unless it is Billow's handiwork.
My traveling companions were depressed, most of all Boden-
heimer. Even the faithful Wolffsohn faltered.
Je leur remontais le moral [I raised their morale again]: 1
would not fail to arrange for the publication of a version suitable
tous.
And I also said to them: You see, this is why I am the leader.
Time and again I prove my title to this position. I am neither
ananer nor better than any one of you. But I remain undaunted,
and that is why I deserve to be the leader. In darker moments
than this one I have not lost courage— in fact, I have made even
greater sacrifices.
• • •
The planned trip to Rome also had to be cancelled. In Naples
there was news from Newlinski waiting for me: he had fallen
seriously ill and could not travel.
I think this is just an excuse. Either he does not have the con
nections in Rome which he pretended to have, or he quite sim
ply wants to pocket the two thousand guilders which I had paid
out to him.
Still, I am not angry at him, even if it should turn out that be
has always lied to me. Actually, his lies supplied me hints for ac
tion. For the things that I guessed as correct I at least had in him
a collaborator to whom I could refer. That is why, as a precau
tion, I never checked on his statements too closely.
Since the main reason I wanted to send him to Rome was to
prevent him from possibly intruding on me in Constantinople
where he would have been in my way, I wasn’t too bothered by
the disrupted plans for Rome. There would even have been cer
tain inconvénients [inconveniences] on account of the Grand
Duke, who might have regarded it as duplicity on my part. It is
true that in Palestine Germany did not keep its promises to me;
and the lower functionaries even shamefully twisted and dis
torted the Raiser’s actual words at Jerusalem, which were al
ready greatly toned down. But I always want to be irreproachable
in my conduct.
At any rate, now I must send the Grand Duke a letter different
from the one drafted earlier. T h e Kaiser will not be in Berlin
before the end of November. So I have time to get information
in Vienna, also to speak with Eulenburg, before writing the
Grand Duke.
• • •
The fact that the Raiser did not assume the protectorate in
Jerusalem is, of course, an advantage for the future development
of our cause.
My companions, it is true, wore quite disappointed. For the
protectorate would have been a clear immediate benefit. But not
so in the long run. We would subsequently have had to pay the
most usurious interest for this protectorate. It would only have
been much more convenient, and Bodenheimer would have re
turned to Cologne a made man, which, to be sure, is not now the
case. And since he proved to be rather unmanageable on the trip,
I shall in future doucement écarter [gently sidetrack] him.
• • •
Schnirer and Seidener returned home directly from Naples.
I parted from Wolfbohn and the slightly ill Bodenheimer at
Rome.
November 18, Vienna

Insen for the revised letter to the Grand Duke, which I have
now sent off after all via Cologne-Wolffsohn, omitting certain
passages:
I wish the conferences, etc. etc.
November 18, Vienna

Home again.
The Inner Actions Committee gave me a tempestuous wel
come. But they haven't done very much during my absence.
Colonel Eus said that after the dispatch from the German news-
agency they had all been crushed.
Now they want to put on a monster party in my honor at the
SofiensaaL This I firmly refused.
They tried to get into the elections of the local Jewish Com
munity, but gave it up due to the complete lack of organisation
and prospects.
• • •
At the Seue Freie Prase they only smiled, not laughed any
more, when I returned. A few of them even smiled enviously.
770 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZJL
Benedikt made a sweet-and-sour face and asked what the Kaiser
had said about Austria.
Nothingl I answered. Bâcher was very amiable. On his table,
to his shame and embarrassment, there was a copy of Lhe Welt
which he didn’t have a chance to hide. He, too, quizzed me; he,
too, got only vague answers. I said 1 would enlighten him only
after the Neue Frété Presse had published its first Zionist article.
But after that we did get into a dispute about Zionism, with a
pleasant ending.
• • •
Yesterday I went to see Newlinski, who really is gravely ill

and moriturus [moribund]. He had reports from Constantinople.
The Kaiser is said to have told the Sultan: "T h e Zionists are not
dangerous to Turkey; but everywhere the Jews arc a nuisance
which we should like to get rid of." T o which the Sultan re
portedly replied, in his usual manner, that he was quite satisfied
with his Jewish subjects. The Empress, for her part, is reported
to have said that the journey was going to be very nice; the only
disagreeable thing was that she would have to see so many Jews.
More gossip from Constantinople: Nuri Bey is hostile to us
because he hasn’t received any baksheesh yet, but an investiga
tion is pending against him for having taken bribes for assigning
consular posts. The ambassador at Berlin, Ahmed Tcwfik, is
also against us. In Turkey there now is a feeling of disappoint
ment over the Kaiser’s journey which ran up i G millions in ex
penses and was not able to prevent the loss of Crete.
On the Roman side, Newlinski relates that he has spoken with
Tamassi in Munich and with Nuncio Taliani in Vienna, and
has also had letters from Agliardi. The sentiment, he says, is
divided. We should, in any case, attempt something in Rome.
Then came Kozmian, Badeni's friend, a bit toned-down and
depressed. He spoke about Zionism, saw many difficulties in the
question of the Holy Places, and does not quite believe in the
implementation.
December 1, Vienna
Since 1 have had no sign of life from Ambassador Eulenburg,
whom 1 informed of ray reium , I am today writing to August
Eulenburg at Berlin :
Your Excellency:
1 have the most humble honor to send a book and a newspaper
article for His Majesty the Raiser.
The book (The Palais Bourbon) is being sent under separate
cover. His Majesty gave me permission at Constantinople to
present it to him. T h e enclosed article is likewise connected with
the audience in that city. In it are reproduced remarks w'hich
His Majesty was pleased to make to me. Naturally, in the news
paper 1 did not permit myself to make the slightest allusion to
the exalted origin of these observations.
Thanking Your Excellency in advance for your good offices
and begging you to accept the expression of my deepest respect,
I remain
Your obedient servant,
D r.T h .H .
December 6, Vienna
Since the lack of news had become alarming, the day before
yesterday 1 sent my good Hechler, who is back from Palestine, to
Karlsruhe to see the Grand Duke. If there was nothing wrong,
he was to wire me: “ Uncle's condition fine," possibly “splendid.”
This evening his telegram came: “ Uncle splendid, grandson
(probably supposed to be “nephew") very well-behaved. Hech
ler."
So I hope that nothing has come 'twixt the cup and the lip.*
But why the long silence, especially Eulenburg's? A sort of
waiting in ante-rooms.
• • •
'Tnrulator'a Note: Henl'» phraie, Zm’ù ehen Lipp' u n d K tk h e tr m d , It from

Filedrich Kind*» poem K d n lg A n k â o t (i8o>).
Today the news from Paris, via Marmorek, that Nordau is
ready to go to London with Wolffsohn, negotiate with the
I. C. A., and call on Salisbury to whom he has access.
I had a wired reply sent, saying that this was welcome, but that
for the time being he must not divulge the result of his confer
ence with Salisbury to anyone but us.
• • •
The language of the anti-Zionist Jewish press, especially Jewish

Chronicle and Bloch’s Wochenschrift, has recently surpassed
everything previous in vileness. I cannot answer, so as not to get
into the dirtiest scuffle.
December 9, Vienna
Received a very fine letter from the Grand Duke, dated the
5th of the month.
Hechler's telegraphic bulletin is confirmed, then.
Yesterday I read the Grand Duke’s letter to the A. C. Schnirer
said half-heartedly: “The letter contains nothing posime.” I
explained our present situation to the gentlemen as follows:
Everything depends on the results of the Bank Committee
which meets in London today. According to a confidential report
from our Bank secretary Loewe, a few days ago a meeting took
place at Lord Rothschild’s which was attended by S. Montagu,
F. Moccatta, Dr. Adler, and others. They were supposed to issue
a manifesto against our Bank. Rothschild could not make up his
mind to sign Adler's draft. If such a manifesto is issued, we must
of course fight. Our Bank will be at stake, the whole thing will
turn into a press fight, war against the big bankers.
Should Wolffsohn succeed in getting Messieurs Sassoon, Monte-
fiore, and Seligman on our side— and I would unhesitatingly
turn the direction of our Bank over to them, because we have
no financial ambitions and only need the facility for political
purposes— we shall immediately march as power against power.
With the banking facility, everything can be done in Turkey.
I shall send Wolffsohn 10 Constantinople to grease the palms of
the pashas. Then I shall go to the Kaiser and ask him for an
introduction to the Czar. Th is is why the Kaiser’s good will is
something wholly positive. Actually, the confidence of the two
princes of Baden and Prussia is Le plus clair de notre avoir actuel
[the most obvious of our present assets].
• • •
From ParisWolffsohn repons unsuccessful negotiations with
Edmond Rothschild, etc. Narcisse Lev en, as president of the
LCA. and the Alliance, made the statement— in front of wit-
nesses, I hope; Wolffsohn didn’t say— that they don’t know what
to do with their millions, but that these millions will be at our
disposal as soon aswe achieve something positive.
• • •
Today Wolffsohn wired from London that the work is proceed

ing well. I am skeptical, however.
December 13, Vienna

Wolffsohn telegraphs that everything has been successfully
completed. But I don't believe it, since I miss the names of well-
known bankers.
December 14
Hechler was here yesterday. T h e Grand Duke spoke to him
as affably as he had written me. T h e main difficulty lies in the
diverse nationalities of the Jews; too many of them are under the
protection of French citizenship.
• • •
Yesterday Benedikt brought Municipal Councilor Stem to my

room, introducing him to me as president of the Federation of
Communities (of 100 Austrian Jewish communities).
I said: “The organization is all right with me. What arc you
planning to do?"
Stern (without self-irony): "We shall rent an office."
I said: “A good thing that you created this organization—
for us. Your office will be occupied by us Zionists."
December 15, Vienna

My most humble thanks for the most gracious holograph letter
of the 5th of this month.
That the present condition of the Jews in Jerusalem— un
fortunately, elsewhere as well— could not make a favorable im
pression on His Majesty the Kaiser I had to assume in advance.
But precisely these conditions and our ardent desire to change
them are the main reasons for the existence of the Zionist move
ment. Incidentally, if His Imperial Majesty had inspected the
agricultural colonies already established in the Holy I^tnd, he
would have been able to observe what a beneficial change, in
a physical as well as a moral sense, the new way of life to which
we wish to introduce our masses has produced among the people.
We regard changing the standard of living not as the goal,
but only as a means toward the improvement of our people. If we
succeed in providing for our unfortunate brethren the oppor
tunity for productive work on the historic soil— for which they
have the desire, as has been proved irrefutably by many facts—
this will at the same time give us sufficient authority to accom
plish other things as well.
It is a great comfort to me to learn from Your Royal Highness
that my most humble address in Jerusalem has not met with
disfavor, and that we may now as before count on a benevolent
interest. It appears that difficulties are seen in the different citi
zenship of the Jews who are already settled in Palestine or are
to be settled there in the future. But may I in all modesty point
oat that the assumption of a protectorate on the part of Germany
would soon prodace a change in this situation. Since at present
vinually all the threads converge in my hands, 1 can assure you
that this difficulty can be removed. Even the settlements of the
Alliance Israélite, which has hitherto been under French influ
ence, would, 1 deflnitely Enow, subordinate themselves without
delay to the community as soon as it has come into being. The
question is only how the German protectorate may be established
without smoke and fire. For 1 understand full well that Germany
cannot and will not enter into incalculable entanglements for
die sake of our idea, no matter how universally humanitarian
it may be.
However, we are in a position to propose a, so-to-speak, inooo-
iptnious method by which the immigration of the Jews can be
curied out under German protection gradually and steadily,
and to which do valid objections could be if things are han
dled cautiously.
This is the creation o f the Jewish Land-Company for Syria
and Palestine, which 1 mentioned in my Jerusalem address, with
die provision that it have its seat in Germany. Such a Land-com-
pciy has a civil-law character. Any secret agreements between
the German government and the leaders of our movement must
not, of course, leak out. A ll that would be asked of the Turkish
government would be to rescind the immigration prohibition.
The lauer is untenable anyway, because, as Your Royal High
ness probably knows, only in recent weeks various representatives
in Constantinople, especially the English one. have remonstrated
against it.
At any rate, we shall establish the Jewish Land-Company in
the near future, because we absolutely need this facility for
future development. However, up to now I have intentionally
treated the mattet dilatorily, because even in its embryonic
«ages the future protective relationship of the land-company
must be determined.
To avoid getting tedious, I shall give at this point the coo-
elusion of various trains of thought— the question is: shall we
Obtain German or English protection? T h e protectorate of any
other power is at present out of the question.
Today our movement is oriented toward the German pro
tectorate. Since I have had the good fortune to be allowed to
approach Your Royal Highness, it has been my constant thought
— one toward which I naturally was inclined by my education
and my capacity as a German man of letters— that we ought to
exert every effort to acquire the protection of the German Em
pire and of German Law. The tendency of German policy, grown
recognizable recently, to get a foothold even farther East; the re
ligious and political interest on the part of His Majesty the Kaiser
in the land of our fathers; the noteworthy actuality that German
influence in Turkey has become the predominant one— all this
has lent force, within our movement, to the viewpoint which I
represent, in contrast to those which present English protection
as desirable. The question presses for a decision in the near fu
ture.
Now, I do believe that even in the event that we establish a
land-company, under civil law, with its seat in England, this
need not exclude the possibility of having the established settle
ment placed under German protection, under international law,
at a later date— perhaps a sort of German-English co-protectorate;
but who can foresee what complications and difficulties might
then arise. The whole thing would hover between two, and pos
sibly several, powers.
At Jerusalem His Majesty deigned to tell me that our plan
required further discussion. I now await commands.
During the Christmas holidays I could get away from here for
a few days and go to Karlsruhe as well as Berlin in order to be
come acquainted with any decision.
I do not venture to ask Your Royal Highness again to take
the trouble of a written reply. A brief notification by wire to
say that Your Royal Highness has been pleased to transmit my
present letter to His Majesty, would please me greatly.
I shall understand what is meant if the wire simply reads:
“Letter sect to Berlin. Como Christmas to Karlsruhe, to Berlin."
And signed merely with Your Royal Highness* Christian name.
With the expression of my most sincere veneration and deep
en gratitude, I remain
Your Royal Highness* very obedient servant,

Dr. T b . H.
December to
The founding of the Bank drags forward, with an effort and
under ridiculous difficulties. Wolffsohn informs me that he has
completed the formalities.
December to
Yesterday a loog conversation with Eulenburg at the German
Embassy. I explained to him the dilemma whether to establish
the land-company under German or English auspices, as I had
dooe in my letter to the Grand Duke.
He, for his part, confirmed the ill-humor of the Kaiser— who
sud very friendly things about me to Eulenburg, too— over the
Jews of Jerusalem. So there too, said the Kaiser, the Jews flock
to the big dty. I pointed to the colonies. Eulenburg said that this
made a big difference, and accordingly the KaiscT had made a
mistake. He, Eulenburg, said he liked the idea of chartering the
hod company in Berlin.
He abo spoke to me in absolute confidence about the current
situation. He called the attitude of the N eue Frcic Presse ex
cellent. He told roe about his conversation with our Emperor
ia the Thun affair (the threat that Prime Minister Thun had
uttered in the Reichsrat, on account of the expulsions from
Pnwia). Eulenburg told the Emperor that Thun's language was
alarming and that Austria’s domestic policy could not in the long
ran be in logical contradiction to its foreign policy. However,
our Emperor allayed his fears in the kindliest manner; and this
had greatly touched him, because be tenderly venerates the Em
peror. But Eulenburg was still afraid that the old gentleman's
daily surroundings, the continued influence, might sway him in
the opposite direction. Thun, he said, has Russian sympathies,
and, indeed, the Emperor's recent visit to the Russian Embassy
for the birthday celebration of the Czar had been counter to all
usage.
Since Eulenburg had given me this information in confidence,
but for the benefit of the Neue Freie Presse, I told it to Bâcher
and Benedikt, who pricked up their ears and were obviously
pleased about getting this opportunity for information through
me. A quelque chose malheur (Zionism) est bon [A misfortune
(Zionism) is good for something].
• • •
I had also told Eulenburg how well I had liked the Kaiser. This
pleased him greatly. I remarked that many unofficial press er
rors have been made; otherwise the people and the world would
have to have a more correct conception of this amiable and great
man. Eulenburg agreed with me about this. He repeatedly ex
pressed his gratification at our having this mutual relationship,
and invited me to visit him often.
However, I intend to make only very sparing use of this invi
tation.
December «
Received the following wire from the good Grand Duke:
“Your letter sent to Berlin. Until answer from there, can hold
out no promise of conference.
Friedrich."
December *3
The question occurs to me whether the "unpleasant impres
sion which the Jerusalem Jews made on the Kaiser” is not merely
German statesmanship's way of backing out of the protectorate.
Perhaps influences— today still unknown to me— have come up
is opposition to the plan, and in order not to be considered
weak or vacillating, the German statesmen give this pretext.
December *4
Nordau sent me an utterly incredible essay, which he wrote
for the "Achiasaf* calendar, for publication in the Welt. In it
be propounds the view that the conversations about Zionism be
tween its leaders and statesmen, e tc, had no more significance
than discussions about the latest comedy or the last Derby race—
is long as the Zionists were not everywhere bound together in
tight organizations in whose name the leaders spoke.
This is basically incorrect, because we can proceed only by the
method of negotiorum gestio and ratihabitic, and not by the im
practical method of the mandate, which presumably is nowhere
auctioned by law. Added to this is the fact that today this ar
ticle—which was written last June, to be sure—-could almost be
taken as being against my conversations with the Raiser.
1 answered him that if I, as president of the Congress and the
leader recognized by all Zionists—-without bragging— speak with
salesmen, I cannot be considered a private person chatting about
the subjects of the salons. Also, it cannot be regarded as levity
or a crime if I speak in the name of the Jewish people—I can
refer to Nordau himself as my chief witness, because after the
Fir# Congress be wrote me: Consider yourself as the govern
ment!
December *6
No news from Berlin. T h is means snow and Billow!
December <9
In yesterday's Nette Frété Presse there was a* Berlin dispatch,
evidently from an unofficial source. I asked Bâcher: from whom?
He told me: “Steinbach is in Berlin and has talked to Biilow."
I am certain that Biilow also spoke about me and that Stein
bach made some tepid answer disparaging me. Steinbach is an
“anti-Zionist" and probably said I was a charming writer of
feuilletons, but that no one took me seriously as a politician.—
As il I had been present.
This is the curse of weakness. Just one lousy million for a
newspaper— and everything would be different.
December 29
The condition of our cause is now a desperate one; I can't
deceive myself on that score.
After the great success of the Palestine journey, the insuffi
ciency of our banking people and financial forces is an absolute
catastrophe.
Our Bank secretary Loewe is blowing the emergency whistle,
saying he will soon be without money to defray the day-to-day
expenses.
Wolffsohn arrives here today. I must have a serious talk with
him. The others cannot do anything whatever, and I fear he is
not the right man either.
• • •
i 899
January s, Vienna
Yesterday I sent the Grand Duke the following telegram: “I

have the profound honor to send Your Royal Highness most
respectful best wishes for the New Year.
Dr. Th. H."
• • •
T o which I received the following reply today:
I am very grateful for your kind wishes and return them most
warmly. Friedrich, Grand Duke of Baden.
I ought to have telegraphed the Kaiser, too.
January 2
Wolffsohn was here for a few days. I l m 'a un p eu rem is du
coeur au v e n tre [He put some heart into me] in regard to the
Bank.
After all, I subscribed ^ 500. for the guarantee fund, and this
may be lost.
January 11/99
I am taking the liberty to draw your attention most humbly to
the enclosed editorial from the W e lt. T o the extent of my
knowledge of conditions in France, I think I may say that the
appointment of M. Constans as ambassador at Constantinople is
a direct answer to His Majesty the Kaiser's journey to the Orient
and can only have the purpose of undermining German influence
in Turkey. What path this man, at the same time the craftiest and
the most brutal of French politicians, will take, cannot, of course,
even be foreseen. Only one thing can be said with certainty:
If the disreputable Constans is pulled out of his well-deserved
oblivion, and if this is done by a ministry which includes
M. Constatas* adversary Freycinet, who has been deeply wounded
by the Panama affair, they are planning something that requires
a man who is capable of anything. Constans will within a short
time be the center of all endeavors directed against German in
fluence in Constantinople.
To be sure, I have reason to fear that my most humble remon
strances in Berlin are not being heeded at the present time, since
the letter which Your Royal Highness sent to Berlin has not been
attended to. Nevertheless, I should like to draw attention to this
new turn of affairs if only because the work that Constans will
without any doubt do at the Sultan's court is likely to demon-
itrate soon that my modest warnings have not been wholly un
justified.
W ith the expression of my deepest respect, I remain
Your Royal Highness’ grateful servant
Dr. T b.H .
Sent olf via Cologne on Jan. 11, *99.
January 16
Everything bogged down. Something has to happen. I have
decided to request an audience with the Czar via Bertha von
Suttner.
Letter to Bertha von Suttner:

Vienna, Jan. i G, *99
My dear Baroness:
Today 1 come to you with a request which means a great deal
tome.
Here, in a few words, is the story.
It would be of the greatest importance for the Zionist move
ment if I informed the Czar about the purposes and aims of the
movement I would have to discuss it with him in person in
order to win him over to the cause, as I succeeded in doing with
the German Kaiser. Therefore I should like to have an audience
with him, and my magnanimous and greatly admired friend
Bertha von Suttner is to help me toward that end. Count Mura
viev is said to have expressed himself favorably about our cause.
You have contact with him, and my request is that you write
him a fine letter telling him who I am and what I want the re
quested audience for.
Although I feel that you are benevolently disposed toward me,
I would certainly not trouble you for the sake of my humble per
son; but it is a matter of the cause on which, after all, you your
self have bestowed your interest. Mettez, de grâce, tout votre
esprit et tout votre coeur dans cette lettre [Please put all your
xml and all your heart into this letter], then success will be as
sured.
The following points, among others, ought to be stressed.
Zionism aims at creating a legally safeguarded home for the
Jewish people. For Russia this cause, which I believe to be a
humanitarian one, is also politically valuable for several reasons.
In Russia the Jewish Question poses an unsolved and very em
barrassing problem. T h e G o r, whom all of us have recently come
to recognize as a great heart, cannot possibly refuse to support
a peaceful, humanly benevolent solution. This would end once
md for all the persecutions of the Jews, which break out in R us
ai from time to time and at the same time are in the nature
of serious disturbances of the general peace. By no means all
Jews would emigrate from Russia—no more than they would
from other countries—, b u t only a surplus• of proletarians and
desperate ones who, supported by their wealthy fellow Jews,
would be able to establish a new, permanent home for themselves
md at the same time substantially increase the cultural resources
of civilization in the O rient. Furthermore, the weakening of the
revolutionary parties would go hand in hand with ibis augmenta-
don of culture and order. Particular emphasis should be given
to the fact that we are everywhere engaged in battle with the
rmludouaries and are actually turning the young students as
well as the Jewish workingmen away from Socialism and Nihil-
ira by unfolding before them a purer national ideal. These ef
fects of our endeavor* will be observable in Russia, too. All of
the desperate Jew* would have to become anarchists if Zionism
did not draw them under its influence.
It will certainly be possible to solve the problem of the Holy
Places through extraterritorialization by agreement among the
powers. In the reorganization of conditions, religious interests
eu be safeguarded much better than in the present state of
sffilrs, which surely Is not satisfactory to the feelings of Christen-
don.
*IaEagJM la (hr original _
All this I might be able to explain well to the Czar de vive
voix [by word of mouth]. T h at I am worthy of an audience, as
it were, is certainly borne out by the fact that the German Kaiser
has granted me two major conferences. By taking an interest in
this cause the Czar will add a new leaf to his wreath of glory
as one of the greatest princes of peace of all time. Please tell him
also that, to the extent that it has Iain in my feeble powers as a
journalist, I have gladly devoted myself to serving the cause of
peace.
In short, madame et grande amie [madam and noble friend],
say everything that your heart and your mind prompt you to say.
For you will bind many human beings, and particularly your
obedient servant, to everlasting gratitude if you procure this
audience for me. Naturally I am ready to appear before the
Czar at any time and at any place, but the sooner the better.
Present the matter to Count Muraviev as quite urgent, and as
sure him that I shall remain grateful to him, too, for his inter
vention. A pen is not worth much, to be sure; but one that has
never been set in motion for anything unclean may under certain
circumstances be something not to be entirely dismissed.
Since we would like to use the Peace Conference for a Zionist
demonstration as well, it would be of the greatest importance if
the audience were granted in advance, immediately if possible.
Gratify me with a prompt reply, and believe in the sincere
admiration of
Yours very faithfully,
T h . H.
Postscript:
It might not be without interest to point out that news of the
Czar’s peace manifesto happened to break during the Basel Con
gress, and that the Congress responded to the telegraphic news
by immediately passing an enthusiastic resolution of concurrence,
the first such resolution to come from a representative body.
February 6
Dined yesterday with the Sutwers. The Baroness told me that
two days ago she was in the company of Kapnist, the ambassador.
He told her he had received a letter from Count Muraviev say
ing that the requested audience was out of the question now,
although the motives of our movement were looked upon benevo
lently.
February 6
From the ajth to the 19th the full Actions Committee met here,
and Nordau was here. T here are protocols of this. The statutes
and prospectuses of the Bank were hauled about in idle talk and
finally accepted without major changes.
I said that the decisive battle was over the Bank subscription.
Nordau of a different opinion. T he thing is this: I am concerned
with migration and building, he is satisfied simply with polemics
and demonstrations.
Nordau’s big Vienna speech—which he also repeated verbatim
in Berlin and Cologne—was inept, injudicious, incorrect. Many
of the things I have built up by assiduous, patient work he reck-
lesdy destroyed. He was interesting as always, but didn’t do any
good. His success was a persona] one: the cause he harmed. He
made quite uncalled-for advances to Socialism, exposed all our
weaknesses, told about our helplessness, etc. I was very dissatis
fied and didn't conceal it from him either.
February 8
Went to see Nuncio Tagliani yesterday.
He gave me a very friendly reception, saying he personally
n s not unfavorably inclined toward the matter. Il est très rond
et parait très fort [He is very plum p and seems very vigorous].
One of those fat men who have hair on their chest. He said I
ought to send Newlinski to Rome, for he has the best connections
there. Incidentally, the Holy See had always been well disposed
toward the Jews. If they were locked up in the ghetto, it was only
to protea them from the mob.
"There have also been interruptions in this benevolent tradi
tion,” I remarked.
February 11
Days of despondency. T h e tempo of the movement is slowing
down. T he catchwords are wearing out. T h e ideas are becoming
subjects for declamation, and the declamation is losing its edge.
I now face the Bank subscription with trepidation. Wolffsohn
reports that no serious bank wants to act as the agent of sub
scription. Kann has the peculiar idea of nam ing the Cook Trawl
Bureau as the subscription headquarters. T h is I veto.
Hechler wants to go to Karlsruhe again. T h e Grand Duke
wired in response to his inquiry that he could come. I am giving
him instructions.
February *i
Hechler has been to Karlsruhe. T h e G rand Duke asked him
to invite me to come and sent me a telegram setting the audience
for the 27th of the month, at ten in the morning.
On Sunday I presented the question to the A. C : Should 1
ask the Grand Duke to assume the protectorate over the land-
company? Kokesch is in London, Schnirer was not at the meeting
Marmorek, Kahn, and Kremenetzky were unanimously in favor
of my offering the protectorate to the G rand Duke. I said: After
all, the Congress can later disavow me if it does not approve of
it. I must always reckon with future ingratitude. Right now our
situation is so desperate that without G erm an aid we shall be
stuck in the mud.
• • •'
Hechler says that the idea of collaborating with England in
our project struck the Grand Duke favorably.
On Monday I shall exert every effort to get the Grand Duke
to telegraph the Kaiser and secure an audience for me. From the
Kaiser I shall request an introduction to the Czar. I am ordering
Wolffsohn and Kann to Karlsruhe.
February 28. On the Orient Express,

on the way back from Karlsruhe
The evening before yesterday I arrived at Karlsruhe. Almost
at the same minute Wolffsohn and Kann arrived on the train
from Cologne. We met on the platform. A kind of Rûtli meet-
ing* of the Jewish Colonial Bank. We then discussed late into
the night what was to be done. They anticipated the subscription
ai a désastre [disaster]. U p to now we have not managed to secure
even one proper bank as a subscription agent. A first-class boy
cott on the pare of Jewish high finance.
We agreed that unleu help came to us from the Kaiser or the
Grand Duke, we would be in hot water. I explained to the gentle
men my intention of asking the Grand Duke to persuade the
Kaiser by telegram to receive me. Wolffsohn and Kann had en
route agreed on what they should demand from me, scil. what I
ihould demand of the princes. T h eir demand: T he Deutsche
Bank at Berlin should be appointed to act as a subscription
agency.
• • •
Yesterday morning, at ten o’clock sharp, I drove up in front of

the castle, in a small-town gala coach w hkh is presumably used
for weddings.
Once again I passed through the proud entrance hall into the
green ante-chamber wbcTe, three years ago, the flags of 1870 in
their leather casings had so stupefied me. By now 1 was more
used to such sights, nor did I have any more palpitation when an
*Traalatorh Noir: A reference to the KfitB or CrOtH. 1 oodow ia the L'ri
m a . Swinertand. where, according to the Wilhelm Tell icgrnd. irptocnadw
at Urf, Sdnryx. and Unterwaldca met in 1907 10 rwcar the ROtU Oath. 00 whkh
M abad caw i founded.
78S THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZL
officer in court dress asked me to step from ihc green wailing
room into the red salon.
Ten minutes later the good Grand Duke opened the door.
March 4, Vienna
The Orient Express had rattling carriages this time, my foun
tain pen was bad, and so I was not able to jot down the report
en roule. At home, however, I first had to take care of the every
day affairs and revise the letters to the Grand Duke and the
Kaiser, which finally went off yesterday after hard work.
This way the first freshness of the notes is lost.
The good Grand Duke, then, opened the door of his study
where I had been three years ago. He greeted me in his cordial,
gentle manner, and invited me to sit down opposite him, at
the desk.
I gave him a report and submitted my new plan involving his
undertaking the protectorate over the land company.
The idea seemed to make a favorable impression on him; in
fact, he even indicated his inclination in no uncertain terms.
However, the Kaiser would have to give his consent. He recom
mended that I discuss the matter with Finance Minister Miquel
in Berlin. After all, it would be indispensable for the project
that we enjoy the protection of the Prussian monarchy. In Prus
sia they would not like the idea of one of the federal states hav
ing such major financial undertakings. He could give me many
an instance of this—for example, the trouble they were making
over the permission for the Baden lottery. $0, to sum up, I
ought to speak with Miquel. I also divined the feeling of the
German government from his words of friendly reserve. They
want us to complete the arrangements first, acquire land and
settlers’ privileges—then we should ask for and obtain the pro
tectorate. One can't be any more cautious and prudent than that.
The only thing to be said against it is that once we have got that
far, we shall no longer need the onerous German protectorate.
Tel 1 accept further negotiations on this basis, because 1 must
accept everything and because negotiations, even though they
may be hopeless, have value for us. So 1 said that 1 intended to
wire the Kaiser and request an audience for the following day.
The Grand Duke advised me to address the telegram to Lu-
anus. 1 had been with him for an hour, and half an hour previ
ously a Minister had had himself announced. Therefore the good
Grand Duke terminated the audience, but told me that, since
I was staying until evening, I could call on him again.
I drove to the hotel, told Wolffsohn and Kann what had hap
pened, and sent a long, urgent telegram, the request for the audi
ence, to Lucanus.
At about four o'clock in the afternoon the reply came. The
Kaiser could not receive me tomorrow, because he was just about
to go away. I should speak with Minister of State von Biilow.
Arejection, then, since Bfllow is antagonistic.
Rien n'arrive ni comme on le craint ni comme on l'espère
[Nothing happens as one fears, nor as one hopes]. These words
buzzed through my head during the whole trip.
Before 1 left to see the Grand Duke again, Wolffsohn and Kann
told me to be sure to ask for a recommendation to the Deutsche
Bank in Berlin, for they had not managed so far to get a bank
for the subscription to the Jewish Colonial Bank. Everything,
everything 1 am supposed to do.
Again I drove to the palace. T h e Grand Duke admitted me
immediately. This lime we convened in the red salon, where
there hangs an old portrait showing a sensitive, enthusiastic
youth in the drew of the 1840’s. 1 believe it is his portrait.
1gave him Lucanus’ telegram and indicated that my hopes had
ihrunk greatly. He consoled me and expressed the expectation
(hat my energies would not diminish. I reminded him of his
voids at Potsdam when he had recounted to me the difficulties
attendant on the founding of the German Empire.
Tes," he said, "and when the thing is finished, one has to
dtp back and relinquish everything to others, who were formerly
opponents. But one roust be content with the inner satisfaction,
and also with the fact that one meets strong characters such as
you.”
As he said this he gave my hand a long squeeze. I was deeply
touched.
As for the recommendation to the Deutsche Bank., he gave it to
me most readily after I first mentioned it. He asked bow the
recommendation should read. I requested it in the form of a
letter to me, and he promised this.
Messieurs Wolffsohn and Kann were very much satisfied with
this outcome. Then we dined in our hotel drawing-room and
afterwards went out to hear some music. When we returned at
half-past ten, no letter from the Grand Duke had arrived yet
We went to bed a bit anxiously. But at 11:30 there was a knock
on my door; it was a court lackey. T h e entire hotel staff, re
spectfully gathered on the stairs, watched him deliver a letter
from their sovereign to me. I immediately informed Wolffsohn,
who slept better as a result.
At 4 o’clock the next morning we had to get out of the hay.
At five I boarded the Orient Express to Vienna; Wolffsohn and
Kann took the letter with them to Cologne and were scheduled
to go from Cologne to Berlin that evening.
On the trip home I went through the same sensations that I
have had so often. The closer I come to the Neue Freie Preue,
the smaller I become. At the same time, some uneasiness over
whether a row was not in store for me on account of my repeated
absence. Mais rien n'arrive ni comme on le craint ni comme on
Vespire [But nothing happens as one fears, nor as one hopes].
I arrived in Vienna in the evening, and went to the office first.
My masters were almost gracious and joked affably about my trip,
the purpose of which I kept silent about.
On the second day telegrams from Wolffsohn in Berlin arrived,
in the agreed-upon code: "Dcebee” for "Deutsche Bank.”
They had spoken for 1 hours with Director Siemens; he was
going to speak with his administrative board. But Wolffsohn
and Kann were under no illusion that this wasn't a refusal. And
it was. He wrote them a rejection. Thereupon they had one more
unsuccessful! conference with him and went back to Cologne.
There the Schaafhausen Banking Association again rejected the
proposal.
Today's telegrams from Wolffsohn sound very resigned: I
wired him something like the following, sharpened by a passage
which I hope he will not resent, saying that if we two didn't pro*
ceed energetically now, we would be incompetents.
D. Wolffsohn, Karol ingerring, Cologne.

Conference with Siemens after rejection of Deebee pointless
and undigniffed. T ry Dresdener Bank. If refusal, immediately so
organize subscription that Broad Street Avenue becomes center.
Everything roust simply be directed there. If Broad Street not
allowed to accept down-payments only registrations should be
directed there, but down-payments should be made at same places
that served for preliminary subscription. Awaiting wired report
on this. Every moment missed now means irreparable loss.
(Wolffsohn had wired roe that I should speak with Siemens,
who will be in town tomorrow, but I don't feel like it, because
we have already been turned down.)

March 1, ’99
Once again I must express my sincerest and most respectful
dumb for the encouragement I received from Your Royal High
ness during my visit. T h e protectorate which I dared to request
is already in virtual existence, our enterprise already enjoys the
protection of the noblest prince. May it one day become plain
lor all to see.
Today I will write a report for His Majesty the Kaiser and
address to it to H err von Lucanus. In this report I should like to
indicate the proposals I took the liberty of making to Your
Royal Highness and to request an audience within the coming
week for the purpose of documenting and implementing the
plan which is now ready in its altered form. In this way, through
one of its federal rulers, Germany could assure herself of influence
in the cause which may assume some importance in the future.
And yet, through the circumstance that the initial practical steps
are being taken by an enterprise based in England, any prema
ture arousal of jealously would be avoided. A fait accompli
could be prepared and established in all secrecy, and its proc
lamation would be reserved for the most opportune moment.
The domiciling, according to civil law, of the land company
which is to be created later, at Karlsruhe for example, would then
depend on the political circumstances.
However, to connect permanently the so highly respected
name of Your Royal Highness with this project would be an act
of historic justice, provided that what we are attempting to do
will receive a place in history.
With the expression of my sincercst gratitude and deepest
respect, I remain
Your Royal Highness' most obedient servant,
Dr. Th. H.
• • •
Your Imperial and Royal Majesty,
Most Gracious Kaiser and Lord:
From Karlsruhe, where His Royal Highness the Grand Duke
did me the favor of accepting my detailed reports, I took the
liberty upon his exalted advice of requesting by telegram an audi
ence with Your Majesty.
The reasons for this are the following.
Having received no word whatever since the Palestine journey
about the assumption of the protectorate, which had previously
been intended, I had to suppose that political difficulties had
arisen. The mistrust of the Sultan and the jealousy of other
powers seem to have manifested themselves. Must the impie
mentation of a plan with a future therefore be given up? I fully
understand that the Imperial government will not risk an en
tanglement on our account. But would it not be possible to find
an arrangement through which the goal would be attained in
conspicuously and surely?
Such an arrangement I have permitted myself to submit to
His Royal Highness. It is this: First we create a corporate body
in England which will take the preparatory steps and, moyennant
finances [for a financial consideration], acquire lands and set
tlers’ rights from the Turkish government. On the basis of such
concessions the actual Chartered Company• will then be formed
—and, circumstances permitting, with its legal headquarters at
Karlsruhe and under the protection of His Royal Highness Grand
Duke Friedrich. T here will automatically result from this a
political relationship of protection by the Empire, one to which
there can be no objection from third parties.
No express declaration on the part of the Imperial government
is required for this; in fact, we could be disavowed without
further ado, as operating on our own, just as the English govern
ment was able to do with Cecil Rhodes at any time. Naturally
there are big differences between Sir Cecil Rhodes and my hum
ble self, the personal ones very much in my disfavor, but the
objective ones greatly in favor of our movement, which has at
iu disposal a different kind of capital and, most of all, tremen
dous human resources in all of Eastern Europe.
Unfortunately Your Imperial Majesty did not see the activity
of our colonists already in existence in Palestine. The sight of
the Jews jammed together in Jerusalem is not a pleasant one.
But even these Jews would like to get out in the country and till
the soil, if, strangely enough, the Turkish government did not
prohibit i t
To my sorrow I must fear many another incorrect report. I
believe that Your Majesty's counsellors occasionally hear disparag
ing remarks about our movement especially from Jews who do
not share my views.
The explanation for this is simple. A good number of rich
West-End • Jews are worried that we might take them with us;
this is why they try to make us ridiculous or despicable in their
•In togUih in (he original
conversation and their newspapers. Methinks, howeveT, that this
very kind of opposition must recommend us.
Our endeavor has many aspects. One of them is the absorption
of the Jewish elements that will remain in every country. But
I believe that the adjustment to the national body should not
be attempted through the process of revolution. The way to
complete assimilation can probably lead only through the estab
lished church.
Only those are to go along who cannot or will not assimilate
at theiT present places of residence—this is our principle. Those
who remain behind will of necessity be even better citizens. No
more unnatural alliances between iron safes and petroleum bar
rels.
The value of o u t movement for social betterment has no more
remained concealed from Your Imperial Majesty than has its
value for colonial policy. Actually, our movement would be strong
enough even if it drew not one man or one penny from Germany.
Our resources are in Russia, Rumania, Galicia, England, Amer
ica, and South Africa. Nevertheless, Germany can, in a way
which shall be kept secret for the time being and will even later
involve no obligation, assure herself of influence for the future
and at the very beginning of our colonization gain an industrial
market of the first magnitude. T he sole prerequisite is that we
be able to organize in Germany.
I understand that written declarations may not be expected
on this subject the way it stands today. Therefore I herewith
venture once again most respectfully to request an audience after
Your Majesty’s return. I very badly need encouragement at this
particular time. Then I will move on, attempt to win the favor
of the Emperor of Russia, and not return again until I can pre
sent you the completed matter. On the other hand, failure to
grant me an audience would be a de facto sign to me that wc
need not hope for even secret and non-binding participation any
longer.
The idea I serve has already touched a great monarch in this
century: Napoleon the First. T h e Paris Sanhedrin of the Jews
in the year 1806 was, to be sure, a last gasp of this idea.
Was the matter not yet ripe at that time, was there no resolute
representative of the Jews, was it due to the paucity of means of
communication?
Our time, however, is under the sign of communication!—to
ose a phrase that has become a household word.9
The Jewish Question must be brought under this sign; this
is how it can be solved. And what was not possible under
Napoleon I is possible under Wilhelm II!
With my deepest respect. I remain
Your Imperial and Royal Majesty’s most obedient servant,
Dr. Th. H.
• • •
Covering letter to Lucanus:
Your Excellency:
I permit myself to express my sincere gratitude to you for your
hind telegraphic reply to Karlsruhe.
I have written the enclosed letter to His Majesty the Kaiser,
containing a request to grant me an audience as soon as possible,
at the suggestion of His Royal Highness the Grand Duke of
Baden. Important things are in the making.
Since I am permitting myself the hope of being ordered to
Berlin by His Majesty in the near future. I have postponed my
call on Minister of State von BQlow, which you kindly recom
mended to me. until that time.
Begging Your Excellency to accept the expression of my es
teem, I am
Respectfully yours,
Dr. T h. H.
•Trcmhtor's Note: Hml remind* the Kjdbcr of an Inscription the latter wrote
on a photograph presented to Dr. too Stephan, the German PoBtmastcT-Ccneral,
OB January 7. 1891: mD i* W r it mm E nd* d * t 19. Jm hrhundrrts s trh t 0n ier d rm
Ztkhm d *f f* rk * h ru £r d a r c h b r ic h l d i* Schrm nkm , ■ f* k h * d i* Y d lk rr t r m n m .
wnd knûpft a w bch m d m S 'a tio n m n*u* B n ir h u n g m 00." (The world at the
end of the 19th ccnrury b under the dgn of commonlotion. It break* throogh
the barrlen that dhridc people* and cuablhhc* new connection! among the nation*.)
March 4
Kokesch came back from London today. T h e horrible English
legal work is now completed. T h e authorizations of the directors
and members of the Council must be sealed; the unsealed ones,
which we got together by the skin of our teeth, are not sufficient.
Another loss of time; yet the subscription, on which so much
depends, draws near. Today I gave orders not to delay any further
and simply undertake the subscription at the Jewish Colonial
Bank in London itself. L a d ern ière ca rto u ch e [The last round of
ammunition]. I am afraid it will be a failure— m ais rien n’arrive
n i com m e on le craint n i com m e on l’esp ère [but nothing hap
pens as one fears, nor as one hopes].
The Bank is the hardest part of the work so far. If it works
out, afterwards not a soul will suspect what we have gone
through, how much energy it has required. For we actually have
a boycott of the big bankers against us. If I ever get my hands on
them , I’ll give them a good going-over.
March 10
Last Monday the Sonn- u n d M o n ta g sze itu n g carried an item
to the effect that the Turkish ambassador, Mahmud Nedim, had
been called to Constantinople, because a financial agent had at
tempted extortion from him and the Sultan.
T o learn something about this I went to see Newlinski.
He guessed why I had come, but, since I didn't mention it.
he didn't speak about it. I asked him, in order to orient myself,
whether he would be able to go to Constantinople. He said he
would, but added that it was hard, because once he was there, the
Sultan wouldn't let him go— that is, not for four or five months;
this is how much of a favorite he is with the Sultan. The matter
would require further thought. Meanwhile, he said, he could
give me the welcome news that we had gained a new helper in
the person of Artin Pasha, the State Secretary in the Foreign
Office, who was back in favor again. Proof: letters from Danusso
about conversations with Artin, who is willing to submit a mem
orandum on Zionism to the Sultan.
March 10
Getting the signatures of the directors, governors, councilors
for the prospectus involves enormous difficulties. Some refuse
to sign at the last moment— for instance, Ussishkin, the author
of the Lex Ussishkin at the Second Congress.
Today, 1$ days before the subscription, it is still doubtful
whether we shall manage the signatures for the prospectus!
Go “parade in state” with this.*
March 10
Yesterday I received a refusal from Lucan us.
The Kaiser, he wrote, regretted being unable to receive me
in the near future and left it to my discretion to discuss things
with Minister of State BQlow.
The rejection, then, which I said in advance would be some
thing de facto, too.
• • •
Letter to BQlow:
Your Excellency:
About two weeks ago His Royal Highness the Grand Duke of
Baden advised me to direct a request for an audience to His
Majesty the Kaiser, in order to stir up the dormant Palestine mat
ter. I did so, and received word from Herr von Lucanus to get
in touch with Your Excellency. Accordingly I shall take the
liberty during my next stay in Berlin to ask you for a conference
—which, however, will probably not get beyond the academic.
For I believe. Your Excellency, that you are not in favor of the
project. I have been fully aware of this since the moment I first
•Timdatorli N W Hm l'i pun U bun] on (ho phrar StMst m seh m , which
«fflimth mrana "nuke a *how” or “«how off"; but be obvioudy had Cbe JcwUi
Stmt paie) In mind aa wcIL
bad the honor to converse with you about Zionism. On the one
hand, you consider the difficulties in Turkey and the resistance
oE various interested parties as too great; on the other, you re
gard the inclination of the Jews to emigrate as too slight. A
responsible statesman must view a movement whose lofty char
acter he may not entirely dislike du point de vue de l’art [from
an artistic point of view] with the greatest coldness and even dis
trust. This much I understand.
However, Your Excellency, I believe that you have been un
favorably informed by our opponents, particularly our Jewish
opponents. Our movement is a great deal stronger than, for
a number of reasons, it appears to be.
That the rich Jews do not personally want to go along is well
known. It would be worse if they did go— I don’t mean just for
us, but for the countries concerned.
Popular rage and popular humor, it is true, are directed
against Herr Kommenienrat* but his departure would be a Ion
not only to the humorous journals. His amassed wealth should
disintegrate right where it is: through marriages, wastrels, and
in other natural ways.
A solution of the Jewish Question which promises such an
assimilation as well as the draining off of the socially and eco
nomically frustrated and nearly despairing elements should per
haps not be rejected out of hand.
But even if Herr Kommenienrat does not want to make a
personal sacrifice (later on, during the pleasant season, he will
make a little excursion to Palestine, when the hotels have the
comforts of the Riviera), he will have no objections to poor
devils and fools like me going and staying there. For this he is
even ready to make financial “sacrifices’’; I have it directly from
him.
This attitude is comical, like most human weaknesses, but at
any rate it is human. Who is not an opportunist?
• Translator’* Note: Literally, "Mr. Commercial Councilor," an honorific title
awarded to builnemncn for (pedal aervlcea to the government. Iti clnot Ameri
can equivalent would be a “ Kentucky Colonel."
Similar forces are at work on various newspapers with which
I am well acquainted. T h e fact that they are not on my side in
(be matter is surprising to Your Excellency, even makes you be
lieve that our movement is insignificant. However, the more nu
merous the Jews on such a newspaper, the more they have to be
afraid that people will reject their criticism of Germany, Austria,
etc., with the shout “T o Palestine!” And at the present time they
still believe they cannot do anything smarter than criticize. Why
don't I create a big counter-journal myself? Because that would
be another story, as Kipling says. W ith such a paper one has to
be on the job day and night, as with a boiler, and cannot under
take anything else. T hat is why I have declined offers of this
kind, including one made to me three yean ago by our govern
ment
Your Excellency, I don't know how funny it may sound when
I ray that I want to solve the Jewish Question. T o me it seems
sensible, and I believe that the Zionist idea will make its way.
Even soon, in a matter of a few yean. A ll indications point to
it.
If our project failed, hundreds of thousands of our adherents
would at one swoop change over to the revolutionary parties;
this too is a natural thing.
Cel animal est tris méchant: il se défend lorsqu'on l'attaque
[This animal is very vicious; it defends itself when it is attacked].
But our project must succeed— I am tempted to say, just as
two and two make four.0 T urkey needs the same Jews that are
not wanted elsewhere.
The Turks are incapable of remedying the present wretched
condition of their country. Occupation by any Power would not
be tolerated by the othen. T h e common crusades against the
infidels are past The cross is now perhaps leu turned against the
aocent dun the Greek crou is against the symbols of other•
•Truthtort Note; Henl'a pbnx, tuteh Adorn Rlttt, ta a reference to the

tabor oI the Int Genua primen o o outhrouttca. Rtrac li»cd from 149a 10
ijj9 and ha been widely died aa 1 popular authority. Hie Enflhh counterpart
«a EdwardCoder (iS ji-itjj).
Christian churches. But Palestine has also become a traffic prob
lem, because it constitutes the shortest way to India •— nay, the
shortest southern route to all Asia, since the new northern one
is in the exclusive possession of Russia. From the Mediterranean
coast to the Persian Gulf a railroad will be, must be, constructed
which only the Jews can build. After all, by now one knows what,
oddly enough, was not known as recently as thirty years ago in
the chancelleries of the states: what a short route like the Suez
Canal means. The solution of the Palestinian Question— 1 no
longer say "Jewish Question”— is a complement of the most re
cent happenings in Asia.
Now, I have had the good fortune to meet with approval of
this idea on the part of His Majesty the Kaiser. The prospect of
a German protectorate was held out to us. But it did not ma
terialize. In fact, our expedition to Palestine was almost a fail
ure. One little unofficial despatch from the telegraphic news-
agency simply reduced our audience in the encampment at
Jerusalem to nothing.
I kept silent about this, as was my duty after the confidence
1 had been shown.
Today, then, the question presents itself differently.
Have we nothing more whatever to hope for from the German
Imperial government, or is it simply that open support for us is
not intended, for reasons that I do not know but can guess?
If the latter is the case, i.e., secret support is regarded as admissi
ble, I would make proposals in Berlin. I quote from my letter
to His Majesty my new combination:
"First we create a corporate body. . . .” (p. 793). up to
". . . required for this.”
It is an enormous difficulty for us that we have no firm point
around which we can organize.
Lacking this, we need some existing organization w’hich would
offer us certain technical facilities. W e have many letters, but
no mail.•

That is why I was willing to pay the high postage of the pro
tectorate. 1 don’t know whether we shall still apply for a protec
torate later, when we have seen things through without any
support; it will presumably no longer be up to me to the extent
that it is today. Of all conceivable protectorates, 1 would still pre
fer the German, if only for the reason that German would
then be spoken over there.
But perhaps in the meantime we shall have to commit our
selves elsewhere.
I am not worried about our ability finally to manage things
all by ounelves, provided our will remains firm. It is only a
matter of lost time. Perhaps this will make our enterprise loom
larger in the judgment of future times; for glory increases with
difficulties. But we would rather become less famous and get to
the real work of colonization sooner.
Since 1 rarely indulge in illusions. 1 do not expect Your
Excellency to be converted by my remarks of today. Should you
have anything to tell me or wish any oral information, your call
will find me ready to come to Berlin at any time.
Otherwise I shall postpone this visit until my way takes me
there.
est respect, I am
D r .T h .H .
After the recall, dated March 18.

To His Excellency, Minister o f State von BQlow,
State Secretary in the Foreign Office, Berlin.
• • •
After the recall, dated March 17.
1 permit myself to report most respectfully that His Majesty
the Kaiser has declined my request for an audience and has re
ferred me to Minister of State von Bülow. Since, for the sake of
greater clarity, I had remarked in my request for an audience
that I would regard a failure to grant it as a de facto rejection
also, I know now where I stand. Herr von BUlow, whom I pro
foundly admire as an ingenious and skillful statesman, is never
theless, if my observation does not deceive me, antagonistic to
our cause. Nothing, I believe, can be expected from that quarter.
This is why I am not going to Berlin.
But unfortunately, the recommendation to the Deutsche Bank
in Berlin, which Your Royal Highness gave me with such gra
cious alacrity, has produced no result either. 1 sent two of our
financial men to Berlin, to negotiate with Herr Siemens, the di
rector. He turned down their proposals.
So I can only assume that a hope which was uncommonly dear
to me has vanished, and that we shall not attain our goal under
a German protectorate. I regret this more than I can tell you.
Begging Your Royal Highness to accept the expression of my
heartfelt respect and continued sincere gratitude, I am
Your very obedient servant
Dr. T h . H.
Insert (cf. p. 801):
“That is why. . . ." to “commit ourselves elsewhere."
March 14. at night

This insert is responsible for my wiring Wolffsohn to hold
this letter, which I had sent off via Cologne, and my making a
fresh copy from Sheet II on. Th is evening, while I was listening
to Hechler's speech about Lhe Palestine journey, it suddenly oc
curred to me that the joke about the high postage of the pro
tectorate could be interpreted as a presumption in bad taste.
• • •
Telegrams from the Bank Committee reach me cn masse.

Caster and Bentwich are said to be making trouble. I simply
can’t understand it. What does Gaster, who is only authorized to
sign for us, want?
In the evening Heyman reported that Bentwich was asking
150 pounds sterling for putting his name on the prospectus. If
this is true, I shall throw Bentwich out with scorn and loathing
and kick him out of the party.
• • •
March 16, evening
Disagreeable telegrams from London during the day. Gaster,
they said, in whose name all authorizations were made out, is
refusing to give the signature needed for the registration.
1 sent Gaster a categorical telegram in which I gave him a piece
of roy mind. I told him that he could only deprive us of 300
guilders and three, albeit precious, days. For if need be, Kokesch
would be there on Monday morning and provide the signature,
since the authorizations were made out jointly in his name too.
Thereupon WolfEsohn reported in the evening that Gaster had
complied.
• • •
Today I went to see Newlinski, who is ready to go to the
Grand Turk. I very much desire it, but only if his doctor declares
that it could not harm his badly shattered health. Incidentally,
I suspect that a trip to the South has been prescribed for him.
We shall send along young Dr. Poborski as his medical traveling
companion.
March 18
The journalist Ben-Yehuda from Jerusalem came to see me.
A short Ted-haired Jew from the Orient. I am beginning to be
come acquainted with the various Jewish types. He is long-
winded in his narratives and seems to have some ulterior motive.
But I learned from him quite a bit about the sentiment in
Turkey toward Zionism.
He said that in the Orient everybody was afraid of everybody
else. The people were a wild animal that could be unleashed, but
also could be steered in any direction. If the authorities give
a signal, the Mohammedans will fall upon the Jews— system of
hatchet-men, as with the Armenians. This is ray long-felt argu
ment against infiltration.
In the higher baksheesh circles there is timid discussion of
Zionism. Everything depends on the Sultan. Even the Grand
Vizier is only a lackey.
The American Ambassador, Straus, is said to be secretly well-
disposed toward Zionism, Ben-Yehuda assures me.
The Mutessarif of Jerusalem, he said, was an affable gentleman
and had asked him why he didn’t edit an Arabic newspaper. I
asked Ben-Yehuda how much he would need for that. An annual
subvention of sooo francs. I told him to write me about it in the
middle of May, perhaps I would get him that amount. (I feel
that if the Bank comes into being it will be worth that much to it
to have an Arabic voice which finds favor with the Mutessarif
and influences the people in the proper way.)
• • •
Wrote Kellner about a matter which has been in my mind for

a good long time. I want to start a press bureau here with news
from the Orient for Western newspapers, especially English ones.
Kellner is to lay the groundwork in London, and the thing is to
be launched in the autumn. It will be an instrument of power
either for or against Turkey.
Le sabre pour ou contre la sécurité publique [The sword for
or against public safety].
The Ban kl “Yes, everyone clings to, everyone rushes after,
gold.” • Actually, the entire further course of the movement de
pends on the success of the subscription which I have promoted
in every way.
They all demanded the postponement of the subscription,
• Translator's Note: "Am Golde hângt, nach Goldc drângt dock allft"—* ilight
misquotation from Goethe's Faust, Part /.
which was not ripe yet and had been dragged out by the diffi
culties of registration. Last week. I had been softened up for a
moment and was about to agree to the postponement. My
father expressed himself against it— this reminded me of the days
before the publication of The Jewish Slate, another occasion
when at the decisive moment I found in him the support to
stand firm. This strengthened me this time, too. We shall stick
to March 28th. But the subscription will extend over 30 days.
According to the telegrams, pandemonium seems to have
reigned in London the last few days. Wolffsohn traveled back
and forth. Today he is in London again. This is the day on
which the whole thing is to be registered, and under the name
‘Th e Jewish Colonial Trust (Jûdische Kolonialbank) Limited.”
The name Trust was forced through by Bentwich and Caster,
by the latter under serious violation of the instructions he had
accepted from the out-of-town members of the Council. What
they [want] with the name Trust. . . .*
March 24
Alex Marmorek reports that Bernard Lazare wants to resign
from the Vienna Committee, because he foresees a bust of the
subscription and with it the collapse of the movement. Lazare
has heard from Poznanski that the latter does not intend to keep
up his subscription.
I immediately wrote Nordau an indignant letter about La-
zare’s cautelous policy. Lazare is said to have declared that he
wanted to "keep leaders in reserve for the Jewish people in case
the present leaden fail.”
I asked Nordau to remonstrate with Lazare, so as to avoid a
scandal.
• • •
Meanwhile rum on have spread here that the Hovevei Zion

were planning a major action against me and political Zionism
at their meeting in Paris.
* Tnmtacor'a Note: Sentence unfinished In (he origins!
Bloch’s Wochenschrift publishes the following Paris news
from Landau's venal pen:
[Editorial:] [v.VI, p. 246.]
The Delegate Conference of the Zionist Federation at Paris.
Before the Meeting.
(By Our Special Correspondent)
Paris, March 17
The conference of delegates called by the Central Committee of
the Zionist Federations has definitely been set for the 19th of
this month. Delegates have already arrived from England, Ger
many, and Austria, and those of other countries arc being ex
pected. Brain, brawn, and bankbooks will be represented at the
meeting. The promotion of large-scale colonization in Palestine
is now to go forward.
This very city of Paris is the residence of those personalities
who are willing to carry through the colonization of Palestine on
a large scale, and one need look no farther for the resources re
quired for it.
Now we mention first of all that great friend of Zion
Baron Edmond Rothschild. His great services to colonization in
Palestine and his immense sacrifices are well known. However, it
would not be correct to present him as a mere benefactor. Baron
Rothschild’s actions are motivated by a great idea, the idea of
bringing ever greater masses of Jews into the land of their fore
fathers, in order there to create for them opportunities for earn
ing a living and to regenerate them morally and economically,
as was proved by his address to the colonists during his most re
cent stay in Palestine. However, Baron Rothschild, who is inti
mately acquainted with conditions in Turkey, does not consider
it necessary to make a stir and cause a sensation; he simply is
not concerned with publicity, but with action. For instance, for
a considerable period of time he has been making efforts to pur
chase the antiquated harbor of Caesarea, in order to renovate it
and make it the base for Jewish immigration and Jewish export
— a deed whose importance to the realization of the Zionist idea
can only be called immense. The deal was almost completed
when the journey of the German Kaiser interfered and the latter
requested Caesarea from the Sultan as a German coaling-station.
In this connection certain people will of course insist on assert
ing that the German Kaiser is the most zealous protector of Zion
ism. Let us hope, however, that the Baron who, unconcerned
about the sniping from certain "Zionist" quarters, is proceeding
with the execution of the great work, will also succeed in ac
quiring Caesarea in addition to other concessions he has been
promised during his last stay in Constantinople.
Baron Rothschild is also doing his best to encourage the Gali
cian colony "Mahanayim," and he has instructed his newly-
appointed inspector, M. Barbier, who is leaving for Palestine in
a few weeks, to transform the Kaba soil of this colony into an
olive grove.
A second eminently important personality is
M. Narcisse Leven. During the time that he has been presi
dent both of the Jewish Colonization Association and of the
Central Committee of the Zionist Federations he has placed the
multiple millions of the society at the service of Palestine colo
nization. Apart from the numerous subventions to colonies al
ready in existence, we owe it to him that the Jewish Colonisation
Association has recently purchased 40,000 dunams in Palestine
(Sejerah), in order to settle Palestine Jews as farmers there. This
enclave has room for 400 families. T h e kushans (land-register
transfers) have just arrived. T h e Jewish Colonisation Association
has granted four million francs for the establishment of the
Sejerah colony.
I will mention but a few others: Zadoc Kahn, the Grand Rabbi
of France, who is a member of both executive committees and
supports the cause of colonization; Prof. Josef Halévy, and so on.
These men will be joined at the meeting by others who have
demonstrated through years of self-sacrificing devotion in the
most diverse countries how very sacred the colonization project in
Palestine is to them. And it is precisely the purpose of the con
ference of delegates to safeguard it, expand it, and protect it
against rash interference on the part of va banque [all-or-noth-
ing]— gamblers.
• • •
After the Meeting.
(By Our Special Correspondent).
Paris, March to
The hopes and expectations which true friends of Zion every
where attached to the conference of delegates may be regarded
as entirely fulfilled. What has for years been striven for by prac
tical-minded Zionists, who prefer practical deeds to mere talk—
namely, winning the support of the “Jewish Colonisation Associa
tion" for the colonization of Palestine— has now been achieved.
Only if one considers that the “Jewish Colonisation Association"
has over 200 million francs at its disposal, about four times as
much as the "Colonial Trust" has yet to raise, will one appre
ciate the full import of the fact that the “Jewish Colonisation
Association" now regards Palestine as the main scene of its colo
nizing activity and is making the funds available for it.
This is the significant success of yesterday’s conference of dele
gates. It will certainly be learned with joy in Austria and particu
larly in Galicia that the conference has decided to allot 40,000
francs to the Galician colony “ Mahanayim,” thus fulfilling the
condition on which the “Jewish Colonisation Association" made
its subvention of 80,000 francs dependent. Th is fully gurantees
the "Mahanayim" colony and shows up the ridiculousness of
those prophets who predicted that this colony would collapse.
The sympathy and the support which the Galician society
“Ahavas Zion" and its endeavors have encountered among the
local powers are also a personal triumph for Dr. Salz and ample
compensation for many an insult that Dr. Herzl has recently in
flicted on him in his mean and petty jealousy.
As regards the relationship between the "Jewish Colonisation
Association" and the Central Committee on one hand and the
Herzl party and the "Colonial Trust” on the other, this is best
shown by the following fact:
Some time ago Mr. WolfEsohn, who is virtually assured of be
ing the first director of the Bank, and is moving to London, was
in Paris in order to win over Narcisse Leven for the “Trust."
The latteT declared, however, that it was not necessary to found
a bank, for there was plenty of money on hand that was available
for all serious colonizing and industrial enterprises in Palestine.
However, they should submit concrete proposals and plans to
him. But this was not done. Instead, the "Jewish Colonisation
Association” is now sending a secretary to Palestine for several
months in order to study conditions there.
One of the mo6t important matters on the agenda was the
question of the reorganization of the Central Committee and
of propaganda. On this point, however, most of the decisions have
for the present not been made public. But this much can be said
even now, the Central Committee has been expanded through
new personalities from various countries. Among those who have
been added to the old members like Narcisse Leven, Zadoc Kahn,
Dr. Hildesheimer, Bambus, Colonel Goldsmid, etc., are the well-
known gynecologist Professor Landau, the wholesale merchant
Israel of Berlin, Sir Josef Sebag Montefiore of London, and Ber
nard Lazare, who has already resigned from the Vienna Actions
Committee. Another new member from Austria is Dr. Salz, one
of two additional members from Vienna whose appointment has
been decided on.
It was further decided to set up an Executive Committee in
Berlin, to take charge of propaganda and implement the decisions
of the Central Committee.
A report was also presented about the favorable development
of the Kastinie colony, which was founded by the Central Com
mittee, and it was observed that the grain harvest alone netted
the colonists 40,000 francs last year. For this colony a credit of
up to 300.000 francs was granted.
«10 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZL
This much in haste about the work of the conference which
was guided by love and self-sacrificing devotion to the Jewish
people, but also by real manly seriousness. And the fruits of such
labors will surely not fail to appear either.
L
In the next number of the Welt I plan to write a reply in

which this turn of events will be flatly described as what it is: a
victory of my ideas.
March *6
Alex Marmorek arrived here yesterday and gave a rather ex
cited report on the happenings in Paris. B. Lazare did not keep
his word to him, for he had promised not to announce his resig
nation from the Vienna Committee before the end of the sub
scription; and now that scoundrel Landau has already announced
it in Bloch's smear sheet.
(Incidentally, I have had an advertisement of the prospea us of
the Colonial Trust given to Bloch. For one hundred guilders
that man of honor accepted it.)
• • •
Overnight a new plan of action occurred to me. I am having

Alex Marmorek write Nordau to tell Leven the following.
I did not have sufficient confidence in the willingness of the
Paris gentlemen and the I.C A ., and that is why I did not give
them any details about my negotiations with the German gov
ernment. Now that I have learned of their decision to go to
Palestine, I am ready to come to Paris and submit the secret
documents to them— under the following conditions:
The conference is to be attended by Narcisse Leven, Edmond
Rothschild, and Zadoc Kahn from the other side, and bom our
side, in addition to myself, by Nordau and Alex Marmorek. The
conference is to remain absolutely confidential. Secrecy as to its
substance will be stipulated in a sworn protocol.
March 29
Alex Marmorek tells me about a remark made by Eülow
which Nordau heard from H uhn, the Berlin correspondent of
the Kôlnische Zeitung.
Huhn asked BQlow what he, and also his "gracious lord and
master," thought of the Zionist movement. T o which Bülow is
said to have replied:
"Our gracious lord and master, as you know, quickly becomes
ablaze for a cause. So it was in the present instance, too, and to
such a degree that there was no arguing with him. But you also
know that our gracious lord and master cools off again just as
quickly. This time, too. Dr. H en l made a very good impression
on me, it is true, but I don't believe in the project. Those people
have no money. T h e rich Jews won't have any part of it. And
with the crummy Polish Jews nothing can be done." *
That was how I had construed Bülow’j attitude long before
I beard this story.
1 had guessed this view, as is proved by my last letter to Bülow.
March 29, evening

This morning there arrived a telegram from the Colonial
Trim in London which depressed me quite a bit:
The result of the first day of the subscription was—-eight thou
sand shares.
In the evening there came a second wire which sounds fine
but may be only hokum after all. It reads:
"Despite hostile press, tremendous local demand, particularly
from provinces, for subscription blanks.**
‘Tremendous" certainly sounds wonderful! But demand for
what?
'Trandaiort Mote: Toward (he cod 0i hh BOlow hpwd Into the BerHn
dkhcL
At present only for subscription blanks, not shares. It this a
trick of little Heymann or really the beginning of a great sue*
cess?
I am now in one of those moods in which Faust is ready to
make any deal with the devil. If anyone promised me the success
of the subscription today, I would immediately sell him ten yean
of my life for it.
It is true, I wrote Wolffsohn yesterday that I had a presenti
ment the subscription would be a success—a sort of flaire de
Varlilleur [artilleryman's instinct]—and if I was mistaken in this,
it would be the first, and a most serious, mistake I have made in
the Zionist movement. But those infinitesimally measly 8000
shares of this morning have made my expectations quite small.
• • «
This evening's telegram again produced a small boom in my
expectations. But I don't quite trust that telegTam.
Newlinski is leaving for Constantinople tomorrow. Since N.‘s
heart condition is quite serious, I am sending with him, as his
attendant physician. Dr. Poborski of the Ivria. Naturally I had
an inquiry made of his family doctor first as to whether the jour
ney could harm him. Reply: He can have a fatal attack any mo
ment, whether home in bed or on a train. I discussed the matter
quite frankly with N's wife. N. himself feels like going and do
ing something decisive for us, in the expectation, which truly
shall not be deceptive, that we in turn will do something for him.
But I am conscious of a grave responsibility in letting him
depart. At present he is the only person who may be able to ar
range an audience for me with the Sultan. I can't help but want
him to go.
I only hope that the journey will not harm him.
Both of us were greatly moved when I went to see him today.
He is afraid of the journey, but nevertheless has a fine, brave
sense of duty toward what he has already received from us and
what he still hopes for. Because of this I have begged his forgive
ness for many a thought I once had about him.
He told me today, among other things, that the Vienna am
bassador, Mahmud Nedim Bey, was now at Constantinople and
would probably not return, because he has fallen from favor.
Quel sale pays [What a foul country].
Mahmud Nedim has literally been starving here. He received
no salary and lived on "scarlet runners and beans” which he
cooked himself. T h e Caliph's ambassador 1 If all this were in a
novel, people wouldn’t believe it.
April 2
On awakening this morning, 1 received the following wire
from Poborski:
"Newlinski died suddenly. At wife's request send the necessary,
if possible. Conveying remains to Vienna tomorrow evening. Dr.
Poborski. Hotel Bristol.”
It was a great, unpleasant surprise with a whole visu of fur
ther troubles.
1 wired back:
“Marie de Newlinski, Hotel Bristol. Pera, Constantinople.
"Deeply shaken. Mourning with you with all my heart. I re
main to you and your children a faithful friend, ready to help.
All the rest when we meet. Sending thousand francs to Poborski.
HerzL"
Then I had to leave for the synagogue on Leopoldgasse where
the head of the congregation had invited me for today. They
honored • me by calling me up to the Torah.
But when I stood before the Holy of Holies and the cantor
was fairly blasting out the beautiful chants, I could only think
of poor Newlinski who is now stretched out in the Hotel Bristol
“with a view over the Golden H orn.”
I had previously instructed Oscar Marmorek to wire the thou
sand francs to Poborski.
In the afternoon the A.C. met at my house. We had to come
to terms with the quite difficult situation. Apart from the emo-
* Trvmlator'* Note: Hcnl ums the Hebrew term m u<h*b<d.
tional shock, we also had to solve the financial problem we were
now faced with. The A.C. has to meet the heaviest demands, and
the inflow of shekels at present equals zero. Three thousand
guilders had already been expended on Newlinski’s journey.
Now the additional expense of conveying the remains back, the
presumable claims of the widow, etc. Great worries, especially
now when the Bank campaign is exhausting all our resources
and imposing enormous sacrifices on each of us. As it is, a beg
ging-circular was sent out during the last few days. Again 1 had
to “set a good example" and part with 500 guilders.
The gentlemen this afternoon believed the transportation of
the body would cost several thousand francs. T o meet this outlay
it was decided, after much having it back and forth, to raise a
loan of 5000 guilders. 1 declared that 1 could not give any more
money, because I do not ask for repayment and do not get it
either.
So Marmorek is to try to borrow this money on the basis of the
shekels offered as security by the A.C., from my brother-in-law
Naschauer; and Dr. Kahn, from one of his relatives.
• • •
Newlinski’s death is a terribly hard blow to me. Although he

had one foot in the grave his widow will hold me responsible for
the journey, despite all the precautions 1 took. 1 had made an
inquiry of his family doctor, through Poborski, as to whether he
might go without harm to his health. T he answer was that he
could die at any moment in his own room. And yet—and yeti
But Newlinski's death is a gTeat loss to our movement as well.
He had the best connections at Constantinople as well as at
Rome. At this time, something virtually irreplaceable.
With him there disappears from the novel of the Zionist move
ment one of its most remarkable characters. He was a grand
seigneur déchu [fallen aristocrat], likeable despite many a ques
tionable quality, and truly charming in manner.
April 3.
A miserable night. Couldn’t get Newlinski out of my mind.
1 Tacked my brain how much it had been my fault. Should I
have kept him from taking the trip? He wanted to go somewhere
south. The reason be preferred going to Constantinople was that
this trip didn’t cost him anything, provided him with a medical
attendant gratis, and promised the possibility of greater results.
For 14 yean, since his first attack, he had been a doomed man.
Did the journey cost him months, weeks, days, or houn of his
life?
I told him often enough that he needn’t go if he didn't want
to. 1 let him keep the tooo guilden for the Rome journey with
out ever reminding him of it with so much as a look.
Should I have held him back?
April 3
The Bank is also a great worry.
Heymann, the only director who lives in London, holds meet
ings of the Board of Directon with Caster and Bentwich, who
are only deputies of deputies of the Council, and makes basic
decisions.
1 will wait until the subscription is over and then put things
in order.
But while the gentlemen are in command, they push the prob
lems of fund raising for the preliminary work onto my shoulders.
The guarantee fund is exhausted; I think it has been misman
aged Now Heymann needs, as he writes me, £600-1000 more.
The envelopes having been switched by mistake, today I re
ceived a letter from Wolffsohn to Kann.
In it Wolffsohn writes that the subscription payments should
be used to defray expenses. I am protesting against this today in
a letter to Wolffsohn and in another to Heymann, Caster, and
Bentwich.
I don't like Wolffsohn's proposal. In any event, I shall keep a
sharp eye out in the future.
A pril 4
This morning's mail brought me poor Newlinski’s last letter:
Hotel Bristol, Pera. April t, 1899

My very dear Friend:
We arrived here safely. I stood the journey well and am pleased
about it. I have just returned from my first visit to Yildiz Kiosk:
1 was very agreeably received and told to come again on Tuesday
afternoon.
Dr. Poborski is a nice fellow. My best thanks for everything,
and many regards from
Yours sincerely,
M. de Newlinski.
The weather is cool.
To the Turkish chargé d'affaires, Resmy Bey:

Your Excellency: •
Day before yesterday 1 received the sad news of the sudden
death, at Constantinople, of M. de Newlinski. Your Excellency
will probably have been informed of it by yesterday’s papers.
By this morning's mail I have just received the last letter of
this sincerely mourned friend. He writes me that immediately
upon his arrival he went to Yildiz Kiosk where he was given the
best imaginable reception, and His Majesty set Tuesday—today,
alas—for receiving him.
One of the best and most devoted friends of Turkey has just
gone. He was also an outstanding friend to our cause. I should
like to have the honor to discuss with you one of these days the
situation caused by this grievous death of a mutual friend.
I remain, Your Excellency,*
Respectfully yours,
Dr. T h. H.
* The leuer ii in French in the original.
April 7
The Newlinski case is singularly distressing and dramatic. The
man was never presentable, and those who made use of him—
princes and governments—always took care to conceal their re
lations with him. He was every inch the classic example of the
“secret agent." Now his corpse lies across our path, and some
people seem quite inclined to charge all of his dubious under
takings to our account. Fortunately, our account, even though
we are not producing it, is clear, and my own conscience espe
cially is at ease.
I never had any other relation to him but the acceptance of
his intervention with the Sultan when it was offered to me.
He cost me a good deal of money, also drew a subvention from
the Committee. I don't know to this day whether he did anything
for us with the Sultan, or if he was even in a position to do any
thing. He never furnished any proof of it, if I except the fact
that he introduced me to various Turkish dignitaries. Perhaps
he merely played me u p to them as an editor of the Neue Freie
Presse. It is a secret he has taken with him to the grave.
Still, even as regards my shekel-payer* my conscience is clear
for having recommended that the A.C. pay him a subsidy. Even
though be may not have been able to be of use, he could have
done us a frightful am ount of harm. Once or twice he had
hinted as much, and I hastened to make him into a friend before
be could become an extortioner. W ith a single paragraph in his
Correspondance de FEst he could have made us out to be dan
gerous enemies of Turkey, or, at best, as blagueurs sans impor
tance [inconsequential wind-bags].
• • •
For the past few days, his death which "occurred in the service
of Zionism" has been the talk of the town here in Vienna. A few
people have asked me reproachfully why I made him take the
journey. I gruffly sent them about their business. In truth I have
no cause to reproach myself with carelessness, because I had con-
suited his family doctor as to whether he might go, and he had
said yes.
Despite my formal blamclessness and although his doomed life
would hardly have lasted even a matter of weeks longer, the case
is quite agonizing to me. Did I do enough to dissuade him from
the trip? This is how I search my soul.
I never dunned him for the traveling money which he had had
since October; I never pressed him to go; I reassured him when
he lamented that he would not be able to use it; I told him that
he should go to Constantinople only if he wanted to go some
where south anyway. I am delivering quite tragic monologues to
myself.
This evening his wife comes back.
The body is on the same nain. I must go and meet her at the
station, which is quite a hard task. Perhaps she will reproach
me. If so, what shall I, what can I, reply? Another bitter occasion
will be the funeral. It will require a great deal of fortitude, under
the eyes of the mourners. Il faut passer par là [It is necessary to
go there].
• • •
The day before yesterday Newlinski's family doctor published

the following declaration in the N eve Freie Presse:
M. de Newlinski.
T o the Editors.
In one of yesterday’s Monday papers, the death of M. de
Newlinski was presented as one that had taken place under mys
terious circumstances. As the long-time physician of the deceased,
may I be permitted to point out that he had for a number of
years been suffering from a severe heart condition (aneurysm of
the aorta). Last winter he had repeated attacks of extreme car
diac weakness, and consequently his sudden death was apparently
caused by a similar attack which brought about cardiac paralysis.
With the respectful request to publish this letter in your es
teemed journal, I remain
Yours,
Dr. Ludwig Frey
Vienna, April 4, 1899.
April 7
Yesterday Alex Marmorek told me, among other things, about
a discovery of his which is still a strict secret; I am the only one
he has told about it besides his family. He believes he has found
a remedy for tuberculosis. If this is true, it is something colossal
—this much is clear. He says that his experiments on animals
have been successful. Now he intends to experiment on human
beings. But first he will, and must, disclose it to Duclaux, the
head of the Pasteur Institute. For his streptococcus serum he has
received no financial remuneration whatever. Before he turns
over the T.B. medicine, he wants to make sure of getting 50%
of the profit the Pasteur Institute will make. He thinks this will
amount to millions each year; and he wants to be rich so that he
can do something for Zionism.
Now, it is possible that the Pasteur Institute will refuse
him the 50%. In that event he intends to leave and offer the
whole thing to Lord Lister for the Jenner Institute in London.
I, however, advised him to submit it to the German Kaiser. As
soon as Duclaux has refused, Alex will call me to a meeting on
half way* at which we shall discuss the further details, for nat
urally 1 want to utilize the moral effect of this achievement for
the benefit of Zionism.
Since there is the possibility that the French, whether they re
ject him or accept him, can later reproach him with having acted
not as a disinterested scientist but as a commerçant juif [Jewish
tradesman], 1 advised him to accompany his verbal disclosure to
Duclaux with a written one as well, saying that the reason he
warns to participate in the profits is that the rich Jews are not
• h EoflMi la the original.
doing anything for our people and that he wants funds he can
use for the good cause.
• • •
April 8
Rien n’arrive ni comme on le craint, ni comme on l’espère
[Nothing happens as one fears, nor as one hopes].
This time, ni comme on le craint [the former].
A bit uneasy I drove to the station yesterday evening, to meet
Mme. de Newlinslci and the coffin.
An odd assortment of people at the station. Oscar Marmorek
had come with me. Some poor relations were already there. Then
came Resmy Bey, the Turkish chargé d’affaires; further, a few
friends of the family and the family lawyer, the latter in a spar
kling mood and with many anecdotes to tell.
A communis opinio [consensus of opinion] crystallized: it was
all the fault of the family doctor who had attended Newlinski
and had consented to the journey. (As a matter of fact, this is
my real opinion, too.) But who knows? If I had not been dili
gently doing my duty, perhaps my absence would have caused
them to call me the guilty party.
The lawyer expressed his confidence to me that the Zionists
would do something for the children, since N. had made the trip
on our behalf.
The train was late. All sorts of stories were told, including the
one about an attempt to blackmail the Sultan, which had been
falsely hung on Newlinski, whereas the blackmailers—according
to Resmy Bey—were a certain Graf and his bailleur du fonds
[silent partner] Eisner.
The lawyer told how he had introduced Eisner to Nuri Bey.
It was at a stag suppeT-party with dames nues [nude women]
that the Turkish State Secretary made the acquaintance of Herr
Eisner von Eisenhof.
During the hang-over they are supposed to have got together
on a plot which was directed against Ambassador Mahmud
Nedim and, it seems, netted the latter the Sultan’s disfavor.
The train came in. Mme. de Newlinski got off, tottering and
sobbing, and fell around everybody's neck, including mine. She
begged me to come to the house, after the hearse had been
driven to the Karlskirche.
So 1 drove from the station to her apartment. Several friends
of the family were assembled there, among them the family doc
tor who was not at all depressed. T here was also a big stock-gam
bler who had made many hundreds of thousands, perhaps mil
lions, out of Newlinski's tips.
I told the woman that she could always count on me as a good
friend.
The children were in quite good spirits and laughed a lot.
I soon took my leave. T h e big speculator left with me and
told me he hoped that "the powerful Zionist group in whose
service N. died" would "do something for the children." This is
pasting the emotional buck. Each shifts it on to the next man.
Luckily for the children, I at least shall not leave them in the
hntb.
Poborski told me about Newlinski's last hours. He had been
at Yildiz, to be sure, but had not spoken with the Sultan, as his
hit letter suggested. Poborski also told me about the shameful
goings-on after N's death: how the doctors and the clergyman
tried to squeeze every penny they could out of the embalming
and the consecration rites. But also that Artin Pasha had told fat
Dammo that I would soon be called to Constantinople. Vede-
rano [Wait and see]?
April 8
This morning the first extortioner called on me.
At ten o'clock a gentleman sent his card in to me. "Josef Graf,
editor of Information Wien** it said on it.
The blackmailer, of whom Resmy Bey had spoken yesterday.
I admitted him. A shabby, elderly man entered. He had a
pronounced nervous blink and spoke in a breathlessly tremulous
voice. Everybody in Vienna, he said, was talking about how
Newlinski had gone to see the Sultan, on instructions from us,
“with an entourage like an ambassador's.” IE this was correct,
he had some interesting news for me. I gave him an evasive an
swer, but he made me his "disclosures” anyway.
A certain Bernhard Stem, former Constantinople correspond
ent of the Neue Frété Presse, had received from an opponent of
the Zionist movement, H err Richard Rappaport (of the group
“Korah,” which was mentioned on an earlier occasion) instruc
tions and funds to go to Constantinople and work against the
Zionists. He, Graf, had taken Stem in some time ago, when the
latter was hard up. Recently Stem had come to him and shown
him four thousand guilders which he had received to work
against us at Yildiz as an "emissary.” It was true, Graf said, that
he himself was an opponent of Zionism, but it would be a shame
if Jews did not stick together. Stem was scheduled to leave for
Constantinople on the Orient Express on Monday, but on Sun
day (tomorrow) he would come to see him once more. Why
didn't I use this information in any way I thought appropriate.
It was Rappaport's aim, he said, to demonstrate, by frustrating
the Zionist movement, that only his Jewish People’s Party was
on the right track.
I replied that one opponent more or less did not matter to us.
Our position was simply to reward the people who served us and
brought us proof of the services rendered. We couldn’t do any
thing else. My personal point of view, however, was not that of
a politician. I would never join the Jewish People’s Party, be
cause I was not interested in political posts or the like. I have
expressed my views on the Jewish Question; they seem to have
found the approval of many. If these people turned away from
me again, my activity would simply be at an end. But what our
aims are we say out loud at the Congress and in o u t newspapers.
We do not travel by secret paths.
Then I brought the conversation onto general things and dis
missed the scoundrel.
In the afternoon I called on Mme. de Newlinski and discussed
money matters with her. T h e widow is composed, very clear
headed and covetous. I promised her that, to begin with, we
would continue to pay her the subsidy drawn by her husband
(too guilders a month) until the next Congress, with the proviso
that she carry on the Correspondance de l'Est.
Then I will try at the Congress to bring about an arrangement
favorable to her.
For it is to our interest that the Correspondance does not fall
into the hands of blackmailers.
• • •
In the evening I convened the A.C. at my place, told the gen

tlemen everything, and they exonerated me. It was also decided
that I should call Rappoport on the carpet tomorrow to find out
whether Grafs tale was true.
Either extortion has been attempted on us, or Rappoport is
being swindled. Perhaps both.
• • •
An additional detail. Newl.'s widow informed me, among

other things, that the big-time speculator Zierer had told her
before her departure that should her husband die in Constanti
nople, she ought to have him buried there, because the transpor
tation back to Vienna would be too expensive.
And upon that note she deponed.
They all—even including, in this case, the doomed man, the
finest of the lot—calculated that his death on the journey would
place us, the Zionists, under perpetual obligation to his sur-
vivon. He sold us his corpse, as it were.
Surely nothing remotely as strange as this occurs in novels.
Actually, the only dupe in this sad affair is myself, who failed
to see through this scheme.
However, Newlinski himself showed courage and a father’s
tenderness. In my eyes, after his death, he looms head and shoul
ders above the whole riff-raff; to get mixed up with this rotten
bunch was the tragic blunder of his life.
April 10
Newlinski’s funeral yesterday. First class. But many were ab
sent from the Karlskirche who, while he lived, had caroused and
gone on the town and been involved in all sorts of secret intrigues
with him.
Jews were in the majority. Wonder what most of them thought
of all this pageantry?
At the church-door most of the people who had stayed till then
drifted away.
I spoke to Resmy Bey and made an appointment for today.
I drove to the cemetery in company with the journalist Kon-
ried. On the way out his conversation was a funeral march. We
were driving slowly, for the undertaker's staff was walking along
side the hearse with torches. One of them, at the rear, bore the
departed's decorations on a red cushion. Outriders, etc.
Out at the cemetery, the ceremony was brief.
Poborski took me aside: the widow counted on our defraying
the funeral expenses, at least half of them.
Kozmian said to me: "The poor fellow had only another
month at the most to live, anyway."
On the way back, Konried lit a cigarette and said with an air
of consolation: “One more who’s got it over with." And he blew
the lively tunes of a military band returning home.
• • •
Then I went to see Rappaport about the Graf-Stern black

mail affair. Following my custom, I took the bull by the horns.
Rappaport gave me his word of honor that Stem had been as
signed no “political mission." He was only supposed to go to
Constantinople as a representative of the Extrapost, in order to
make connections with the aid of which the Extrapost—a little-
read Monday paper—would obtain influence in Balkan circles.
I explained to him that the whole business amounted to black
mail and that he was being duped. This poor rich young man,
however, trusts the pack of parasites surrounding him more than
he does an honest adviser. 1 think that right afterwards he went
to those scoundrels, in order to have them tell him fresh lies and
to believe in them.
I placed myself at his disposal in case he wanted to unmask
Stem.
April 11
Yesterday I went to see Resmy Bey, the Turkish chargé d'af
faires. He spoke frankly about conditions in Constantinople.
When I told him that I was able to catch the blackmailers Graf
and Stem and show them up publicly, he told me with typically
Turkish shoulder-shrugging and equanimity: ‘T h a t won't do
these two any harm in Constantinople."
He said further that I should win over either Nuri Bey or,
preferably, Tahsim Bey. T h e reigning favorite now is Tahsira
Bey. Lutfy Bey, the interpreter of dreams, was no good for our
purposes. Lutfy’s specialty was decorations and concessioas. For
political matters Tahsim was the best.
I also told Resmy that I was having the Correspondance de
tEst continue through a subvention I was giving to Mme. New-
linski and was keeping it at the disposal of the Turkish govern
ment—of course, quite free of charge et sans arrière-pensée [and
without any ulterior motive]. It was to become a serious and
decent paper.
He thanked me.
We finally spoke about N uri and Tahsira. I said that perhaps
both of them ought to be won over—il y aurait pour tout le
monde [there would be something for everybody]. He gave a
friendly smile, but said Tahsira would not like the idea of Nuri’s
getting something too.
Then I called on Mme. de Newlinski and went over her hus
band’s books with her. The assets even less than I had anticipated.
The whole Correspondance seems to have been a swindle. A
dozen subscribers, et tout finissait par du chantage [and it all
ended in blackmail]. Roughly the same sort of impression as
when one uncovers a counterfeiters’ press in a cellar.
And yet the man was useful to us. His greatest service was to
teach me not to have any respect for pashas.
April li, evening

1 have just received a telegram from London giving the sub
scriptions up to now as 228,000 shares. I could not believe ray
eyes and wired back whether it was really two hundred and
twenty-eight thousand with down-payments. If so, the subscrip
tion is a success, for in the remaining 18 days we are sure to raise
an equal amount.
It would be a success such as I myself did not dare to hope for.
April 13
Those 228,000 turned out to be a bubble.* In reply to my
inquiry there came a correction w'ith different figures. I sent a
sharp telegram criticizing this way of doing things. (Heymann’s?)
Fortunately I didn’t fall for it and didn’t put it in the Welt.
So the question of the subscription’s success remains open.
Yesterday afternoon Resmy Bey came to see me. After a few
words of mourning Newlinski he came out with his true view:
“Notre pauvre ami avait ses defauts [Our poor friend had his
faults]. He was a dubious individual.” T he dead ride fast.**
He very much likes the idea of my supervising and running the
Correspondance. We parted friends.
* In Engllih in the original.

•• Tran* la tor-* Note: Die Toten reiten tehnell, a line from C. A. BQrgcr'a célé
bra led ballad Denote.
April 13
The Graf-Stem blackmail affair has now been cleared up. I
informed Bergmann and Stem. T he latter went to see Graf with
Dr. Wemer. Graf declared after the greeting that he didn’t know
Dr. Herzl at all. He claims never to have seen me!
With this the case is settled.
April 14
We are now undoubtedly in a state of being boycotted by the
big bankers, a state that Seligmann predicted to me last October
in London. If the subscription is a success, we shall later boy
cott them.
April 17
The following joke is making the rounds in Vienna now. The
German Kaiser is supposed to have said to me: “Zionism is a
splendid idea; the only thing is, it can't be carried out with Jews.”
April si
The incompetence of the London Bank Office exceeds all
bounds. Or is it disinclination, laziness? Today, during the last
week of the subscription, they give me the subscription agencies
for Russia, to put in the issue of the Welt that appeared yester
day—which means, too late. T he Rumanian ones are still miss
ing!
Tomorrow I go to Cologne for discussions about the Bank. I
would have wanted to enter in this Book Six as an important
chapter heading whether or not (he subscription has been a suc
cess.
This way the Book ends with a big
Contents
Volume III
Book Seven
April 25, 1899-June 17, 1900
Book Eight
June 18, 1900-May 9, 1901
Book Nine
May 9, 1901-February 11, 1902
Book Ten
February 13, 1902-April4,1902
Book Seven
Begun on April 25, 1899
on the train near Coblenz
O n the way back from Cologn
to Vienna
April 25, on the train
I had told Kann and Heymann to join me at Wolffsohn’s in
Cologne in order to discuss the eventualities of the subscription to
the J.C.T., which ends on the 28th of the month.
Day before yesterday we met in Cologne. For 24 hours, inter
rupted only by sleep, we discussed all matters affecting the Bank.
According to our estimate the subscription probably won’t yield
more than 200,000 shares, y4 of which falls to Russia. Question is
whether under such circumstances we can proceed with the allot
ment.*
I told the gentlemen with rudesse [rudely] that now it would be
demonstrated whether they were the suitable co-workers. Kann
immediately said, “No.”
Yesterday Heymann surprised us with the announcement that
he had to resign as a director because he was going to South Africa
for three months. After his return he intended to resume his post.
I advised him to forego handing in his resignation and having it
declined by the administrative board; during the period in which
the letters went back and forth he would be free from any respon
sibility, about which he seemed to be reluctant; and after his return
he could still be taken back on the board of directors* without a
new election. He said he would have to discuss this with his lawyer
first.
After a lot of pointless, intricate back-and-forth, it appeared that
the gentleman would proceed with the allotment* in any case. The
shares needed to make 250,000 are to be subscribed by a syndicate
which will be formed by Wolffsohn.
# • •
As an interlude, which I presented as a matter expressly to be
kept separate from the J.C.T. and the movement, I described for
the three gentlemen a plan for the acquisition of a newspaper. This
would require a war chest of 500 thousand guilders. With this
money and a declaration of intention to found a rival paper, in my
opinion the majority of the newspaper shares could be bought on
831
the basis of a ten-per-cent capitalization. Heymann, who would
have the money for it, looked scornful and declined under pretexts.
Kann and Wolffsohn don’t have the money. In order to raise it, it
would be necessary to confide in bankers. This would take the lid
off the whole thing and make it impossible.
Nothing, then!
Never was a more difficult task undertaken with more inade
quate means. I am going back deeply depressed.
Tomorrow I shall once again have to make post-facto excuses to
my "chiefs” for the trip I made without previously requesting
leave. Who knows how much longer they will put up with such
escapades?
The movement requires continual déplacements [absences] ; and
there is no doubt that the N. Fr. Pr. could dismiss me for non-fulfill
ment of my duties at the office, “with all due respect for my differ
ences of opinion.” This wretched collision with duty tires, un
nerves, and wears me out more than anything else.
* # *
Prior to my departure I received a letter from Danusso in which

he requests a memorandum for Artin and Tahsin, to be submitted
to the Sultan.
Kellner writes from Paris that he has won Sir Ashmead Bartlett,
the English friend of the Sultan’s, for our cause. Sir Ashmead
Bartlett, M.P., is willing to intercede, but we would have to offer
to procure for the Sultan a loan of at least a million pounds, for
the time being, since the financial troubles are pressing ones.
* • *
From one of the next stations I will send Leon Kellner the
following wire:
Kellner, c/o J. Kaufman, 2 rue des Diguiéres, Paris.
Will be in Vienna tomorrow morning. Would like to speak Ellis
for few minutes when he passes through the Westbahnhof.
Go to Gare Est this evening, see if he travels Orient Express, and
notify him orally.
Expecting wired reply Vienna.
* * *
Also, to Wolffsohn:
Inquire tonight at sleeping-car London-Vienna whether Sir Ellis
Ashmead Bartlett of London aboard.
Expecting your wired reply home tomorrow morning. Regards.
Benjamin.
April 28, Vienna

The red-letter day. Will the minimum for the Bank be raised?
I doubt it.
• # *
Wrote to Wolffsohn today and asked if it would be possible to

raise 20,000 guilders, which would be a one year’s subvention
placing the Wiener Tageblatt at our disposal. I would make York-
Steiner the editor.
* # *
Konried and Miinz, contributors to the Neues Wiener Tage

blatt, are now soliciting the Correspondance de I ’Est which I am
supporting. As Mme de Newlinski informs me, they would like to
continue the journal with the aid of subsidies from the Turkish
government and from banks. Thus, send it through the blackmail.*
I am supposed to speak with them and sound them out.
April 28
Letter to Sir Ellis Ashmead Bartlett, M.P., British Post Office,
Constantinople: * *
• Translator’s Note: Herzl’s pun (auf der eigenen Erpresse drucken) involves a
combination of the words for “ press” and “ extortion.”
• • Original text.
Dear Sir,
Professor Kellner writes me, that he had the pleasure of explain
ing to you the aims of our Zionist movement, and that you were
kind enough to take an interest in it. I should write you an "ex
posé” on the subject, but I am not able to do that in good English,
and I would not put such a delicate matter into the hands of a trans
lator. The thing may however be told in a few words. The Zion
ists are the representatives of the scattered Jewish People. They
would reestablish their unfortunate brethren in Palestine under
the Suzerainty of H.M. the Sultan, and under a sufficient guaran
tee of public right. The Turkish Government could, by coming to
an agreement with the Zionists, regenerate the finances of the Em
pire. For that purpose we have founded a new Bank with a Capital
of 2 Million Pounds Sterling. Our Bank is to be the financial in
strument of our aims and the agent for procuring loans etc. for the
Turkish government. I am ready to explain the matter to H.M.
the Sultan.
It is easy to understand, that a capital of two millions is not suffi
cient to carry out such a great plan. It is merely the first step. The
next would be to form a large Land-Company with a capital of ten,
and more, million pounds.
All is prepared by me to make of that undertaking an enormous
success, once the Sultan accepts my preliminary propositions. I
have the intention to come to Constantinople within the near
future.
With the personal and material means at the disposal of our
people we should be able to construct, in a very short time, rail
ways, harbours, a whole new culture. Christian fellow-workers will
be welcome. The work is great enough for many energies.
Believe me, dear Sir,
Yours faithfully
T h. Herzl.
* # •
Letter to Artin Pasha, to be transmitted by Danusso:*
April 28, 1899
Your Excellency:
Permit me to introduce myself to you by recalling the memory
of the lamented M. de Newlinski. He was a devoted servant of
H.M. the Sultan and a sincere friend to Turkey. It was this devo
tion which was the source of his reasons for being a zealous propa
gator of Zionism, of which I have for some time been the humble
representative.
The purpose of Zionism is to create a lasting and legally assured
refuge for our unfortunate, persecuted brethren in various coun
tries. We should like this refuge to be Palestine, if there is a possi
bility of obtaining His Majesty’s permission. The Jewish colonists
will be faithful and devoted subjects of H.M., who, I believe, has
never had reason to be anything but proud of his Jewish subjects.
They will pay taxes through new organizations which will have to
be created in the country. They will increase, together with their
own well-being, the resources of that province of H.M. and of the
whole Empire.
For our part, we shall provide H.M.’s government with loans
under conditions still to be worked out, but which will certainly
be able to raise up to several hundreds of millions of francs. What
we wish to obtain in return for these sacrifices and services is simply
lasting security and a legal guarantee to work in peace for our poor,
persecuted masses.
We have discussed our plans and projects openly and loyally in
two public congresses held in Basel, and in order to avoid all mis
understanding, we have taken care each time to begin our de
liberations by laying our respectful homage at the foot of H.M. the
Sultan’s throne.
The financial assistance that we wish to provide for Turkey, if
she makes us welcome, will certainly not be limited to taxes and
loans. Its entire financial situation can be put in order with our
cooperation.
You will have to retire the public debt and once more freely
enjoy your own assets and resources. T hat will take perhaps a few
years of circumspect and determined labor, but we will be fully
successful.
This task would require absolute secrecy and mutual confi
dence, because your enemies will not want Turkey to rise again
and once more become materially independent. Everything will be
done to thwart our beneficent undertaking, if it is not carried out
with the utmost caution and skill
I shall only call to your Excellency’s attention that every time
financial assistance has been promised or provided to Turkey it
was done by those who exacted usurious interest rates, subjected
you to foreign management, and went away having impoverished
the country still further. With us it is the other way round. The
conditions under which you will obtain the money are reasonable
ones. We offer you freedom from foreign control. And, last of all,
these are not people who want to desert you, to abandon you, but
who wish to unite their destiny with yours.
To carry out our financial plans we have just established the
Jewish Colonial Trust in London. It will serve as an intermediary
in the initial transactions. For the future we have laid the ground
work for establishing the major companies that will be necessary.
We can go no farther at present as long as we do not know whether
an agreement is feasible or whether we will have to direct our plans
toward another territory.
If His Majesty the Sultan would do me the honor of granting
me an audience, I would come to Constantinople with all speed to
place my homage at the foot of his throne, reply respectfully to any
objections that H.M., in his lofty wisdom, might see fit to make,
and finally to supply all desired explanations and proofs.
My numerous occupations would not allow me to go to Con
stantinople unless the audience were previously arranged.
Kindly accept, Your Excellency, my highest regards.
Yours faithfully,
Dr. Th. H.
May 23
Le ressort se fatigue [The well is running dry]. I can see it best
by the gaps in the entries. Nothing since April 28.
Yet quite a number of things happened during this period. New
arrangements, obstacles, especially emanating from the deficient
J.C.T. However, I believe that the other people aren’t any smarter
and keener than our people of the J.C.T.
The meetings of the Board of Directors in London and else
where always run along without any results, and afterwards the
gentlemen run off comme si de rien n’était [as if nothing had hap
pened].
* * *
I have carried through two matters.

1. The liquidation of the Newlinski affair. In the interest of the
widow I am transforming the Correspondance de l’Est into a
French-language daily. It will be headed by Kozmian, and I believe
that in this way he will be kept attached to our cause. His Man Fri
day will be a French teacher, M. Bresse, who introduced himself to
me as a Zionist quite some time ago. If the paper turns out well, the
widow will be provided for. The funds for the change-over will be
contributed by us. She will continue to draw her husband’s sub
sidy. 600 guilders a month for the production costs. By the end of
the year the paper, to which I gave the name Petit Journal de
Vienne, must pay its own way.
2. Baroness Suttner wrote me, asking me to persuade the Neue
Freie Presse to send her to the Peace Conference at T he Hague
with a “partial subsidy” of 1000 guilders. The publishers refused.
So I offered her 1000 guilders to go there on behalf of the Welt.
She was to interview the chief figures at the Conference on the sub
ject of Zionism. She accepted. In this way we shall have brought
Zionism to the attention of assembled Europe without irritating
Turkey or infringing on her rights.
I will go to the Hague myself in June and try to meet the peace
people at the Suttner salon.
May 23
Yesterday, however, the A.C. decided that I should go to Con
stantinople first. I have to go to London, too. It will again be
squandering my nervous strength if I am to go to Constantinople
in June, from there to The Hague, and then to London to restore
order in the Bank and revive the dormant subscription.
Fighting conferences everywhere, in London a standard-
speech*! Very exhausting!
May 27
Wolffsohn and Kann are here. According to their reports, the
minimum for the J.C.T. is assured at last. T o be sure, Lourié is
contributing 175 thousand to it. T he allotment* is expected to
ward the end of June. But who can tell about that, with the busi
ness dragging on like this?
I am now concentrating on the creation of the journalistic organ
on which I have been working for a good long time. Difficulty is the
nervus rerum [keynote]. 500 thousand essential, in shares of 50
each. I have worked out a memorandum for Rosenbaum. The
clou [crux] in it is the subsequent co-operative basis. Share certifi
cates at 100 guilders, with the privilege of receiving a free copy and
dividends. I don't know whether I shall carry this through, what
with the lack of qualified assistants. But it is surely an idea of the
coming century. This is the reform of the newspaper business. The
subscribers as shareholders or cooperative members of the journal.
May 31
Through a peculiar incident I got to see Chief of Police Habrda
yesterday.
That bastard Graf who had attempted an extortion or a swindle
on me several weeks ago had the nerve to accost me yesterday in
town and abuse me. Fortunately, all I did was to yell “You bastard"
at him. I had already raised my umbrella in order to strike him.
Then I saw that passers-by were gathering about us, so instead I
walked away quickly.
In the evening I called on Chief of Police Habrda, who greeted
me charmingly, and turned the matter over to him.
Then our conversation took a political turn and lasted for an
hour. He only talked about the troubles of the government and
how happy they were when they found a way out. "Ain’t there no
way at all?” said the Chief, quoting a popular song. I slept on the
matter and now, at 6:30 in the morning, am writing him as follows:
Dear Chief Habrda:

Our talk yesterday has given me food for thought. I really be
lieve that there is a way out of the present botched situation.
The main problem of the moment, it seems to me, is to spare our
Emperor the necessity of making a decision against Austria or
against Hungary, to keep the anti-dynastic parties on either side
from making capital of it.
The key to this is to make the Vienna Parliament capable of ac
tion again, so that the representatives of the people and not the
Emperor may be responsible for the compromise. I feel that the
present situation is enjoyed most by the most extreme obstruction
ists who are screaming the loudest about the lack of a parliament.
This pretext must be taken away from them without making
them too many concessions. At the root of the trouble are the lan
guage ordinances. If they remained in force, the present situation
would be prolonged and worsened, and would permanently affect
the relationship between both parts of the monarchy. The solu
tions of controversial economic questions and other problems of
the moment could, to be sure, be made under the authority of His
Majesty, but that is an expensive procedure from the point of view
of political economy, so to speak.
If, on the other hand, the language ordinances are simply with
drawn, this will be a blow to the prestige of the government which
had to capitulate.
If there is a middle road, that is where it must be looked for. The
languages ordinances—which, by the way, now arouse only bore
dom in the widest circles—would have to be eliminated for the
time being from the discussions of the politicians.
To exert His Majesty’s authority for this—that is to say, this
elimination—would be less dubious than to exert it between Aus
tria and Hungary. Indeed, the general personal popularity of our
Emperor would only gain by a paternal interference in the Ger
man-Bohemian dispute.
I have in mind a campaign—naturally, one tactfully prepared
for in advance by publicity—for the temporary elimination of the
language-ordinances question. As a constitutional monarch, the
Emperor desires the houses of popular representatives to meet to
gether again, so that the compromise might be made by both
houses. The language ordinances should be discussed once more at
a conference of German and Czech representatives, one that might
be opened by the Emperor himself. Depending on the result of
this conference, the Emperor would then decide to what extent
these ordinances should be modified. A further question would be
whether the language ordinances should be suspended until this
conference is held. However, perhaps the very announcement of
such mediation to be handled by the Emperor himself will lead to
appeasing the Parliament.
The final aim would be to let the entire question of the language
ordinances dry up in the sand.
Any refusal on the part of the obstructionists to take this middle
road would place them in the wrong in full view of their con
stituents, and they, not the government, would bear the responsi
bility for any economic disadvantages of the settlement. To sum
up: It seems better to me from the point of view of political
economy to use Imperial intervention, if indeed it must be re
sorted to, in an internal Austrian question, which can be dragged
out and put to sleep through negotiations, than in a dualistic ques
tion, which presses for a quick decision and one against a part of
the monarchy.
I am writing these lines, my dear Chief, confident that you will
bring their contents to the attention of only His Majesty and His
Excellency Count Thun, if you so please, but give this information
to no one else.
With the expression of my deepest respect,
Yours faithfully,
D r.T h .H .
• * #
Karl-Ludwigstrasse 50, Wàhring, Vienna.
June 5, 1899
Dear Sir: *
In spite of what has happened I must correct an assertion made
by Mr. Landau. He has written in his sheet that in the course of
the suit which I have brought against him I have had you attacked
by my attorney. T hat is a lie.
I certainly hope that you do not believe me capable of such an
action.

Herzl.
To Bernard Lazare.
June 5
Had a peculiar experience yesterday. I wanted to have Eulen-
burg’s Amsterdam letter photostated before my departure, so as to
save the only copy from being destroyed. The letter had been kept
in a safe since October. The day before yesterday I had it brought
to my house, for Marmorek. I received it in the garden, then went
to dinner, after which I drove to the city; and since I had an editor
ial to write for the Neue Freie Presse (about Dreyfus’ return), I
didn’t get home until late at night.
Yesterday morning Marmorek came over with his photographic
machine. I looked for the letter—not there. I got frightened, ran
sacked all drawers of my desk, etc.—nothing. For months there had
been on my desk the manuscript of a novel, which I had happened
to turn over to Rosenberger yesterday. Perhaps the letter had
slipped into it. Kremenezky went to see Rosenberger, my father-
nothing.
In the afternoon I drove to the city myself—to Rosenberger, to
the office of the Welt, to my parents. Nothingl The letter which I
had taken such good care of, which I wanted to protect from acci
dents forever, lost through this very precaution! A tragicomedy. In
whose hands was it by that time? What a calamity!
At that point my good father advised me to look in the garden,
too. I drove home, hurried to the knoll of firs on which I had re
ceived the letter the day before yesterday. There was the precious
letter lying on a bench. As chance would have it, in 24 hours the
gardener had not been there to clean up, nor had our children,
who tear up all letters. Nor had there been any rain, which would
have soaked the letter and completely destroyed it.
June 13, The Hague

Vreedensconferentie [Peace Conference].
If I were fresher in the movement, these days at The Hague
would surely furnish me a good deal of material for my diary. But
I have grown weary, blasé, through all the struggles and adven
tures.
This explains why people who do and experience many remarka
ble things seldom write anything remarkable.
I have come here because Suttner is here and may be able to put
me in touch with the Czar’s people.
The very first evening she introduced me to the Russian Coun-
cillor-of-State Bloch, the man who put the idea of a Peace Confer
ence into the Czar’s head. An intelligent, educated, old trading
Jew. He interested me—and apparently I, him.
He asked me to put into more poetic form a parable he was
going to use in his address. I did so. Then he thought my work too
poetic. He couldn’t pass it off as his own: he wasn’t a writer.
* * *
Yesterday I was interviewed by Mr. Stead, the English yellow-

journalist.
• * *
In the evening, dinner at Suttner’s with Léon Bourgeois and

others.
Bourgeois made, if anything, an unpleasant impression. Poseur
et phraseur sans distinction [charlatan and phrase-maker without
distinction], a faithless radical with unctuous manners, a freethink
er’s popishness. Toward the end of the dinner I heard Frau Suttner
talking to him about Zionism. He agreed with her and said he liked
the idea. But I deliberately refrained from listening more closely,
not wanting to open a discussion at this table.
After dinner, in the salon, Suttner produced a recording ma
chine, into which everyone was to speak, as a souvenir. Bourgeois
spoke some twaddle, the Italian attaché said something silly; the
French ambassador, whose name I don’t know, was embarrassed.
Fortunately it turned out that the machine didn’t work. I poked
fun at it: “J’allais dire cette pensée mediocre 'Le phonographe nous
inspire la crainte utile de la postérité’ [I was going to make this un
distinguished observation: The phonograph inspires us with a
salutary fear of posterity].”
Bourgeois said: “Vous pourriez dire la même chose du photo
graphe [You could say the same thing about a photograph].”
I rejoined: “De tout ce qui nous fixe [About everything that fixes
us].”
* # #
Then we all went to the concert at the Casino. There was, at any
rate, something curious about seeing the representatives of all
civilized nations, and those who would like to become so, all
dressed up and listening to music.
June 16, Scheveningen

Put in a few hours’ work yesterday for State-Councillor Bloch,
a peculiar human specimen. Energetic as if he were not 65 but 35
years old, crafty and good-natured, selfless and ambitious. We like
each other.
* • *
Another curious old man usually shows up at meals: Tachard,

an ancien ambassadeur de France [former French ambassador] of
the Second Empire—vantard, bon enfant, grognard de la paix
[braggart, regular fellow, grumbler about the peace], a mordant
wit but a splendid fellow.
• * •
Talked at length with Bloch after lunch today. He told me the

story of the Czar’s manifesto. The Czar had told him that the
original suggestion came from the Emperor of Austria. Later the
German Kaiser wanted to take the peace idea for his and launch it
in Palestine. Whereupon the Russians decided to beat him to it, be
cause the Czar’s authority was still too recent to permit him to tag
along. The Russian people couldn’t have been won to the idea if
the Czar had accepted it as a follower of the Kaiser.
And today there is before the Conference a declaration by the
German delegate, Zorn, to the effect that the Court of Arbitration
is contrary to the sovereign rights of monarchs and the independ
ence of nations.
I said that two blocs would form then: Etats de Varbitrage [Arbi
tration States] and Outlaw* States. Isn’t this a specter that I ought
to bring to the attention of the German Kaiser, via the Grand
Duke?
Bloch warmly encouraged me to do this.
* # #

Our good Mr. Hechler wrote me that Your Royal Highness
would be gracious enough to receive me again when I pass through,
in order to receive my reports about more recent developments in
the Zionist movement.
Unfortunately Mr. Hechler’s information did not reach me at
Nauheim, but only here. May I therefore request your kind per
mission to present myself at Baden-Baden after my return from
London at the beginning of July. After all the kindness that Your
Royal Highness and His Majesty have shown me I consider it my
duty to mention something quite timely today as well. Through
a number of friends I have had the opportunity here to find out
various things. The prevailing opinion throughout the Peace Con
ference is hostile to Germany. The German delegate Zorn’s decla
rations against the Court of Arbitration, which are regarded as
much too harsh, have given rise to an idea which I would like to
bring to the attention of Y.R.H. before it is thrown open to public
discussion. The idea has emerged to bring about agreement on the
principle of a Court of Arbitration if need be even without Ger
many and other opponents.
Then there would be Etats de l'arbitrage, and others—a kind of
outlaws* under international law. The danger to Germany would
be the formation of a confederation, on an idealistic basis of justice
and without emphasis on any specific point at issue, possibly cut
ting across the existing alliances, which would suddenly leave Ger
many outside, as happened to Austria at the time of the Germanic
Confederation. And precisely because there is no specific demand
or point of contention, Germany would have no real way of oppos
ing it.
I hope it is a case of reckoning without one’s host, and I would
be happy if my modest information contributed to the timely
averting of a danger to Germany.
The day after tomorrow I go to Paris from here. Only if Y.R.H.
or H.I.M. should desire a further report about what I have men
tioned above would I stay here a day longer. In that case, may I re
quest your telegraphic instructions.
I also take the liberty of giving you my London address. Begin
ning the 25th of this month, it will be Hotel Cecil, London.
Begging Y.R.H. to accept the expression of my profoundest re
spect, I remain
Gratefully yours,
Dr. Th. H.
June 17.
On the train from The Hague to Brussels.
Tachard, who left Scheveningen yesterday, told us, among many
other things, what he had once heard about Bismarck. At one time
Bismarck is said to have sent 150 waiters to the Riviera to eaves
drop on the conversations of the fashionable travelers in the hotels.
Tachard followed every waiter with comically furious glances,
saying: “C’est un espion [He’s a spy].”
• * *
Yesterday afternoon I spoke to Bloch about Zionism at last. He

raised no excessive objections. He said he would try to procure an
audience for me with the Czar, provided that he himself was still
in favor.
We walked up and down for a long time on the landward side
of the Casino. He told me about his audiences with the Czar and
the Czarina. He described the latter as a forte tête [good mind] and
grand coeur [great heart].
He considers it possible that the Czar will receive me and even
issue a rescript en faveur [in favor] of Zionism.
Mais après [But what then]?
For the present that would satisfy me, I said.
* # *
Yesterday evening Nuri Bey came to see me. We dined in the

salon adjoining my room. I wanted to talk with him alone, not
among the Suttner party. Nuri has an unpleasant rogue’s face. The
conversation at table was downright uncomfortable at first. I
dragged it along over indifferent matters. Newlinski served as our
entrée en matière [entry to the subject]. Nuri passed the hardest
judgment on him, at first in guarded words. “Appelons-le le défunt
[Let us call him the deceased].” Newlinski, he said, had cheated me,
had never brought my proposals to the attention of those in au
thority, but, on the contrary, had offered to spy on us. Mahmud
Nedim had gone along with Newl. in everything, parce qu’il cou
chait avec sa femme [because he slept with his wife].
When the conversation grew more intimate—along about the
champagne—Nuri said: “Tranchons le mot, c’était une sale ca
naille ce Newlinski [Let’s not mince words: this Newlinski was a
filthy scum].”
The conversation got very intimate. When Nuri saw that I was
hesitating and beating about the bush, he made things easy for me
and spoke openly, frankly, and cynically. “There are people who
want to make a buck. I’ll get together a syndicate for you that will
do the job at Yildiz. The Porte doesn’t count at all. This man must
get so much, that one so much. I’m on good terms with them all,
because I always treat everyone correctly. Izzet Bey, for example,
who is now out of favor, gets the same amicable treatment from me
as before. I give him the same presents, etc. The man is too intelli
gent not to get back into favor again. Then he will be grateful to
me for it.”
However, Palestine is going to be difficult. Il y a des questions
qu’il ne faut pas attaquer de front, mais en biais. Prenez Halep,
achetez des terrains autour de Beyrout, et faites après tâche d’huile.
Arrivera un moment difficile où on aura besoin de vos services;
vous vous présenterez et demanderez la Palestine [There are some
things that shouldn’t be attacked head on, but sidewise. Get
Aleppo, buy land around Beirut, and then spread out. A difficult
time will come when they will need your services; then you will
present yourself and demand Palestine].
I told him that I couldn’t do that. For the sake of our supporters
I mustn’t ask for anything but Palestine.
I required a Chartered Company.* He asked: “Can you get the
German Kaiser to back that proposition? Oui ou non [Yes or no]?”
I said vigorously: “Oui [Yes]!”
He replied: “Alors la chose est faite [Then it's done]. The Kai
ser’s recommendation alone, or a syndicate at Yildiz alone, can’t do
it. But if you have both, it can be done.”
I: “Within what time?”
He: “One or two months.”
I: “Should I go to Constantinople?”
He: “Yes. I’ll introduce you to Tahsin. He is a friend of mine.”
He made me various other propositions. Would we care to ac
quire real estate in Constantinople on a mortgage basis? Within a
few years we could own half of Constantinople.
I rejected the idea, because this was bound to stir up anti-Semi
tism.
Next he offered to buy up the entire public opinion* of Turkey
for 3-400,000 francs. In short, anything I wanted . . .
Then we drove to The Hague and were friends.
When he came in he had called me Monsieur, at table Monsieur
l’docteur, over the Rhine wine Monsieur Herzl, over the cham
pagne Monsieur de Herzl, and over the cheese, cher ami [dear
friend].
Aventure facile [Easy adventure] !
Paris, June 19, Hotel Castille

Out of piety I still stop at the old place where I wrote the Jewish
State, four years ago now. What a road since thenl And what weari-
ness. My heart is badly strained. I suffer from palpitations and an
irregular pulse.
* * *
Supplement to Scheveningen.
On the morning of my departure (two days ago) Bloch came to
my room and begged me to stay on, because the German delegate
Zorn had been called back to Berlin, perhaps in consequence of my
letter. But I didn’t want to stay any longer, although he called my
attention to the historic significance of the occasion. J'avais produit
mon petit effet [I had had my little effect] and didn’t wish to be
waiting in vain for a wire from the Grand Duke. I thought it quite
unlikely that the Grand Duke would answer me.
In the course of this final talk Bloch asked me to make a brief ex
tract from my letter to the Grand Duke. He copied this extract,
which I am pasting in below, and gave it to Ambassador Staal, who
telegraphed it to the Czar, in St. Petersburg.
Bloch took this occasion to tell me the following anecdote about
the Czar.
When the German Kaiser had a comparative chart of the Naval
Powers made at the Navy’s request, Bloch studied this graphic
presentation, which seemed incorrect to him, and actually dis
covered that the scale used for the Russian ships was different from
the correct one. During his next conversation with the Czar he
drew the latter’s attention to it. Whereupon the Czar said:
“T hat’s quite like him (the German Kaiser).”
* * *
Presentation which Bloch gave to Staal:

I have associated here with the Viennese writer Dr. Theodor
Herzl, who in recent years has made a name for himself particularly
as the leader of the Zionist movement. When I told him about the
difficulties being raised on the part of Germany, he wrote a letter to
the Grand Duke of Baden the day before yesterday, for the sake of
the good cause, and gave me its substance.
Inasmuch as Dr. Herzl has for years enjoyed the confidence of the
Grand Duke of Baden and has also repeatedly been received in con
fidence by the German Kaiser, his words, which were intended for
immediate transmission to the German Kaiser, will probably not
remain without effect.
Dr. H. wrote approximately the following:
He is of the opinion that the prevailing sentiment at the Peace
Conference is not exactly favorable to Germany. Zorn’s declara
tions in opposition to the Court of Arbitration have been regarded
as much too harsh. The idea has arisen of bringing about agree
ment on the principle of the Court of Arbitration even without
Germany and other opponents, if need be. Then there would be
Etats de l'arbitrage and others. The danger for Germany would be
that on an ideal foundation of justice, without stressing any specific
controversial matter, a confederation would be formed, possibly
cutting across the present alliances, and that Germany would sud
denly stand outside it alone, as Austria once did in the case of the
Germanic Confederation. And precisely because there is no posi
tive demand or controversy, Germany would have no real weapon
against it.
Dr. H. has made these disclosures about his letter to me in com
plete confidence.
June 19, Paris

Mandelstamm advises me that the Russian Minister of Finance,
Witte, has ordered the censors not to let the leaflets of the J.C.T.
enter any longer. I am to intervene via Bloch. Thereupon I wrote
Bloch the following:
Paris, June 19
Strictly confidential 1
Your Excellency:
It will be well if you keep me au courant [informed] regarding
your address from now till the beginning of July, since I shall prob
ably be with Uncle between the 2nd and the 4th of July and might
be able to arrange a number of things there.
I have a request to make today. I have been informed that Witte
is not very favorably disposed toward the Zionist Bank which is in
process of formation (it is called The Jewish Colonial Trust [Jew
ish Colonial Bank], London). Please write him a few words of ex
planation, saying that it is a matter of a perfectly loyal enterprise,
one designed to carry out the surely praiseworthy tasks of Jewish
colonization. Therefore he should put no obstacles in the path of
the subscription in Russia, but only maintain a benevolent inac
tivity. I don’t require any support or money from him. I probably
don’t need to tell you that I have no personal and material interests
whatever in this Bank. I am not even on the Board of Directors, but
only on the Council, honoris causa [as an honorary member].
Always ready to perform services in return and with the kindest
regards, I am
Your Excellency’s obedient servant,

T h .H .
June 21, Paris

Yesterday morning I went down the old rue Cambon to the
Tuileries gardens, where there is an Automobile Exposition now.
Automobiles are as though made for us. We shall have cement
roads, fewer railroads, and right from the start institute new forms
of traffic.
When, with such thoughts, I left the Exposition and got out into
the gardens, I suddenly found myself in the square bordered with
mythological statues where, at exactly this season four years ago, I
conceived the Jewish State* while walking. And as though awak
ened by the genius loci [spirit of the place], plans of social reform
again popped into my mind, which has since become more slug
gish.
At the exhibition I saw the American “Cleveland Car," the best
automobile available. The French cars are too complicated to op
erate. The Cleveland Car seems to be the last word as of today. It
operates on storage batteries which, it is true, have to be recharged
every 100 kilometers. Relays of electric power, as once there were
relays of post-horses. Still, practical even today, provided there are
enough recharging stations in the area one drives in. A cooperative
society of such car owners could provide for the stations, in the ab
sence of individual enterprise.
This gave me a further idea, that of developing mutualism* (the
word occurred to me while I was writing; yesterday in the Tuil
eries I searched for it in vain to express the idea which was clear in
my mind) in all areas. Mutualism* strikes me as the middle road
between capitalism and collectivism. Producers’ and consumers’
cooperatives are only beginnings, suggestions of the mutual* prin
ciple. I already had it in mind in Vienna, at the founding of the
newspaper: subscribers and advertisers as co-publishers of the
mass-circulation paper.
I presume that the American insurance companies are also based
on this principle. I will make a study of mutual* companies.
June 21
Went yesterday afternoon with Nordau and Marmorek to see

Narcisse Leven, the president of the Alliance Israélite and the
I.C.A. We had previously agreed on what was to be brought up;
Nordau also edited the written note we were going to leave. But
then I thought that this wouldn’t be the right thing to do, and it
was decided that Alex Marmorek should afterwards make a proto
col which we would send to Leven.
Leven received us in his slippers, old floppy house shoes, and
Nordau, who sat next to him, later assured us that Mr. President’s
feet had not been free from odor. The conversation zero. Leven
yielded on everything. The I.C.A. would go with us once we had
achieved the “Charter.” We must not make reference to the I.C.A.;
but as soon as we have the “Charter,” they will be with us.
Alex Marmorek will make a record of this dreary, unresisting
conversation for reference and send it to the A.C.
July 4, Bad Nauheim
I am back from London.

Now at last the Bank is ready.
I arrived in London with Wolffsohn on the evening of the 25th.
In the Hotel Cecil, DeHaas and two other gentlemen from the
Federation* were waiting for me. They wanted to translate my
speech, which I hadn’t finished yet. I worked on it until 12:30 mid
night and sent it down to them page by page.
The next morning I drove to the Bank Office with Wolffsohn.
Then to St. Martin’s Town Hall for a conference of the English
Zionist Federation. I spoke in support of the Federation, which is
being fought by the Russian element in the East End. I told Bent-
wich that we must proceed with the allotment* on Thursday, July
29, no matter what. He made all sorts of objections, but still I car
ried my point. By now the difficulties have been overcome and are
therefore forgotten. They loomed large on J une 27.
At one point Bentwich, who for reasons incomprehensible to me
is slipping bâtons dans les roues [a spoke in the wheel], demanded
the approval of all out-of-town directors for an amendment to a
resolution on which he was making the allotment* dependent. By
this he obviously intended to delay the matter, during which time
I would have to leave. I beat this down with long telegrams which
cost £17., and the next morning everyone’s consent to the allot
ment* was on hand. In London cash down-payments in the amount
of £57,ooo had been made for over 250,000 shares (the minimum),
but only 228,000 shares had been registered. I ordered full steam
ahead in the office. On the morning of the 29th we proceeded with
the allotment*, with 240,000 registered shares. Meanwhile, by five
o’clock that afternoon the missing ones were registered, and the
very same evening I had that fact certified by Auditor Jackson. The
allotment* was made on the basis of our material conviction that at
least 250,000 shares had been subscribed. The registration of the
shares that had come in by mail in the meantime, a task completed
by evening, cut the ground from under the feet of any subsequent
slander, which we may count on with certainty.
Heymann, the South African, who had rendered us good service
as a director in the preliminary work on the Bank, handed in his
resignation.
Gaster and Bentwich having made things unbearable for him,
Gaster and Bentwich want to seize control of the Bank for them
selves. I urged Heymann to stay, but after much back-and-forth he
finally did stick to his decision.
Gaster proposed another director, who is loyal to him, to take
Heymann’s place. Him I rejected. Now we have no director in
London, nor a manager. Our worries grow.
As trustees Wolffsohn and Kann nominated myself, Nordau,
and Mandelstamm. At this proposal Bentwich declared he would
have to withdraw—Bentwich, whom I made the Solicitor of the
Bank because he was a Zionist. The Gaster-Bentwich faction wants
Gaster or Montefiore as a trustee, because the opposition of one
single trustee blocks any action. However, after the experience we
had with Gaster on that first power of attorney we have grown
cautious.
Today Kann informs me from The Hague that he has spoken
with Nuri. His reply to the proposal that the “Alphabet” partici
pate in the syndicate was something like this: “Un tiens vaut
deux fois un tu l'auras [A bird in the hand is worth two in the
bush].”
“Money talks,” in other words. I must try to get Nuri round.
Kann does not seem to suffice for the job.
In London I received a wire from the Grand Duke: “Thanks for
Scheveningen letter; matter has made progress in meantime. Shall
not be here the next four weeks. Friedrich.”
So I shall not visit him until alter the Congress.
# # #
A wire from Bloch also. He will try to intervene (regarding the

release of the Bank subscription in Russia).
July 23, Reichenau

Yesterday I wrote the following letter from Vienna to Minister
of State Biilow, who is currently spending his vacation on the
Semmering:
Your Excellency:
Tomorrow, Sunday, I shall be in Reichenau near Payerbach,
in the vicinity of the Semmering. It would be a great distinction
and joy for me to be received by Your Excellency, of course not as
an inquiring reporter, but as a Zionist of proven discretion.
In response to a wire that I might receive at the Hotel Thalhof
at Reichenau in the morning, I would come out to the Semmering
at 4:30 p.m. I am permitting myself this exact determination of
the time not out of immodesty, but also to facilitate the refusal
of my visit in a way least painful to me. I should like to be able to
think: Count Biilow did not wish to see me this particular Sunday
at 4:30.
With sincere respect, I am
Your Excellency's most obedient servant,

Dr. Th. H.
This noon the following wire came from him:

For reasons of health and to my great regret I must forego all
visits and have a complete rest. Hope to see you another time.
Kind regards, Biilow.
July 26, Vienna

Gaster is mulish because I wish to bridle his lust for power in
the Bank. In response to my most amiable letters, in which I draw
his attention to the consequences of his trouble-making, he irri
tably throws his accomplishments up to now in my face and throws
his “office” at my feet.
Today I am writing him another (the third) conciliatory letter.
# # #
Nordau doesn’t want to come to Basel, because he has to go to

Rennes for the Dreyfus trial. Am writing him, too, a serious letter,
saying he must come.
July 28, Vienna

Only now do I have a chance to enter the Alphabet which
Nuri sent me in London through Kann:
Leurs Excellences [Their Excellencies]
Hadji Ali Bey (a) Ilias Bey (g)
Tahsin Bey (b) Raghib Bey (h)
Izzet Bey (c) Hadji Mahmud Eff. (i)
Faik Bey (d) S.A. le Grand Vizir G)
Arif Bey (e) L.L.E.E. les Ministres
Kiamil Bey (f) des Travaux publics
[Their Excellencies the
Ministers of Public
Works] (k)
August 6, Vienna
The chief tenet of my life:
Whoever wishes to change men must change the conditions
under which they live.
* # #
My testament for the Jewish people:

Make your State in such a way that the stranger will feel com
fortable among you.
August 11, on the Orient Express, beyond Munich
Before my departure from Vienna there was a row with Bâcher.
I had written a feuilleton for the Sunday paper (“The Auto
mobile”) and had done a good job, so as to have a good exit for a
leave of absence. On Monday, after the evening paper had been
put to bed, I told him that I now wanted to go on leave. I thought
it was an oversight that to date he had not made out the train
ticket to Buchs which had been lying on his desk for three days.
However, it was no accident. Through the shabby expedient of
denying me the ticket he wanted to keep me there longer. He said:
“Now, before the Goethe number, you want to leave me alone?
And how long do you wish to stay away?”
I: “Until the beginning of September.”
He (gruffly): “That can’t be done.”
I: “All right, then I’ll be back on the 24th of August.”
He went out without saying good-bye. I left him the key to the
feuilleton desk with a brief, dry note.
To this day I am in this humiliating position of having to ask for
leave like an office boy.
But things came to an even prettier pass. The day before my
departure the N eu e Freie Presse carried in its "Foreign News”
section an item taken from German papers according to which the
Grand Duke of Baden “expressed himself very skeptically about
the Zionist movement” to the Jewish scholar Dr. Berliner at St.
Moritz.
The opposite is true. The Grand Duke’s statement, which was
very friendly to me even according to the Jewish Chronicle (it is
contained in today’s Welt), was printed in falsified form by the lie
sheets Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums and Jüdische Presse,
and made its way from these infamous sheets into the general press.
The N eue Freie Presse took it up with delight. This is the reward
I get for many good services.
* * #
I had sent Hechler to the Grand Duke of Hesse in order to

request an audience for me. I will ask the Grand Duke of Hesse to
procure an audience for me with the Czar, his brother-in-law, when
the latter visits him at Darmstadt soon.
« * •
More than with my still unfinished Congress speech and with

the princes and my slave drivers at the Neue Frété Presse I have
been occupied all these days with the plan of my new play Die
siindige Mutter [The Sinful Mother], the thought of which
delights me.
August 12, on the train, approaching Basel

After complicated train changes I arrived in Heidelberg at mid
night yesterday and, this morning, sleepy, at Darmstadt, where the
good Hechler was already waiting nervously. He had feared that
I would not arrive in time. We had an appointment at the palace
between nine and twelve, i.e., the time of the general audiences.
I tried to catch a short half hour’s sleep, finally bathed the sleep
out of my bones, dressed (not swallow-tails, however, but only the
Prince Albert), and then we drove to the palace, which is path-
archally situated at the vegetable market. Or, the vegetable market
is intimately near the palace.
One gets accustomed to audiences, too. T he coolly courteous
adjutant, whose friendliness is artfully disobliging; the guards at
every door and gate; the important lackeys; the officers waiting for
those minutes of the audience, all slicked up, and decoration-
studded public-school teachers in the ante-chamber—all these no
longer impressed me. I unabashedly studied their transparent
decorated souls, enjoyed the pretty rococo paneling over the doors,
and looked out at the castle courtyard.
We had been waiting for a half-hour—the thirteen of us—when
the Chief Adjutant went out, apparently to submit a list of those
present.
He had previously jotted down our names in a notebook. The
order is determined by the Grand Duke. Most of the audiences last
only seconds. Hechler and I did not come until toward the end, so
we were able to watch the entrances and exits of those distin
guished men.
Finally the adjutant called out: “The two gentlemen!”
We passed through the second reception salon and entered a
third salon, at the last window of which a young officer was sitting
at a desk. He got up, walked toward Hechler, and spoke to him in
English—the Grand Duke of Hesse.
He gave me a friendly handshake and was "glad to make your
acquaintance.”
He stood in the middle of the salon, his hands nonchalantly on
his hips and gently swaying with his thighs, as though he were
about to make a short assaut [leap].
After the introduction I said to him: "I don’t know to what
extent Your Royal Highness is informed about our movement.”
He smiled: “All I know about it is what Mr. Hechler has told
me. »»
Accordingly I let loose and gave him the main things in brief
outline.
He amiably agreed with everything I said. Il abondait dans mons
sens [he agreed with me] in the court manner. While he spoke I
kept my eyes on him—in fact, I kept looking him full in the face.
He is a good-looking, blond, slim, well-nourished, well-colored man
in his early thirties. He strongly resembles his sister, the Czarina,
according to her pictures. He is cross-eyed.
Nevertheless, the total impression is very pleasant and friendly.
Since he agreed with most things, the conversation ran quite
smoothly. Regarding anti-Semitism he remarked that it seemed to
be petering out, stopping.
He recommended a "newspaper war,” if one could call it that.
Every week things ought to break somewhere else—one week in
England, the next time in America, then in Germany. Every mo
ment people should be reminded of the matter through the news
papers.
I thanked him for this really not bad advice. He asked: "But
how do you propose to git (get)* the land?”
• Translator's Note: K r ie c h e n (K r ie g e n ), in the Frankfurt dialect.
“In the form of a Chartered Company,* I said.
Then I begged him to recommend the cause to the Czar, who
was going to visit him.
He nodded: “Yes, he can be interested in things like that. I will
do it.”
After that we spoke about this and that for a little while. He
showed himself not very well informed about the geography of
Palestine, for when I spoke about the Mediterranean-Persian
Gulf railroad, he said: “Well, not much is known about Arabia at
all.” I think he confused Syria with Arabia, but, court-like, I
accepted this princely geography.
He dismissed me amiably after we had run out of things to talk
about.
August 13, Basel

The faithful assembled at the Hotel Trois Rois. Wolffsohn, the
Gottheils from New York, etc.
August 13, Basel

Telegram to the Sultan. * *
To His Excellency Munir Pasha, Grand Master of Ceremonies
to H.I.M. the Sultan, Yildiz, Constantinople.
The Zionists assembled in Congress at Basel consider it their
first duty to place at the foot of H.I.M. the Sultan’s throne the
avowal of their respectful devotion and their deep appreciation of
the kindness which His Majesty has always shown his Jewish sub
jects. It is the desire of the Zionists to succor their unfortunate
brethren in various countries of Europe and to contribute to the
greatness and prosperity of the Ottoman Empire.
They sincerely hope that the loyalty of these aims will be ap
preciated and encouraged by the Caliph’s exalted wisdom.
• • I n French in the original.
I beg Your Excellency to be kind enough to convey these senti
ments and sincere wishes to His Imperial Majesty the Sultan.
Dr. Theodor Herzl,

President of the Zionist Congress.
August 17, Basel

The Third Congress!
My impressions: On the first day I was bored stiff in my presi
dential chair, on the second I was irritated.
Gaster came here and agitated against me in the corridors and
on the committees, saying that we two had reached a parting of the
ways!
A sort of court of arbitration was set up to which he submitted
his grievances against me. I replied, demonstrated that he was in
the wrong, and we shook hands.
He was so little placated that he stirred up feeling against me
in an obscure way, especially when he was in the chair.
Greenberg spoke in English in opposition to the A.C. Gaster
translated his attacks with voluptuous delight. But when the chair
man of the Finance Committee, likewise speaking in English, re
commended absolutism, Gaster forgot to state in his translation
that the committee was perfectly satisfied.
Bentwich demanded more detailed financial statements. This
aroused a confidence crisis, in the course of which Gaster suddenly
deserted Mr. Bentwich and spoke theatrically in my favor, some
thing that could only harm me with people of taste.
Then we sat up until 2 o’clock in the morning over the Bank
affair. The deliberations took on the character of a respectable
drowsiness, as in a real parliament.
I couldn’t sleep later than 6 o’clock. Then the morning idea
occurred to me to announce at the beginning of today's session the
details which Bentwich had demanded and the Congress had
denied, for otherwise there would be agitation against me on this
score all year.
August 18, Basel
The third day was somewhat more interesting. Toward noon
I established a precedent by asking for a vote of confidence so that
the Congress would not run too smoothly. Swift's A Tale of a T ub.
While I was threatening to resign if the Congress did not approve
the founder shares which I had promised to the seven founders of
the Bank, I remembered the tunnel at Baden which the builders
of the Siidbahn [Southern Railroad] had also constructed in the
middle of a plain, so that the Viennese might see what a tunnel was.
* * *
Yesterday Gaster made a “cultural address” which was more like

a theological beerhall rant. Le bois creux des guitares [the hollow
wood of guitars].
# • *
In the evening the general meeting of the Colonial Trust, a

parade. A statistical presentation, that is to say, a presentation of
facts and figures by figure-heads.* But very effective.
August 21, returning from Basel

On the train, beyond Salzburg.
The Congress has gone off smoothly. A good atmosphere has
once more been achieved—which again will gradually peter out.
This time, as a matter of fact, the continuation of our work will be
facilitated by a confidential loan on the forthcoming shekel pay
ments. Good old Schalit of Riga, Barbasch, Dr. Katzenelsohn, and
Sachs each promised 5000 guilders—and want to go on collecting,
so that I can take steps in Turkey and promise N uri immediate
baksheesh.
* * *
By the fourth day I was very tired. I had told Gaster that I would
take him to the station in the evening. But when I told him at ten
• Translator's Note: Herzl's pun is based on the similarity between statistisch
("statistical") and Statisten ("supernumeraries/* "extras").
o’clock in the hotel that I was tired, he looked so insulted that I
quickly added that I would go with him anyway; and I did. All
popes want to have their slippers kissed.
• * *
And having tasted the feeling of freedom and been a lord for
one week, I must return again to my vile servitude at the Neue
Freie Presse where I am not allowed to have an opinion of my own.
It is a question of a measly few thousand guilders which I, being the
head of a family, must not give up.
August 23, Unterach

On the morning of the day before yesterday I wrote a letter-card
to Nuri Bey from Salzburg, asking him to advise me how long he
was staying at Karlsbad, because I had to tell him something in
connection with the "chose immédiate [pressing matter]” for him
which Kann-The Hague had told me about in Basel. I asked him
to sign his reply “Charles.”
Thereupon the following wire came from Karlsbad yesterday:
"Resterai ici jusqu'au 27 courant [Staying here till 27th inst.]
Charles.”
# • *
I am now writing to Nuri: *
August 23,99
Your Excellency:
I am on my way back to Vienna. Here, in two words, is the story.
To begin with, I shall send you twenty thousand francs the day
I am received by H.M. the Sultan in order to present the Zionist
plan to him. Of course, it is not for his consent that I am offering
you this small first token of my friendship. Only an audience in
which I could explain to him all the good, all the benefits, that we
can and will bring to Turkey in exchange for the Charter.
I shall expect you in Vienna in order to reach an understanding
with you on the other things for you and your friends in case the
matter is concluded.
Kindly notify me of your arrival in Vienna at my private address,
Carl-Ludwigstrasse 50, Wàhring. It would be useful for you to do
me the honor of coming to my house. At a hotel or at the railroad
station one is seen, and the less is known of our relationship, the
more we shall be able to work as we please.
With my sincere respect,

T h. H.
August 24, Vienna

“J’ai connu la grande blessure de l’argent [I have known the
great injury of money],” said Henry Becque.
Je la connais aussi [I know it too]. My work would appear much
more miraculous if people knew with what financial worries I have
to contend, as the result of the money I have spent on Zionism.
I miss everywhere the more than 50,000 guilders which I have
put into it, and that makes me even more restricted in my relations
with the Neue Freie Presse than I was before. I have to tremble
lest I be dismissed; I cannot dare to take the leave my health
requires, for I have already been away for six weeks, although
I spent all that time in the service of Zionism.
Today, then, I return to the office once more, after having been
a free man and a great lord at Basel, and have to enter the room of
Big Boss Bâcher like a meek little office boy.
Cruel!
August 24
Once again went to the office “ready to do battle.” Again saw
the grinning faces of those who refuse to believe in it. But their
grins have become older and, it seems to me, more dispirited.
Bâcher greeted me comme si de rien n'était [as if nothing had
happened], as if he hadn’t poisoned the last two weeks for me. He
spoke about the Congress with patronizing irony. “But now you
really ought to free yourself of the thing soon.”
I: “I wouldn’t dream of it. Why should I?”
“Because there’ll be a stink about the Bank.”
“This Bank,” I said, “is cleaner than the ones we are accustomed
to seeing and reading friendly write-ups about in the newspapers.
Its founders enjoy no benefits, as they do, for instance, at the
Kreditanstalt.”
He pulled in his horns a bit. Then some people came in and we
broke off.
Earlier Reichsritter von Vincenti had tried a little mockery.
But I got him onto the subject of the position of the editors vis-à-vis
the publishers of the Neue Freie Presse, an outfit that truly is
crazier and lower than Zionism. Thereupon Vincenti, casting a
shy glance at the publishers’ door, flew into a fit of rage against
Benedikt, whom he hates and despises and whose filthy bread he
has to eat. I forgave the poor Ritter for his mockery. I enjoyed his
impotent outburst of rage, for he is a character in my drama about
modem slavery, Der Herr [The Master]. This drama shows how
such pebbles are ground up into sand.
August 28, Vienna

Last night I went to “Venice-in-Vienna,” the Trianon Restau
rant, because if Nuri Bey had arrived in Vienna he would certainly
have to be there. He had not written me.
Sure enough, he was there in the company of the grotesque
Turkish Consul-General Dirsztay, for whom, as Newlinski had
told me, he had procured, moyennant finances [through money],
title and decoration. I spoke to Dirsztay; Nuri looked embarrassed
and acted aloof.
This morning I wrote him that I should like to talk to him, at
his hotel or at my place. He sent me word through Schmidt, my
gardener, that I should come to the Hotel Impérial at 4 o’clock.
866 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF TH EO D O R HERZL
August 28
Hechler is going to Marienbad this evening, to see the Prince of
Wales and induce him to receive me.
August 29, Vienna

Yesterday I went to see Nuri Bey at the Hotel Impérial. He was
in his shirt-sleeves, kneeling before his trunk and packing it pre
paratory to leaving for the Semmering.
At first he was cool and distant, as though he had no idea of why
I had come.
I had soon guessed that 20,000 francs weren’t enough for him.
He said: “Considering your position in the Zionist movement,
your audience would certainly not be something of no account.
As a matter of fact, any banker would give me twice what you have
promised in return for an audience with the Sultan.”
"Qu'à cela ne tienne [Let it go at that],” I said. “You shall have
40,000.”
At that he began to get more human. The matter was not so easy,
he said. An agent would have to be secured to work up sentiment
for our plan in Turkish circles. He would give me the name of
such a person. It was a certain Eduard Crespi, his own confidential
agent, who was also employed by various high officials for collect
ing “bons [bills].” I saw what he was: some opportunist rascal who,
when necessary, can be repudiated or put out of the way.
“You ought to give Crespi ten, fifteen, or twenty thousand francs
to work up a favorable attitude in the Servet and elsewhere. If you
spoke to me, in my capacity as an official, about straightening out
our finances, I would reply: ‘I didn't send for you; our alleged
embarrassments are none of your business.’ But I am speaking to
you as a friend and I tell you: You have to sow before you can reap.”
I saw what he was driving at. Money talks. So I said to him,
almost rudely: “I shall give you 10,000 francs in advance and 30,000
on the day of the audience. What use you make of the money is your
business. I won’t ask you what you do with it.”
He melted like butter and said: “Donel I shall have to add to
it out of my own pocket, but the gamble is worth it. I think I can
make a couple of millions on it; a man will risk a little on that.”
I acted as though I believed all he said. Now he began to boast
about all the things he could do. He said he was a jurist and a civil
engineer; he could set up any sort of factory; he could write to
order a newspaper article columns long, on any subject, in French
or Turkish. If I wished, he would sit right down and write a few
columns about the importance of the safety-match to the Austrian
national economy. He had routes of access to the Sultan that no one
else had; he could obtain anything and everything by devious
means— “par des moyens perfides [by treachery],” as he himself
put it. Through women and favorites. He would explain to the
Sultan how he could achieve his heart’s desire: a new fleet, 25
armored cruisers at once, as well as 2000 Krupp cannon and the
coastal fortification of Constantinople. "Laissez-moi faire [Let me
do it!]!” He boasted up a storm, like a sharper bragging about his
stratagems.
Finally he got down to cases:
“I am going up to the Semmering now. I’ll be back on Saturday.
Have 10,000 francs ready for me. But they must be paid to me in
cash, without witnesses or a receipt.”
I said I would have the money sent to him through my lawyer,
Dr. Kokesch. He made a show of reluctance, but in the end con
sented. We parted friends!
A detail: he wouldn’t write down Crespi’s name with his own
hand, but merely dictated it to me.
* # •
Naturally I am not going through with paying the 10,000 francs

without a receipt.
I shall pretend that Kokesch refused and say that he would either
have to sign a reçu pour frais de presse [receipt for press expenses]
or accept a check made out to Crespi.
Now our worry is how to get these 10,000 francs. We immediately
wired the underwriters of the outstanding debt: Schalit, Barbasch,
Katzenelsohn, Sachs.
The trusty Schalit was the first to answer, saying he had already
sent off his 5000.
• * *
Hechler telegraphs from Marienbad that the Prince of Wales is

not in today.
August 30, Vienna

I forgot to enter the following from my talk with Nuri:
When, marché conclu [the bargain concluded], he began to
brag he told me that he, too, had advised the Sultan to engage in
the Greek War in order to divert attention from the Armenian
question.
He had made an exact calculation of the relative strength of
Greece and Turkey and had then counselled war. And this is what
they call high politics! Pour rompre les chiens d'Arménie on fait
des massacres en Grèce [To break the Armenian dogs, they mas
sacre the Greeks]. Our present-day civilization takes its hat off
before the organized bloodshed of war—more correctly: it salutes.
* • *
Today I received a wonderful letter from Nuri on the Semmer-

ing. It is a half sheet of note-paper, with the following lines in a
disguised hand resembling print:
M. Charles est d’avis, après mûres réflexions et calculs, qu’il
vaux mieux, si on accepte conseil amical, porter premier chiffre
à 15,000—quitte à déduire les cinqs des trentes milles ultérieure
ment payables. (Orthography of the original.) [Mr. Charles is of
the opinion, after mature reflection and calculations, that it would
be better, if one accepts his friendly advice, to raise the initial pay
ment to 15,000—the extra five thousand to be deducted from the
thirty thousand due later.]
Enclosed was his visiting card: Nuri Bey, Sécrétaire général du
Ministère des Affaires Étrangères [Secretary General of the Minis
try of Foreign Affairs].
The bottom of the right-hand comer of the card has been turned
down and smoothed out again. I think this was intended to make it
appear as though it had been taken from some tray of visiting
cards.
Incidentally, the envelope with his handwriting and the Sem-
mering postmark also has some documentary value. Will give it
to Kremenezky for safe-keeping.
August 30
While riding out to Wâhring today on a jolting bus the title for
my Zion novel occurred to me:
Alt-Neuland [Old-Newland].
Allusion to the name of the Prague A Itneuschul. It will become
a famous word.
August 31
Letter which I am giving Kremenezky for Nuri*:
September 1, ’99
Your Excellency:
Mr. Kokesch being unavailable, this is my intimate friend Mr.
Kremenezky, a man worthy of complete confidence, whom I am
asking to turn over to you the agreed-upon sum of ten thousand
francs. My committee has agreed to the promises I made you, al
though there had been an earlier decision to give no more advances
and to wait for a result. In the very interest of our relationship
I think it well not to reopen this question. The thirty thousand
will be paid the day of the audience.
Now another point, on which I hope there will be no difficulty.
Neither Kokesch nor Kremenezky wants to be responsible for
handing over the money without a receipt. They want to be
covered even as far as I am concerned. It is a scruple which I am
bound to respect.
On the other hand, I want to respect your wish, which I under
stand perfectly. Please choose then, Your Excellency, between the
two following procedures.
Either please be good enough to give my friend a note to this
effect: Received of Mr. Kremenezky ten thousand francs for press
expenses (or for an agent or anything else), and signed with your
name.
Or in several hours Mr. Kremenezky will give you a check in
the name of M. Eduard Crespi and drawn on whatever bank you
wish to designate to him.
It is up to you which you prefer. In any case, you can be sure of
the most absolute discretion. We are not people to commit the
least indelicacy. Furthermore, we hope to work in complete accord
with you, now and always. This is only a small beginning.
Please accept the expression of my great esteem and my wishes
for a good trip and great success.
Very faithfully yours,

Dr. Th. H.
September 2
Kremenezky is back from Nuri. The latter gave the following
receipt on his visiting card. (I am reproducing it from memory).
Reçu la somme de dix mille francs qui m’était due—Nuri [Re
ceived the sum of 10,000 francs which was due me].
Kremenezky contented himself with that. Nuri declared he
hoped to achieve good results.
September 3
Hechler has returned from Marienbad bredouille [empty-
handed]. The Prince of Wales evidently scented that he was a
vieux raseur [old windbag], and since His Royal Highness prefers
the photographs of young Israelite women to those of old Jewish
walls, Hechler was not even admitted by the adjutant.
# * *
Received a good, friend’s letter from Col. Goldsmid today.
September 4, Vienna
After the opera yesterday, supped with Martin Fiirth at the

Hotel Bristol. He told me he had been to the races with Nuri Bey
that afternoon. The latter had spoken very favorably about Zion
ism: it was not impossible to win the Sultan over to it, as he was a
friend of the Jews.
Only, the newspapers must not write that we wish to found an
“Empire.”
Nuri was tout ce qu'il y a de plus sérieux [could not have been
more serious]. Did I know him? “Very slightly,” I said.
September 4
Hechler was here and reported that recently an aristocratic
English lady had asked Lord Salisbury why he wasn’t helping the
Zionists. He is said to have replied:
“Wait, it is coming.”*
Because of this lady I am writing Gaster to take some action with
Lord Salisbury in association with Sir Francis.
September 4
On the curtain at the Opera there is a picture of fighting putti
[angels] after the victory. T he victor is being handed a wreath.
This is an unwitting allegorical representation of the whole
cowardly injustice of the prevailing view of life. The victor gets
a wreath, on top of everything! As if the vanquished weren’t more
in need of a lift.

Among the many newspaper clippings which Argus sends the
following is especially interesting. It is an interview by Madame
Lera, the wife of some South American diplomat.
The statements in it made by Nuri Bey are curious.
News of the Day*

An Interview with the Apostle of Zionism.
It is common knowledge that the Zionists are those Jews who
dream of re-establishing the kingdom of Judea and rebuilding the
walls of Jerusalem.
From a practical point of view, many obstacles appear to stand
in their way. The Turks, no doubt, will not be eager to give up
Palestine; and if the promoters of Zionism succeed in convincing
them by persuasive arguments, Christians of every persuasion
would rise en masse indignantly to oppose an arrangement that
would put the Holy places in the power of Christ’s executioners.
The Zionists, for that matter, are not numerous; the great
majority of the sons of the Widow prefer to build up among the
infidel nations the strongholds of an imaginary Jerusalem, and it
is only the mystics attached to tradition and believing in the Mes
sianic future who wish to lead their people back to the Promised
Land.
It is no less interesting to follow a movement which aims at
reuniting the dispersed Jews, at pitching a tent for the wandering
flocks of the encampment of Israel.
Did the Congress held at Basel at the beginning of this month
make progress with its plan? We don’t know. One of our corres
pondents sends us the account of an interview he had with one of
the most devoted apostles of Zionism: M. Herzl. Our correspondent
limited himself to recording his interlocutor’s arguments just as a
recording machine would do. It is for our readers to draw their
own conclusions.
M. Herzl kindly consented to satisfy my desire to know more
about Zionism and more than the superficial accounts in the news
papers. The day before his departure for The Hague he came and
spent an hour with me.
Not being familiar with interviewing, I shall limit myself to
summarizing as best I can, and very faithfully, the principal ideas
put forward by M. Herzl.
"What is Zionism, and what do I want to do? What I have
been dreaming of for four years and what haunts every hour of my
life? This is it. I want to give the Jews of all nations a comer of
the world where they can live in peace, no longer hounded, out
cast, and despised. Among us, as always happens, it is the poor who
are most to be pitied. The others, who can change their place of
residence as they see fit, who are in contact with the upper classes,
have to put up with a great deal of damage to their self-esteem and
with wounded dignity; but you could not believe the extent of
the poor Jew’s misery in certain countries. I want to offer these
outcasts a country that will be their own, where, with complete
freedom and thanks to that freedom, their abilities can be de
veloped and at the same time the vices and faults which centuries
of persecution and ostracism have fostered in them may be shed;
to rid them in time of that moral scurf; to allow their very real
intellectual and moral gifts free play, so that finally my people may
no longer be the dirty Jews, but the people of light that they are
capable of being.
"The new Jerusalem that I foresee in my dreams, the revived
Palestine, rejuvenated and flourishing, that haunts me, appear
before me in their minutest details, and I see them as the summary,
the essence, of everything it has taken civilization centuries to
achieve." And growing more fervent: "You must realize that the
origin of countries and cities has always been haphazard, that they
have grown little by little, have improved by a slow progression,
and that even in the most beautiful city, side by side with progress
and modernity, there is always a more or less considerable trace of
past ages: old sections, picturesque but unhealthy, where it is often
difficult to introduce modem improvements.
"Over there, in that land which seems dead today but which is
only sleeping, ready, like Jairus’ daughter, to rise from the grave
and take her place among the living once more, it will be entirely
different. There is everything to be done? Well, all the better! We
shall do everything. We shall choose the best sites for our cities:
to build them we shall use all the resources of modern science; we
shall make the earth fertile, and our people will leam to cultivate
that earth; they will leam to exercise their abilities and their gifts
of perseverance, industry and intelligence in other ways than those
to which they have been, so to speak, confined up till now.
“I want to drive the hucksters and the filth that dishonor
Jerusalem out of that holy city. To clean it up without harming it,
respecting every stone, and to dedicate it to humanitarian works,
asylums for the aged and for children, to the products of the mind,
to everything that would preserve its character of contemplation
and august grandeur. Only outside its walls would rise the new city,
modem Jerusalem, dominated and protected by the majesty of the
old walls.”
“But,” said I, “as a practical matter, how will you make your
dream come true?”
“Ah, that’s it! We need the country first! . . . Will Turkey
consent to let it go? And yet, what could be more just, more
natural, than to permit us to establish ourselves in that land which
is ours, to whose possession no one can contest our moral right!
And then there are the European powers: another big question
mark! And lastly my own people. Yes, you would not believe that
even among the Jews my project has many enemies. Some don’t
understand it, others don’t want to understand it, still others seek
to interpret my motives, to see in them the calculations of ambition
and interest, there where there is an idea which has taken posses
sion of me and which I would make triumphant. But no matter;
I go forward with my dream, in my dream, if you will, and for it.
It is so dear to me that I have always resisted the desire to give it
shape by spelling out, in a novel for example, what the future of
our race may be.”
M. Herzl said all this in a warm, expressive voice, with vibrant,
moving words; and as I listened, I recalled that passage in Tancred
where, speaking of the constancy of the Jews who throughout the
centuries and in spite of persecution maintain the traditions of
their race and still celebrate the feasts of Israel, no longer under
the burning sky of Galilee but in the damp cities of the north,
Disraeli adds: “A race that persists in celebrating their vintage,
although they have no fruits to gather, will regain their vine
yards.”*
Several days later I was with some diplomats, among them one
of the Turkish delegates, His Excellency Nuri Bey, secretary-gen
eral of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The talk was about all sorts
of subjects, among them Zionism; His Excellency’s sly smile gave
me to understand that this would never really be more than a
dream—at least in this form. To admit the Jews, yes indeed!
Turkey is vast; she is far from being developed as she should and
could be; there is room for millions more of inhabitants, and the
Jews, under the protection of Turkish law, would be safe from all
persecution in the enjoyment of absolute freedom of conscience.
But the Holy Places cannot be turned over to them; even the
laws of Turkey forbid Jewish groups to establish themselves there.
It would not be acceptable to the Christian nations to see pass
into the hands of the Jews the sacred soil where Golgotha and the
Mount of Olives rise.
M.L.
September 13
The Anarchist Marcou Baruch shot himself in Florence. This
obvious madman had pursued me with threatening letters be
tween the Second and the T hird Congress. I was seriously afraid
• Translator’s Note: T h e quotation is from Tancred, London, 1882, p. 388.
that he would attempt to assassinate me this time in Basel. Mean
while, no one protected me. Marcou Baruch stood in front of me,
next to me, and behind me, whenever he pleased. He could have
plunged his knife in whenever he wanted to. However, I seem to
have given him the right tamer’s look, for he spoke with me
bashfully and amiably. That I correctly read the murder in his eyes
is now proved by his suicide.
* * #
On many other occasions, too, madmen come to see me. I am

haunted by Messiahs of every stripe. The latest thing is a “Jesus
Christ’’ named Lichtneckert who writes me in an otherwise intel
ligent letter that I am Elijah, his Elijah, and wants me to give him
5000 guilders for the publication of a work that will redeem the
world. I turned the letter over to my good Hechler, who will call
on him and calm him down.
Hechler took the occasion to tell me the following story: “When
I was in Stockholm, a similar false Jesus Christ appeared in the
vicinity. He again gathered together his twelve apostles. But when
Good Friday approached, he saw his apostles tying sticks of wood
together. He asked them what they were doing. They said: ‘We
are going to crucify you again now.’ But this was too much for him,
and he disappeared from that vicinity.”

Bernstein Kohan writes that the I.C.A. Secretary Meyersohn
and Edm. Rothschild are in Constantinople. He does not know
what for.
To spit in our soup, take the wind out of our sails, exploit our
ideas or thwart them?
At any rate, if Edmond Rothschild is in Constantinople, 1
suspect some typically Rothschildian villainy.
How many times I have offered to withdraw if only they would
carry this idea out.
After all, I am not concerned about getting the charter myself,
but about the Jews getting it.
# * #
Today I am making the following declaration in a secret session

of the Actions Committee:
For more than two years I have been defraying the costs of the
party organ Die Welt out of my own pocket. As party chief I could
not conduct the enterprise on a business basis and also had to refuse
the subsidies that were offered to me. However, since the paper
demanded more and more sacrifices, which exceeded my means,
and I did not wish to sell it, I decided to let it die after the Third
Congress.
I informed several friends of this situation. Mr. Heinrich Rosen
baum of Jassy then offered to get together a syndicate for the con
tinuation of the Welt in the form of a joint-stock company. I ac
cepted this proposal. By making this announcement to the A.C.,
however, I repeat for the record the declaration I made when the
paper was founded—namely, that I desire no financial gain what
ever from the funds I have invested in the paper, and that if such
gain should nevertheless fall to my share, I shall turn it over to our
Zionist propaganda fund.
I request that this last declaration be kept in complete confi
dence, since I do not wish to impose upon the other shareholders
among our followers the moral necessity of acting likewise. I, too,
would not disdain the legitimate earnings of a newspaper, if it
were not the special case for me that it is the official organ of a
movement of which I am the head.

The Austrian crisis is now being solved exactly the way I advised
in my letter to the Chief of Police a few months ago: through
revocation of the language ordinances and personal intervention
by the Emperor with the factions.
October 1
Today Josef Lichtneckert, the “returned Jesus Christ,” called
on me—a lunatic of the purest water. To get rid of him, I let him
come in, made friendly conversation with him, and explained to
him that I could not give him the 5000 or 2000 guilders he was
asking for; why didn’t he apply to the Bible Society. This sugges
tion he received gratefully. Whether I have got rid of him this way
is still doubtful, to be sure.
October 5
Today I happened to run into Dr. Komfeld, the psychiatrist,
in the print-shop of the Welt. I told him about the “returned Jesus
Christ.” He told me that this was probably a dangerous lunatic
and took it upon himself to call on him and, if necessary, to notify
the police. He said that one would incur a responsibility if one did
not do this, for the man could suddenly get the compulsion to kill
someone.
October 6
Hechler is to go to Darmstadt on Monday to request an audience
with the Czar for me. I am giving him this letter for the Grand
Duke of Hesse:
The kindly Rev. Hechler is the bearer of this note. May I recall
myself to your memory in a few words?
When last August I had the distinction of being received at
Darmstadt, Your Royal Highness made me the most gracious
promise to intercede with His Majesty the Emperor of Russia to
the end that I be received by this exalted lord as well in order to
explain the purposes and aims of Zionism.
For Russia the question is important enough. Our proposal
means a solution which is humanitarian and complete at the same
time. Your Royal Highness said further that ideas of such enver
gure [scope] were capable of arousing the Czar's interest. God
grant it!
Begging Your Royal Highness to accept the expression of my
deep respect, I am

D r.T h .H .
October 13, ’99, Vienna

To Dr. Alfred Stem, the Community Councillor and Vice-
President of the Vienna Jewish Community, I owe—who would
have thought it!—an idea for the future. The other day he asked
me not to let their Polna Protest Meeting at the Musikvereinssaal
be disturbed by our students. I promised it to him on the condition
that we at least be permitted to put up one speaker to discuss the
question of what was to be done with the exiles and “bumed-out
people” of Polna, Kuttenberg, etc. Should not a campaign to aid
them be started? Stem implored me in dismay to abandon this idea.
It would be tantamount to mobilizing all of Bohemia. T hat is to
say, the poor Jews from all over Bohemia would come to Vienna in
search of help, and the local upper Jews* would have the bother.
I pretended that I was being dissuaded, but immediately made
a note of the effect in eventum [for possible future use]. Once the
moment—of the Charter!—has come, I shall intimidate the upper-
class Jews in Vienna, London, and Paris with a pilgrimage of
misère [misery]. I can easily give the word, as was recently done at
Creusot.
October 14, Vienna

Hechler’s expedition seems to have failed. He telegraphs from
Darmstadt:
Brother-in-law (Grand Duke) very friendly, will ask father
(Czar), but impossible in immediate future. He wishes to issue
direct invitation. Returning today. Heinrich.
October 16, Vienna

The Boer War may be Pandora’s box for the Jews of England.
If the English troops should fare badly, the repercussions can hit
the Jews. The mine speculators will be accused of having plunged
England into this misfortune.
Am I seeing things aright?
October 21, Vienna

Hechler returned today from the Grand Dukes of Baden and
Hesse. Baden was kind and good as always, Hesse cool and reserved.
Hechler thought my letter had not been subservient enough, and
said: “The smaller a man is, the more he wants to be flattered.”
Bref [In short], a failure.
Now, following the Czar’s departure from Darmstadt, we will
try a letter to the Czarina, asking her to procure an audience for
me at St. Petersburg.
October 27, ’99

In today’s N. Fr. Pr. there is a despatch from Karlsruhe to the
effect that the Czar plans to visit the Grand Duke of Baden. I am
writing the Grand Duke:
In a few words—so as not to be a burden—I should like to pre
sent a great, earnest request.
There are reports in the newspapers that His Majesty the
Emperor of Russia will visit Your Royal Highness within the next
few days. To me this seems like a sign from providence.
It is of vital interest to our movement that I obtain an audience
with H. M. the Czar.
There are two reasons: First, to inform the exalted lord about
the honest aims of Zionism. Second, to make our movement appear
as recognized in Russia through the fact of this audience. My poor
associates in Russia are continually trembling for fear that here
and there some governor might see something wicked in their
Zionism, too. His Majesty’s ukase in favor of Zionism would be
too much—for in filtering down to lower echelons it would be
given the character of a deportation order. Since we still have no
Charter from the Turkish government, this would be a mass
catastrophe. On the other hand, my audience would be just the
amount of benevolence that we need at present to continue our
work. I will not even ask for another, a positive, kind of help.
Your Royal Highness has known for a long time how earnestly
I have been serving this redeeming idea, what great pains I have
taken and how I have not given way to enmity. May I request aid
this time, too, from Your Royal Highness’ good will which has
already been a comfort to me in many a difficult hour?
I would immediately respond to a telegraphic summons to
Baden or to Darmstadt. However, should the Imperial visitor have
no more time for this now, let him order me to St. Petersburg or
any place whatever.
I believe I may already point to one useful effect of my activity:
I have converted many from the false doctrines of social revolution
and turned them to an ideal.
May my habit of looking up to Your Royal Highness as to my
most gracious helper serve as my excuse if my request of today con
tains anything improper or impracticable.
With my deepest respect and heartfelt gratitude I remain
Your Royal Highness’ most obedient servant,

Dr. Th. H.
October 30, Vienna

I have a report from the University that several students are
rebelling against me.
Columbus’ crew is also immortal.
This week I am sending for the officers of the student associa
tions, in order to knock some sense into their heads.
* * *
Nuri writes he will soon send me a confidential agent here in

Vienna.
* * *
Trietsch is spreading successful propaganda in Rumania for

his Cyprus project which I consider very sensible, although out of
consideration for the Hovevei Zion I must not come out in favor
of it.
November 2, Vienna
From my bathroom this morning I saw a telegraph messenger
walk by the garden fence. I watched eagerly to see if he would stop
at my gate. He did. The maid brought me the telegram with the
red paper strip of court telegrams. Aha! From the Grand Duke.
The wire could be interesting. I prolonged my anticipation a bit
in order to amuse myself. The fact that he had sent a wire proved
that he had something to tell me. But what? The summons to the
Czar?
The telegram reads:
Baden-Baden Palace, Nov. 1,7:45 p.m.

Going to Darmstadt tomorrow and expecting final decision
there which I shall report immediately.
Friedrich
The words "final decision" permit the assumption that he has

already spoken with the Czar at Baden-Baden and received no
outright refusal.
It would be a tremendous step forward. On the other hand, I
read today in the official newspaper despatches that the Czar is
staying in Darmstadt until Nov. 7.
Thus it might be possible that we are at the threshold of a great
success of Zionism.
November 3
The expected reply from the Grand Duke has not come.
Since by today he must have left Darmstadt, this silence only
admits of the explanation that the Czar, who did not wish to refuse
outright in Baden-Baden and asked for time to think it over, mean
while had an excuse prepared for him by Minister Muraviev or his
staff.
To be sure, it would also be conceivable that he simply does not
wish to receive me now and that he will summon me to Russia.
I would even much prefer the latter. Another possibility would be
that the good Grand Duke had to march off completely bredouille
[empty-handed].
Bref, nous verrons [In short, we shall see].
# * #
Letter to Nuri:*
November 7, Vienna
Your Excellency:
Permit me to outline briefly for you the current state of affairs.
Since the last Congress at Basel the movement has begun to
lean toward Cyprus. Seeing that the Turkish government does not
appear disposed to come to an understanding with us, they want to
turn toward the island which is controlled by England and is
always accessible to us. After several years immigrants there be
come full-fledged citizens, enjoying a large measure of autonomy,
etc.
Until the next Congress I will still be master of the situation.
But if I have nothing to show up to that time, our plans fall into
the water—of Cyprus.*
It is up to the statesmen of Turkey to understand in time the
advantages that would slip through your fingers. You would not
have the Jewish establishment in Palestine that would have
brought you a great deal of money immediately, then the ordering
of your entire financial situation, a modem fleet, industrial and
commercial life, finally the well-being of the Empire.
But if you do not have Jewish colonization to benefit you, you
will have colonization by others to cost you dearly. You will not be
able to deny immigration to “friendly nations.” From one conces
sion to another, step by step, you will be forced to give up for
pleasant words and handshakes what you could have yielded for
real benefits. Others are interested in making you weaker and
weaker—we, on the contrary, are interested in making you stronger
and stronger, for you will have to protect us.
The sovereignty of H. M. the Sultan which with us would be
lasting and strong would become, thanks to “capitulations,” a
formality that would finally disappear like that of Crete.
Please accept these sincere, serious words from a devoted friend
who does not conceal the fact that he has his own people’s interests
in view, but in full accord with the interests of Turkey. In order
to restore the patience and courage of the Zionists, it is indis
pensable that I be received as soon as possible by H.M. the
Sultan and that I explain our loyal, advantageous projects to
his exalted wisdom.
Please accept the assurance of my profound regard.
Your very devoted

Th. H.
That entails no commitment yet; the Sultan will decide after
having heard me.
• Translator's Note: Herzl humorously alludes to eau de Chypre, the name of a
perfume. Thus, "our plans fall into the toilet water"!
November 8, Vienna
No news from the Grand Duke. In any case, his attempt to have
the Czar receive me at Darmstadt has failed, since by today the
Czar is at Potsdam. Perhaps I shall yet get a letter explaining the
detailed circumstances.
Perhaps I didn’t manage to make a good impression on the
Grand Duke of Hesse and he has prevented it?
* * *
I foresee the next developments like this: If by the Fourth Con

gress I have not made any headway with the Turkish government,
I shall prepare the Cyprus project sous la main [in short order], go
to London, speak with Salisbury, and induce the Congress to go to
Cyprus for the time being.
At any rate, I believe that after the next Congress we shall
actually go to the country, to some country.
I could, of course, hasten all this if I were a free man and could
travel whenever necessary. Then I would have been in Karlsruhe,
near by when the Czar was there, and umpteen other opportunities
would have been created and taken advantage of. By now I would
have gone to Constantinople, too, and accomplished something
there.
But I am a little clerk of Messieurs Bâcher and Benedikt. I must
show up at the office every day, even though I don’t do much there.
If the Welt had offered me some financial support, everything
would have been better and quicker. But I had to declare in
advance that I would turn any profits over to the movement. On
the contrary, the movement has left me in the lurch, and so far
I have lost more than 25,000 guilders on the Welt. And as if this
weren’t enough, they are now arming against this paper to which
we owe the entire development for the past three years, the Con
gress, the Bank. Everybody is dissatisfied with the articles. They all
want to interfere, but when it comes to paying, they give me a free
hand.
It is a good lesson for me. Probably things would be even worse
if I were already completely ruined.
Verlasse dich auf Fiirsten nicht,
Siesind wie eine Wiege
[Put not thy trust in princes who
Like cradles rock from side to side]
I could say with reference to the German Kaiser's “help.”
But when I think of my adherents, who will rebel at the slightest
provocation, I can add the conclusion of the verse:
Wer heute Hosiannah spricht,
Spricht morgen: Crucifige!
[They who today’s ‘Hosanna’ cry,
Say next: ‘Let him be crucified!’]*
In truth, I put my trust neither in princes nor in the people, but
only in myself.
For that reason I must work tremendously hard in order to meet
my needs: one play after the other (unfortunately, it’s hard to get
them performed), and now the novel Altneuland.
In order to get some grist for my mill, I now have even revised
my old farce Muttersohnchen [Mother’s Boy] and included a part
for the comedian Girardi. There is no literary work that would be
more loathsome to me. And there will probably be reproaches
levelled at me when it becomes known that I as “prophet” am
performing such basse besogne [hack work]. But what am I to do?
Zionism is costing me money and must not yield me anything.
On the other hand, I have done myself very great harm as a
“German writer,” and they don’t quite dare to perform me. For
the same reason, there is no hope for advancement with the N.
Fr. Pr. Yet the claims upon me grow from every side. Shnorrers
[beggars] of all kinds come to me, from as far as Persia. Again and
again I must put out money for the Welt, the Congress, and the
Bank.
• Translator's Note: Herzl undoubtedly read these lines, part of an old Protestant
hymn, in Prince Bismarck's autobiography Gedanken und Erinnerungen (1898).
Bismarck quotes them in connection with his memories of his early political tutor
Leopold von Gerlach. The translation given here is from the English edition
(Bismarck, The Man and The Statesman), vol. 1, 1899.
If people knew all this, they might admire me more than they do.
But the explanation that is presumably circulating about me
among the public is probably either that it is netting me a pile of
money, or that I am doing it out of vanity.
If, however, I break down, the public will rain kicks on me;
people will laugh at me and be ungrateful.
So, don’t break downl
November 12, Vienna

Received a fine holograph letter from the Grand Duke, dated
Baden-Baden the 10th of the month.
He writes that he discussed my request with the Czar at Baden-
Baden and at Wolfsgarten. As regards the cause, the Czar was
favorably disposed to it even at Baden; but he did not want to
express himself about my audience until Wolfsgarten. When the
Grand Duke brought it up again at Wolfsgarten, he could tell that
Muraviev, who had returned from Paris in the meantime, had used
his influence against it.
However, I am to work out a memorandum in French which
the Grand Duke offers to transmit to the Czar.
November 12, ’99

I am answering:
I have just received, with heartfelt thanks, Your Royal Highness'
most gracious holograph letter of the 10th inst.
Even though unfortunately no immediate success is noted, all
the exalted kindness of the noblest prince once again speaks from
it directly to my heart. It goes without saying that I shall take Your
Royal Highness’ advice, which guides me under all circumstances,
and work out a memorandum in the French language. As soon as
it is completed, I shall take the liberty of sending it to Karlsruhe.
Begging Y.R.H. to accept the expression of my deepest respect
and everlasting gratitude, I am
Your most obedient servant,
Dr. Th. H.
November 22, ’99, Vienna

Yesterday I sent my vague, prolix, court-style memorandum for
the Czar to Alex Marmorek in Paris for translation.
Like Shéhérazade, I made less of an effort to please with my nar
rative than to arouse a desire for more. I supplemented this en
deavor in my covering letter to the Czar: *
Sire:
It is to the graciousness of His Royal Highness the Grand Duke
of Baden, who has consented to become the exalted sponsor of my
humble request for an audience with Your Imperial Majesty, that
I owe my permission to submit the Zionist plan for the final solu
tion of the Jewish Question. The Zionists wish to benefit their un
fortunate brethren, draw them away from subversive doctrines,
and set them on the way to a more exalted morality in the very
interest of all humanity.
The enclosed account contains only the broad outlines of the
plan. Not to be too long about it, I have restricted myself to supply
ing only some general indications. As for the numerous questions
about detail, I am at all times at Your Imperial Majesty’s disposal.
For the manner in which the project could be executed, for the
ways and means of making it a reality, an oral explanation would
be of the greatest usefulness. If I presume, then, humbly to ask
the favor of being allowed to present myself at St. Petersburg or
any other place it may please Your Majesty to designate, it is in the
highest interest of the cause to which I have devoted myself. The
solution of this painful question would be a great and splendid
act, worthy of our time, worthy of the most magnanimous sover
eigns.
I am, Sire, with the profoundest respect
Your Imperial Majesty’s very humble and obedient servant.
Dr. Th. H.
Covering Letter to the Grand Duke of Baden

I am taking the liberty of respectfully submitting, as an en
closure, the memorandum I composed at the most gracious advice
of Your Royal Highness, as well as a letter to H.M. the Emperor
of Russia.
In accordance with Your Royal Highness’ wish, I have kept it
brief.
God grant that I have hit on the right thing this way.
Should my text have to be revised, cut, or expanded in any way,
I beg most respectfully to have the unsatisfactory places indicated
tome.
With the expression of heartfelt respect and loyal gratitude for
all your gracious help, I remain

D r.T h .H .
Nov. 25, Vienna

Yesterday Carl Herbst of Sofia was here and made the good
suggestion of having the Young Turks work on the Sultan. In the
papers of the Young Turks we should have the government cen
sured for its carelessness in not taking up the advantageous offers
of the Zionists.
December 2, Vienna.
Rumors about Bacher’s leaving the N. Fr. Pr. have been floating
about the office for the past few days. He is said to have sold his
interest in the paper to financiers. I discussed it with Cousin
Moritz, who held out to me the possibility of finding the money
to acquire the shares, provided that Bâcher lets me have them. A
great deal would depend on it. I shall try to talk to him.
December 5, Vienna.
I am suddenly facing a turning point in my life. It is very much
in the nature of an outbreak of war which one has expected for a
long, long time and which surprises one intensely when it does
burst forth.
In the last few days the following happened:
On Saturday, December 2, I left with Bâcher after we had put
the evening paper to bed, and accompanied him to his home. At
first I joked with him. Then I suddenly said to him:
“I am going to interview you now. Do you know what people
are saying in Vienna? That you want to retire.”
He: “That is not quite correct put this way. I have already
heard it myself, but it is not true. Unfortunatelyl I have the desire
all right, but as yet there is no possibility.”
I: “You won’t consider my question indiscreet. You understand
that the matter is of interest to a colleague, too. In our relationship
there is a lot of the personal. A man does not want to obey just any
superior.”
He understood. Then we went to his new house which he had
just bought and moved into. Together with his wife he showed
me the place. Then I left without having said any more.
After that I consulted with my parents and with Moritz. They
were of the opinion that I should ask him directly whether he was
willing to relinquish his share to me.
Thereupon I wrote him immediately to give me an appointment
at his home for the next day (Sunday), morning or afternoon. On
Sunday I waited with impatience and astonishment until ten
o’clock; nothing came from him. Then I had to go out, and only
when I got back at 1:30 p.m. did I find his letter, saying that he
expected me between 11 and 12 in the morning. The appointment
could not be arranged for the afternoon either. Thus our meeting
was postponed until yesterday.
Ready for battle I went to the office. Bâcher had already inquired
about me and apologized amiably. I told him that I would like to
go home with him. Then I had an excited half-hour of anticipa
tion. I tried to compose myself in case he came into my room to
pick me up for leaving. The wait unnerved me. So this is how
people feel before a crucial conversation with some superior.
Finally I couldn’t stand it any longer and went au devant du danger
[into the face of the danger]. Bâcher was sitting in the reading room
with Wittmann. Their conversation revolved around theatrical
matters. I participated in it halfheartedly.
Before I had gone to the office, I had visited my good parents,
as I do every day, and had them give me their blessing for the
difficult, great undertaking. It may be ridiculous, but I did feel
a need for it. In addition to their blessing they also gave me the
good advice to act with assurance. And I did.
The chat with Wittmann was over. We left. On the stairs I joked
with Bâcher. Then I preceded him out through the gate, silently
saying to myself: “Now I may be leaving the N. Fr. Pr., never to
return.”
We were on the Parkring. On the staircase I had said to Bâcher
when he was starting to talk about it: “Quand on est mort, c'est
pour longtemps— et quand on parle de choses sérieuses, c’est aussi
pour longtemps [When one is dead, it is for a long time; and when
one talks about serious matters, it is also for along time].”
When we had arrived at the Ring, I started in. I had learned
the opening by heart, so as not to falter.
“For some time I have harbored the idea of striking out on my
own. Every little clerk wants to become a manager some day. The
way you replied to me the day before yesterday will probably make
my intention mature earlier. If you retire, the situation at the
N. Fr. Pr. will in any case become different. That situation will
hardly be to my taste any more. So I prefer leaving before that.”
He said: “I assure you that all this is still highly premature.
I should very much like to retire, because I am tired and have
worked long enough. I have no children and don’t know for whom
1 should wear myself out like this. But I haven’t got that far yet.
This is, above all, a question of property. I can’t abandon my
interests like that.”
Thereupon I said to him à brûle pourpoint [point-blank]:
“I shall buy your interest if you want to let me have it. The
funds will be made available to me by a few people in my family.
I want to become independent. I am forty years old. Right now
I still have ten years of full-strength work ahead of me. In that
time I want to acquire something for my children. You can
relinquish your share to me. After all, I have given my best to the
N. Fr. Pr. for ten years now. I am a son of the firm. Certainly you
can give it to me sooner than to strange financiers. Do you know
what people are saying? That you are going to give your interest
to coal-Gutmann!”
He, indignantly: “And you believed that about me?”
I shrugged my shoulders.
He: “Who told you that?”
I: “I don’t want to gossip.”
(I had it from Goldbaum).
He: “The difficulty was precisely that I had no suitable person
to take over. I can’t turn over my holdings to a bank. T he N. Fr. Pr.
is a matter of honor with me. I can’t run away like a pig from its
trough.”
(Never had I liked him as much as at that moment).
He concluded: “I am ready in principle to turn my interest over
to you. But Benedikt’s consent is a condicio sine qua non [indis
pensable condition]. It would be an act of impropriety if I let my
share go without his approval. Whether he will ever give it, I don’t
know; I rather doubt it.”
I: “If he doesn’t give his consent now, he never will. So I won’t
gain anything by waiting. It will be better for me to leave im
mediately and start a “Neue Presse” of my own. I can do it. All you
did four years ago, when the government made me an offer, was
to tell me that you would be hurt if I left. T hat was enough to
induce me to stay. I asked nothing in return and got nothing.
That time you added: ‘We are old; who shall succeed us?’—Today,
now that the matter is becoming serious, I am told that Benedikt
would never accept me as a partner. Then it is really wiser for me
to leave."
He reiterated that he was willing, but everything depended on
Benedikt, whom he wanted to tell about it the very same day. With
this and a hearty handshake we parted in front of his house.
I related this incident to my parents, Moritz, and my wife.
It had excited me a great deal.
I had exerted so much will-power to be controlled, but after
wards I did have cardiac pains and wobbly legs.
Last night I slept little. The morning paper cheered me, because
it was bad, empty, and skimpily put together. I inferred that it had
suddenly become a matter of indifference to him, like some mer
chandise that one wants to get rid of.
Am I mistaken?
At any rate, today there will follow the second round with
Benedikt. More excitement, perhaps even the decision.
I am right up against victory or defeat. Never has the psychology
of a war been so clear to me.
It is a foolhardy undertaking, such as one is lured into by one’s
imagination and which one then goes through with tant bien que
mal [after a fashion], because one is too cowardly to back out.
Tomorrow I may be out in the street—or perhaps be the ruler
of the roost.
If I fail, I still won't face myself and my family without vindica
tion; for Benedikt’s refusal will have demonstrated that he in
tended to keep me in this inadequate, badly paid position the rest
of my life, to squeeze me dry like a lemon, only to throw me away
some day.
As it says in the French farce: “Si je riavais pas peur, où serait le
courage [If I weren’t afraid, where would I find the courage]?”
December 6, Vienna
The second round is over.
Yesterday, after the evening paper had been put to bed, I accom
panied Benedikt home.
He had already been prepared for the assaut [attack] by Bâcher
and defended himself absolutely brilliantly.
I began: “Did Dr. Bâcher tell you?”
He: “What? T hat you want to start a paper? Why shouldn’t
you?”
The other possibility—my moving into Bacher’s place—he
didn’t even mention, evidently because he thought it the more
frightful one. He explained to me for what two papers there was
still room in Vienna: a radically popular liberal paper and a gen
uinely Social-Democrat one. I rejected both.
“I am going to start a distinguished paper on the largest scale."
He: “There is not room in Vienna for two such papers.”
I: “We shall see. Unless you accept me as a partner in Bacher's
place.”
He: “Bâcher has no intention of retiring.”
I: “He specifically told me so yesterday.”
He: “He didn’t want to give you a flat No. Why, I have more
thoughts of retiring than he does.” (Of course, neither is true;
Bâcher is tired, he isn’t.)
We then got into an extremely affable conversation. I had to
accompany him upstairs to his apartment and have coffee with
him. He offered me great opportunities with a cigar. He confiden
tially painted for me the dangers I would be facing with my ex
periment. I depicted for him the dangers of his refusal and
told him the program of my paper: a “Neue Freie Presse” which
wouldn’t be Zionist, to be sure, but would report on the Zionist
movement.
Thereupon I went into the grievances I had stored up over the
years: the silence about our movement, the grotesquely inade
quate position I have on the paper, the ridiculously small salary,
the lack of freedom whenever I want to make an important trip.
He said: “I’ll take care of that. Your demands are justified.”
I: “I beg your pardon, I am not demanding a thing. I am merely
telling you that I am dissatisfied with my present situation and see
no improvement in the future. Just as you think of your children,
I think of mine. You want to make the Neue Freie Presse into an
heirloom of the Benedikts, as the Times is that of the Walters—but
I don’t want to be the Erbforster.”*
We spoke about this, that, and the other thing, and talked
around it. His line was to look right through me, with an uncon
cerned face, and to frighten me about the experiment. My line was
to intimidate him.
We finally broke off and postponed it until another time.
I promised him to work on the Christmas number in any case.
That was a point d'honneur [point of honor] with me.
December 7
Yesterday all quiet on the Plevna front. * *

Only two signs were to be noted, one favorable and one unfavor
able.
Favorable: Hugo Ganz came to me at noon yesterday and com
plained that in his feuilleton about Nordau more than half—
namely, the tempering of the praise—had been blue-pencilled, so
that only boundless admiration remained. This is an indication of
lack of courage on the part of Benedikt who does not want to incur
the displeasure of my associate Nordau. T he entire feuilleton is a
concession of cowardice, to keep Nordau for the Neue Freie Presse.
Unfavorable: Bâcher and Benedikt avoided a discussion with
me yesterday. Benedikt asked Wittmann to accompany him home.
I kept silent.
Today I shall engage him and tell him that I won’t allow the
matter to be shelved.
• Translator’s Note: A reference to Otto Ludwig’s tragedy Der Erbforster (The
Hereditary Forester, 1850) in which the protagonist claims that, since he has inherited
his position from his father and grandfather, he cannot legally be discharged. When
the forester receives the threatened dismissal from the new owner of the estate, he
tries to take revenge, with tragic results.
• # Translator’s Note: Plevna was a town the Russians besieged for 143 days in the
Russo-Turkish War of 1877. What Herzl really means is: “All quiet on the N. Fr. Pr.
front.”
December 8
Yesterday, the third round with Benedikt.
He made me some propositions: Equal salary with Wittmann.
Expansion of my sphere of influence, a kind of sovereignty in the
literary section. He also seemed mollified in regard to Zionism. I
rejected his proposals.
He was evidently shaken by this, and started to think of my
resignation as a more serious possibility. We talked back and forth
for hours.
# # *
Yesterday the rumor circulated at the Stock Exchange that

Bâcher was retiring from the Neue Freie Presse and that I was
taking his place.—When I left Benedikt, I ran into coal-Gutmann
who acted very familiar, linked arms with me, and walked part of
the way with me—evidently also in connection with the rumors
that I was going to be boss; his talk was awfully Zionist.
December 12
Yesterday, suspension, actually conclusion, of the duel. Benedikt
proposed that I should stay. The publishers grant me the highest
salary of any staff member of the Neue Freie Presse—3000 guilders
more than Wittmann gets. Moreover, whenever the Zionist move
ment achieves any practical result, they are willing to record it
without bias. I am to be given the exclusive editorship of the entire
literary section of the Neue Freie Presse.
I asked for time to think it over, inwardly determined to accept.
What was to be won at this time I have won.
December 12
Wrote to Nordau to intervene on behalf of my memorandum
with Pobedonostsev, and to Baroness Suttner to do the same with
Muraviev and Ambassador Kapnist.
December 18, Viennna
Baroness Suttner writes: “All right!"* She has written to Mura
viev and Kapnist, but does not expect much success from her inter
vention. Neither do 1.1 was only interested in showing Muraviev
and Kapnist that I don’t want to bypass them.
# * #
The day before yesterday the following letter arrived from

Moi’s* * pen-holder Crespi : * * *
Dear Sir:
Thanks to the formation of a company at Stuttgart, to which the
king and queen of Württemberg have subscribed the major part, a
company with a capital of 500,000 marks intended for German
farm colonization in Palestine, the matter entrusted to us has taken
a giant step forward.
Please be ready, upon receipt of a telegram which I shall send
you, to come here immediately, for H.M. will be disposed to grant
you an audience.
Negotiations are so far advanced in your favor that I need only
wire you “Leave at once,’’ and you will be received immediately
upon your arrival. I cannot give you the details of the colossal
efforts that have been made during the past month, but I can assure
you that the result has been and will be a practical one. Please keep
what I have told you in the strictest confidence.
With kind regards,

Crespi
# # #
If this is true and is not intended as the groundwork for some

vague demand for money or to reassure me about the first payment,
it is an enormous step.
• • Translator’s Note: Herzl refers to Nuri Bey as ’’Moi.” The English equivalent
might be ’’The Great Ego.”
• • • In French in the original.
It doesn’t sound improbable, either. Siemens of the Deutsche
Bank is in Constantinople in connection with the Bagdad Rail
road. The Turks have his knife and the water at their throats. Ger
many is making tremendous progress in the Orient. However, the
benefits the Sultan has from it are highly Platonic in nature. Porce
lain vases, handshakes, decorations, telegrams—that is all. The
German crusade looks like railroad construction and such tomfool
ery. Meanwhile the Turks are beginning to see the light. Perhaps
Ambassador Constans did his share in arousing suspicion against
Germany.
But perhaps I am only being called to get Siemens to make a bet
ter offer. I am being treated as the Jew with whom they threaten to
sign.
Whatever may be the case, I shall make the trip at once. Of
course, I wouldn’t put it past the good M oi to have some bandit
friends pull me off the Orient Express en route, so he can extort
some ransom from Jewry as whose head he regards me. Therefore,
if I am really summoned and if it is at all possible, I shall go to Con
stantinople by sea.
If I go, I will send Hechler to the Grand Duke in order to influ
ence German diplomacy and banking in my favor. They shall give
orders from Berlin that I am an ally and secret friend, and even
though I am not supported, I shall not be hindered.
December 27, Vienna

Nothing from Constantinople, nothing, nothing.
Je me désespère [I am in despair].
Precisely because the summons seemed to be so imminent, this
day-to-day disappointment is so extremely distressing.
Today’s papers report that the Constantinople ambassador
Straus is passing through here. Gottheil wrote that Straus would
look me up. In any case, I think the dignified thing for me to do is
not to call on him.
The papers further report from Constantinople the conclusion
of a preliminary agreement, with advance payment, between the
Porte and the Deutsche Bank. Perhaps, as the temporary need for
money disappeared, so did their desire to call in the Jew.
Or was the whole thing hokum on N uri’s part?
December 29, Vienna

Spoke yesterday with the American ambassador to Constanti
nople, Oscar Straus, who is passing through here. I had Schalit in
quire in the morning when we could have a talk. He invited me to
come to the Hotel Impérial at 5:30 p.m.
He is of below-average height, lean, with a reddish, sparse beard,
a hook-nose, Jewish handle-ears, scanty hair; 48 years old, dry,
smart,* and yet instantly likeable because of his honest eyes.
After five minutes we were on familiar terms, although he began
by remarking that I enjoyed the reputation of being indiscreet.
However, he couldn’t blame me for my inconsiderateness, for in
such a great matter persons cannot be spared. He himself was
neither for nor against Zionism, for he held an official position.
Then he needlessly pledged me to divulge nothing of our conversa
tion.
He considers Palestine impossible for us to attain. The Greek
and Roman-Catholic Churches would not let us have it. I told him
that I considered only Rome an opponent. I forgot to give him my
deeper reason: that only Roman Catholicism is as oecumenical as
Judaism. Rome is the rich brother who hates the poor brother.
The other Churches are national and therefore don’t need Jeru
salem as an Archimedean point.
Straus is for Mesopotamia! He said he knew that a long time ago
a pamphlet on Mesopotamia had been sent me by Cyrus Adler, at
the instigation of some friends (Judge Sulzberger and others in
New York).
Mesopotamia, he said, was attainable. There are no church rival
ries there, and it is the original home of Israel. Abraham came
from Mesopotamia, and there we could make use of the mystic
elements, too.
It is the idea of faire tâche d’huile [spreading out] which Nuri
expressed at Scheveningen. Artin Pasha, too, had written me in a
similar vein—acting, as I now guess, on the advice of Straus, who
was acquainted with my letters to Artin. Straus sharply denounced
the riffraff in power in and around Yildiz Kiosk. All the power was
united in the Sultan’s fist. The ministers were idiots and cowardly,
corrupt characters. The Sultan didn’t give a hoot for the whole of
Turkey. With talk about humanity* and the like nothing whatever
could be accomplished with him. Oh yes, if he could see money or
benefits of some other kind, he might perhaps be won over. But any
conversation or negotiation with others was worthless. With the
Sultan, or not at all.
I told him about the prospect which had opened up to me two
weeks ago, but unfortunately remained sans suite [unconcluded].
He pressed me hard to give him the name of my intermediary. I
kept stubbornly silent and thus gave him some proof of my discre
tion. He guessed over and over who it could be. I let him go on
guessing.
We parted as friends. I took his promise that he would send me
tips which might be useful some time, signing himself with the
pseudonym “Mesopotamicus.”
1900
January 2, Vienna
Yesterday I sent the Grand Duke a New Year’s telegram, as I had
done the previous year, and today I received the following wire:
Grateful for your valued New Year's wishes; returning my cor
dial wishes for your well-being in the new year.
Meanwhile I received word from St. Petersburg two days ago,
acknowledging receipt of the memorandum you sent me. It was
favorably received, and I am to thank you for it.
Friedrich, Grand Duke of Baden.

January 12, Vienna
Mandelstamm worriedly reports that the Chief of the Russian
Police has threatened Dr. Awinowitzky of Odessa that he would
"close up the Zionist shop.” An allusion to our stand against the
Socialists put the mighty man in a more gracious mood.
I sent Mandelstamm my memorandum to the Czar as an amulet
in case of emergency.
* • •
Moi’s agent, Crespi, made me the ridiculous proposal of buying

the Constantinople paper Stamboul. At the same time he said that
our efforts had been interrupted by the Ramadan.
So at least there is again some hope that after the Ramadan
things will perhaps go forward.
January 13
Yesterday, at the opening of I Love You at the Burgtheater, they
once again made me suffer for my Zionism. At the end of the harm
less play there was violent hissing, which obviously could not have
been caused by this unpretentious comedy.
I must not live on Zionism; I am not to live on literature.
A problem!
January 30, Vienna

Last Saturday’s papers reported that Nuri had arrived here with
Turkhan Pasha from The Hague (after the signing of the Peace
Conference Protocol). I sent Kremenezky to the Hotel Impérial.
Kremenezky waited for N uri for hours, finally left, and when he
returned on Sunday, Nuri had already departed.
The fact that he did not call on me makes me fear the worst—a
fraud.
I am writing him today in an envelope addressed to Crespi: *
Your Excellency:
To my great disappointment I was not able to have the honor of
seeing you when you passed through Vienna, though M. Crespi had
told me of this opportunity.
What am I to think of our project?
I still think we are losing precious time, an opportunity that will
never return. In his last letter M. Crespi very wisely pointed out
that the audience, while freeing our friends of their obligations,
commits H.M. to nothing. Let him only deign to hear me. I am so
convinced of the value of my proposals for the empire that I have
no doubt of my success.
Now there is a new, very powerful argument. Mahmoud Damad
Pasha and the Young Turks are saying everywhere that the present
government is incapable of finding resources, of bringing pros
perity to the country, and of constructing the indispensable fleet.
With the assistance that we can provide, all this can be accomp
lished in no time.
Think about it, Your Excellency and most honored friend, and
as soon as possible let me have the joy of a summons to an audience.
Be assured, Excellency, of my highest esteem and complete
loyalty.
Th.H .
Already in European public opinion and, less publicly (perhaps

even unbeknownst to those in power at Yildiz), in certain high
political circles the possibility of changing the whole government
of Turkey is beginning to be discussed. Accept this warning from
a sincere and completely trustworthy friend.
All can collapse. Let us be foresighted and pursue the work of
salvation.
February 5
On the train from Pest to Vienna.
Again a time of great worry has come.
According to signed and anonymous complaints which have
reached me, things at the Bank are in a state of disorder.
A trip to London would be an urgent necessity. However, if I
don’t want to risk my position with the Neue Freie Presse, I can’t
get away, and must entrust things to the Board* which is working
against me, partly out of carelessness, partly wilfully and in delib
erate opposition to me.
I have had no word whatever from Nuri at Constantinople. In
Russia and Rumania the movement is slowing down, in part
because of the economic crisis which oppresses the Jews even
further and makes them reluctant to make even the small sacrifices
they have made up to now.
Finally and chiefly, a great worry for me has appeared in Austria.
The government has turned its attention, in an unwelcome
fashion, to the Bank subscription. Brecher was summoned to the
Vienna police headquarters, in Galicia the governor’s office sent a
form to the communities; the subscription was declared disloyal
and its continuation prohibited.
I can only believe that this importunity is the consequence of a
denunciation. Naturally we shall make an appeal against this
decree. Besides, Oskar Marmorek is to speak with Governor
Kielmansegg, and I shall try to get to Prime Minister Koerber.
It would be a shame and incomprehensible if the government
did not understand us. If it undermines Zionism, all the Zionists
will turn Social Democrats. But another consequence of this pro
hibition would be that the poor people who have made a part pay
ment would lose it, because the Bank is not authorized to refund
the money. I only hope that I can make Koerber understand this.
* * •
Yesterday I had a little discussion with some Hungarian Jews:

Agari, Deputy Visontai, Dr. Reich, Viola, L. Neugebauer,
Sebestyen, Guttenberg, Dr. Alexander.
I counselled them as non-Zionists to speak out publicly in favor
of our movement. With a beau geste [nice gesture] they could
accomplish something that might avert future dangers for them.
Russian immigration would be channeled away from the border,
and at the same time a safety-valve would be provided for future
anti-Semitism which is probably unavoidable in Hungary, too.
The gentlemen undertook to discuss the matter with some in
fluential Gentile friends.
Visontai plans to interest his party chief Ugron in it.
He also gave a description of conditions among the Hungarian
Jews which are by no means as rosy as people abroad believe.
February 9, Vienna
Governor Kielmansegg gave Marmorek very reassuring informa
tion. The decree against the Bank subscription is not political but
fiscal in nature. He knows Zionism and myself and considers our
movement a humanitarian one; and, as far as he knows, the
Imperial government has no objections to us, either.
Crespi sent me the draft of a letter that can be shown around
which I am to address to him (Crespi). The letter is in the most
Levantine French, full of incredible mistakes and lapses of taste.
However, I am copying it word for word and sending it off today.
It says in it: why will the mighty Caliph, who receives the
poorest, not give me a brief hearing? J’apporte des millions de
livres [I am bringing millions of pounds], etc.
But evidently this is the effective tone—they wouldn’t use it
just for fun.
February 16, Vienna

Yesterday morning I had the audience with Prime Minister
Koerber which Dr. Ehrlich had arranged. At 9 o’clock I appeared
at the Ministry of the Interior and was immediately taken to
Koerber who gave me an extraordinarily friendly reception. He
was already fully informed about the Bank matter, which I had
come about, had got out the file on it, and read me the decrees of
the governor’s offices of Lower Austria and Galicia. He said he was
prepared to be as obliging to me as the law permitted. I replied
that we would be satisfied if at least the people who had already
made down-payments were allowed to complete the transaction
and pay up their shares, so that no one would lose money on the
Bank. Zionism, I said, deserved to be encouraged rather than
weakened by the government, for it constituted the only way out
of the serious Jewish Question. Otherwise all the persecuted Jews,
to whom we are opening up an ideal vista, would become enemies
of society.
Koerber said: “I admire the perseverance with which you have
been pursuing this work for years.”
I remarked that it was really the most beautiful life-work. I was
aware that people were laughing at me.
He smiled: “Yes, I know that, too.”
I: “But I pay very little attention to it.”
Civilities and amiability concluded the half-hour conversation.
He asked me for a concise, factual presentation of the entire sub
scription project, and invited me to call on him whenever I had
anything to say to him. He would also ask me, as occasion offered,
to visit him at his home in the evening, where we could then talk
at greater leisure.
February 28
The memorandum requested by Koerber:
Your Excellency:
I have the honor to give you the following information regard
ing the Jewish Colonial T rust (Jewish Colonial Bank) Limited of
London, which I was privileged to tell Your Excellency about in
person.
This Jewish Colonial T rust was founded to serve the purposes
of the Zionist movement.
The founders of this Bank pursue no aims of profit whatever in
this. In fact, the prospectus and the statutes preclude from the
outset that the Board of Directors and the Council (which does
not consist of businessmen and of which I am a member) derive
any profit from the enterprise. The founding costs were contrib
uted à fonds perdu [outright] by a num ber of our followers. I my
self put 500 pounds sterling into it.
The Bank is intended to constitute the body corporate which
is necessary for acquiring a settlement charter from the govern
ment of His Majesty the Sultan. By colonizing Palestine under the
guidance of great principles the possibility is to be created of
alleviating the lot of the Jewish proletarians who are suffering
greatly in many countries, particularly in Galicia, Rumania, and
Russia.
The Bank is to have a share capital of two million pounds
sterling in one-pound shares. T he Zionist movement has the
resistance of the rich Jews to contend with. Therefore the sub
scription had to address itself mainly to the masses. To safeguard
the deposits it was stipulated that operations must not start until
at least 250,000 pounds had been paid in cash in London. The sub-
scripion yielded 300,000 shares; up to now, however, not quite
100,000 pounds have been paid in at London, because the subscrip
tion is being handled in instalments.
Through the governors’ edicts which impelled me to intervene
with Your Excellency, the continuation of the subscription in
Austria has been prohibited. This is all the more regrettable be
cause to date 5790 subscribers in Austria have subscribed 14,044
shares and made partial payments on them.
The down payments have, of course, been transferred to Lon
don.
The subscription has been publicized in the papers, but a special
announcement was also made to the authorities. Early in
November of 1899 the representative of the Jewish Colonial Trust,
Dr. O. Kokesch, attorney to the Court and to courts of justice and
Dr. Brecher of the banking house of I. fe A. Brecher, Vienna, called
on Baron Odkolek, departmental councillor in the Ministry of
Finance. Dr. Kokesch informed Mr. Councillor of the founding of
the Colonial Trust in London, as well as of the desire of the Board
of Directors to have the banking firm of I. & A. Brecher serve as
the subscription office in Vienna. Dr. Kokesch produced a share-
allotment letter, and, referring to the fact that Baron Odkolek had
collaborated in drafting the law governing the sales tax on securi
ties, he asked him for information on this matter. Mr. Councillor
stated he shared Dr. Kokesch’s opinion that no sales tax was payable
on the letters of allotment, but that he could give no authoritative
information until a written request had been made to the Ministry
of Finance.
The house of Brecher, which, incidentally, was to handle the
matter without financial remuneration in view of the good cause,
subsequently refused to act as subscription office for the Jewish
Colonial Trust, and promised to establish business contact with
the Bank only to the extent of accepting monies for it. After this
decision on the part of the house of Brecher, the representative of
the Jewish Colonial Trust regarded it as superfluous to direct a
further written petition to the Ministry of Finance.
The prohibition of subscriptions—against which an appeal has
been made, to be sure—has now created a distressing situation.
The subscribers have made part payments which the directors of
the Bank are not authorized to refund. Thus it may happen pre
cisely because of this prohibition that the little people will lose
their money.
I am therefore taking the liberty of proposing this expedient:
“Those subscribers who have subscribed before the decree was
made should be permitted to complete their payments and receive
their shares. There will, of course, be no further subscription in
Austria. And as soon as the Colonial Trust in London begins its
operations, it will apply to be certified in Austria as well.”
Through such an equitable measure any inconvenience would
be prevented. After all, neither the subscribers nor the solicitors
could have known that a subscription which was so abundantly
brought to the attention of the authorities would be prohibited a
few months later.
But there are probably political considerations also in favor of
my most humble proposal.
The Zionist movement undoubtedly has a salutary effect in
countries with a large proletarian Jewish population.
This is recognized even in Russian government circles. The
masses that are so hard pressed by anti-Semitism would probably
one and all join the extremist revolutionary parties unless Zionism
showed them a hopeful solution of their sufferings.
Our movement thus deserves to be assisted rather than impeded.
But perhaps the purely fiscal prohibition of the subscription,
which is directed only against the foreign joint-stock company,
would be misunderstood by the crowd, which does not make such
fine distinctions, as a political measure against Zionism. That
would be extremely harmful to our movement. I do not believe
that this is intended.
A short time ago another member of the Council of the Colonial
Trust, Mr. Oskar Marmorek, the architect, had an opportunity to
discuss the matter with His Excellency the Governor, Count Kiel-
mansegg, and received the assurance that the prohibition of the
subscription was only fiscal and not political in nature, since
the exalted Imperial government appreciated the humanitarian
significance of our movement. I was very pleased to find a cor
roboration of this attitude in the friendly co-operativeness with
which Your Excellency has honored me.
If this good disposition is put into action in the way I have
requested, something useful could certainly be promoted. Some
day the Jewish Question will flare up in a terrible form in our
country, especially in Galicia. One hears too many anti-Semitic
remarks about the Jews and not enough about the despair brood
ing in these wretched masses. Gouverner c’est prévoir [To govern
is to foresee].
I believe in all modesty that the Imperial government which is
headed by Your Excellency will not do a disservice to the monarchy
if it undertakes to further, not impede, the Zionist movement. The
people who are directing this movement are not interested in
political posts, nor can they derive any personal advantage from it.
It seeks to help very poor people without a lot of verbiage. Per
haps that ought to be encouraged.
With deep respect I remain
Your Exellency’s very obedient servant,

Dr. Th. H.
March 5, Vienna
Letter to the Grand Duke of Baden, to be transmitted by
Hechler:
Most Illustrious Grand Duke,
Most Gracious Prince and Lord:
Hoping for Your Royal Highness’ continued benevolence for
our Zionist movement, I permit myself to report in a few words on
the present situation of the cause.
Unless everything deceives me, the moment suitable for action
has come. The general international situation is favorable to it.
At present the attention of rival Powers has been diverted from
the Orient. Faits accomplis may be managed without arousing
much opposition. Such a fait would be the one we have been pre
paring for so long.
All the prerequisites are ready. With the greatest circumspection
we have created an organization of our masses that is ready to move.
At a signal hundreds of thousands would set themselves in motion.
According to reliable reports from confidential agents I may esti
mate the number of colonists that we could get to Palestine within
a few years at three to four million people. Coverage of the financial
expense, which will be very substantial even at the beginning, is
assured. The most important Powers are, if not actually favorably
disposed, at least not hostile. As for Turkey, I have succeeded in
gaining supporters of our cause in government circles. The deci
sion, to be sure, is in the sole hands of His Majesty the Sultan. At
the end of December, 1899, 1 was even expecting a summons to the
Sultan at any time. The Ramadan interfered, and in the past few
weeks things have quieted down again. Now, however, the historic
opportunity seems to be one that demands decisions.
With my accustomed respectful confidence I am turning to Your
Royal Highness for advice and help. Two things would now be
necessary to carry out the great plan.
First, the personal support of His Majesty the German Kaiser
with His Majesty the Sultan. From sources close to the latter I have
been informed that such a step, which could—in fact, must-
remain completely secret, could bring about the decisive turn.
The Sultan would accept my proposals if his exalted friend
presented them to him as worthy of consideration.
Second, my audience with His Majesty the Emperor of Russia.
This would have a dual purpose. For one thing, it would let the
masses in Russia see that our movement is being favored.
Also, the Turkish government would realize from it that it need
fear no objection from that quarter if it contracts for a Charter
with us.
The Charter which I would submit at Constantinople after hav
ing made sure at each separate point of the consent of Your Royal
Highness and His Majesty the German Kaiser shall have as its
subject the colonization of Palestine and the administration of the
settled area. I am in a position to provide Turkey with great
financial benefits in return for this.
No one will find out that the entire matter is under the control
and protection of Germany until His Majesty the German Kaiser
decides the moment for this has come.
A German protectorate would be created, without any sacrifice,
without any risk. Asia Minor under German influence!
The question is whether I enjoy the personal confidence of
being discreet, loyal, and energetic enough to carry the matter
through in this spirit.
There are people who calculate all too prosaically and to whom
the whole plan seems fantastic. But there has also been a narrow
Brandenburg view to which Prussia seemed a fantasy, and a narrow
Prussian view to which Germany seemed so.
The prince who was one of the architects of the miraculous
German edifice cannot be of this opinion.
With deepest respect and loyal gratitude, I remain

D r.T h .H .
March 8, Vienna
Letter to Kann:
Strictly confidential.
Dear Mr. Kann:
I will not conceal from you that it costs me an effort to write to
you. In your letters to me you have repeatedly struck the wrong
note, and only recently you gave Loewe a countermanding order
when he informed you that a meeting had been called. According
to Article 65 only the Council is authorized to do this, quite apart
from the fact that the meeting of the Viennese directors consented
toit.
The purpose of the meeting is to rectify one of the many careless
mistakes that have been made in the Bank. Only during the local
discussions in February was it discovered that according to English
law a shareholder can demand the liquidation of the Bank if the
Bank does not start operations within a year, that is, by March
20th.
To guard against this threatening danger, we decided to amend
the by-laws to permit the circulation of checks even before the
£250,000 have been paid. This is the purpose of our meeting.
Through Loewe's well-known incompetence and recalcitrance,
holding the meeting in time has virtually been frustrated. In this
emergency I have hit upon the following expedient which can only
be carried out by you. This is why I am writing you.
We would have to find one or more bankers who will immedi
ately subscribe shares in the amount lacking from £250,000. The
money—about £170,000—which comes in thus is again deposited
with the same bankers, and in such a way that they earn 1%
or ii/2% on it. For this purpose you would have to go to London
immediately and persuade Seligmann, or speak with Dutch
bankers.
You will find the suitable method better than I can.
The shares subscribed by the Bankers will either be offered for
sale or exchanged for the shares (over 300,000 of them) subscribed
by the instalment buyers after full payment has been made.
I expect to hear from you by telegram whether or not you will
or can carry this out.
The deal involves absolutely no risk for the bankers and will
yield them a certain clear profit of 1 to 1i/£%.
W ith kind regards,

T h. Herzl.
March 9, Vienna
Yesterday this visiting card came by pneumatic-tube mail:
Ernst von Koerber,
Imperial-Royal Prime Minister
asks Euer Hochwohlgeboren* kindly to call on him tomorrow,
Friday, at 9 o’clock in the morning at the Ministry of the Interior.
Pardon the early hour, but my time is completely taken up all day.
* * #
Naturally I was there punctually, as I had been the first time,

and was received by Koerber with the same amiable ceremoni
ousness. After I had been seated on the sofa and had lit my cigar,
he began by sighing over the Vienna question. He said he had done
all he could in the way of an electoral reform for Vienna; he was
truly no anti-Semite, but was now being made out one by the
# Translator's Note: Archaic form of address, used mainly for higher-placed
members of the middle-class.
Liberals. (In today’s Neue Freie Presse there is an editorial on the
subject from the pen of little Community Councillor Stem)
Then he turned to my subject. He had fetched the file and read
to me. Naturally the government could do nothing else but proceed
according to the law; but my proposal contained an acceptable
solution, and they wanted to go along with it by “looking the other
way.” These were his words. The only condition was that none of
it be done in public. Nothing must be reported in the papers; but
the subscribers could be informed directly that they would be
permitted to complete their payments and receive their shares.
I offered to submit an appropriate circular to him. He accepted; he
would then speak with the governors of Lower Austria and Galicia
so that the prohibition would be lifted.
I thanked him for his obligingness. Then, amid renewed sighs
over the Viennese question he saw me out into the ante-chamber,
which caused a sensation among the valetaille [staff].
I am now writing him:
Your Excellency:
I am taking the liberty of submitting, as an enclosure, the draft
of the circular which is to be sent to the Austrian subscribers to the
Jewish Colonial Trust.
What Your Excellency said in conclusion about the Viennese
difficulty has been going around in my head. I believe that there
are expedients about which something could be said as soon as I
again have the honor to be summoned.
It is possible, but not yet definite, that I shall have to leave town
on Sunday—for three or four days. Therefore I should like to
request with due respect that any summons to an audience be
conveyed to me not by pneumatic-tube mail, but by a messenger
who would learn then and there whether I am here. Naturally
I would get in touch with you immediately upon my return.
With deep respect, I remain
Your Excellency’s most obedient servant,

Dr. Th. H.
March 14, Vienna
Yesterday Oskar Marmorek told me that Alex had succeeded
with his attempts to cure tuberculosis in humans. It is such a colos
sal thing that I am skeptical. For the sake of that good soul and
most high-minded man Alex, as well as for humanity, but most of
all for the sake of Zionism, I wish it would turn out to be true.
Today I wrote Alex about the possible utilization of his dis
covery for the promotion of our movement, perhaps through turn
ing the exploitation over to the Bank.
# * #
The Bank continues to cause me great concern. Kann is refrac

tory, gives counter-orders, disputes the validity of the Vienna board
meeting, because he was not there. In short, he impudently acts
the part of the head of the Bank, because he knows that we have
absolutely no one else.
However, according to information from the secretary Loewe,
who, to be sure, is incompetent and unreliable, there is no danger
of an official liquidation, although operations will not be started
by March 20th.
Since the inefficiency of our offices has made it impossible to hold
the meetings of the general assembly as scheduled in order to make
the change in the by-laws, I have to let things take their course
and stand by with arms folded.
My task now is to find a manager who is dependent on myself
alone, as well as a house to replace Lissa & Kann in the public sale
of the shares. Then Kann, who has mutinied, must get out.
* * *
Several telegrams have come from Hechler who has been gone
for almost a week now.
The Grand Duke received him well; my letter has had an effect.
I should come to Karlsruhe right away.
Since I am acquainted with Hechler’s illusions, I first wired back
asking whether it was the Grand Duke or he who wished me to
come.
Answer: he (Hechler) did. However, the Grand Duke wanted
to help.
So I asked him to procure for me, if at all possible, an introduc
tion to the Sultan from the Kaiser personally. This would assure
me of the audience I need. Then I could go to Constantinople.
Hechler wired back that Uncle (Grand Duke) felt one ought to
go easy with the nephew (Kaiser). However, the letter of recom
mendation had not been denied. Apparently Uncle is willing, but
doesn’t know whether Berlin will be. Biilow can again do good or
harm.
Recently Sigmund Miinz of the Neue Freie Presse was in Berlin
and had dinner at Billow's house. Biilow inquired about me and
asked how things stood with Zionism. Miinz wasn’t able to give
him any information. To Miinz’s counter-question as to what our
chances were Biilow, on his part, gave no answer.
However, I consider the general situation—England tied up in
South Africa, Russia reaching for Persia—as favorable to us.
We shall see what truth there is in Hechler’s telegram from
Karlsruhe of March 13 :
Have just returned from Uncle; he will write and report to
Constantinople and to nephew. Please prepare proposal (i.e.,
Charter).
The main thing about it is that my line to Berlin hasn’t been cut
yet. Pour le reste— attendre [For the rest—wait] 1
March 17, Vienna

Yesterday the following card came:
Ernst von Koerber
begs to request Euer Hochwohlgeboren, if your time permits,
kindly to call on him on Monday the 19th at 9 o’clock in the morn
ing at the Ministry of the Interior.
Shall not fail to.
But more interesting is this letter sent by pneumatic tube:
Vienna, March 16,1900

Dear Doctor Herzl:
Will you have lunch with me tomorrow, Saturday, at 1 o’clock?
An acceptance would please me greatly.

B. Eulenburg-Hertefeld.
I have had almost no contact with Eulenburg in 11/2 years. This

invitation seems to be a consequence of Hechler’s expedition—
unless, grotesquely, it refers to tomorrow’s benefit matinee which
is taking place under Prince Eulenburg’s sponsorship.
Vederemo [We shall see] 1
* * *
With these things on my mind, today I am supposed to do a

funny little write-up of the fashion show for the N. Fr. Pr.! Clown*
and Leader* rolled into one.
Moses had an easier time of it.
March 18, Vienna

The luncheon* at Eulenburg’s was just a luncheon * The others
present were Count Piickler, Captain of Cavalry von Biilow, an
other attaché, also Frei the physician and Dr. Friedjung.
Conversation informal but refined.
Eulenburg told a story about Prince George of Prussia. While
traveling he was accidentally locked into his hotel room by his
valet, got a belly-ache, screamed loudly for help, but wasn’t
liberated until—it was too late.
After that I told a story about the Austrian Parliament. A
Polish deputy wanted to say: "Serves Prince Lichtenstein right
on the school bill; why did he reject our water bill?” but said in
stead: “Serves right to him; why didn’t he pass water?”*
Apart from these risqué things, our conversation was usually
very refined.
I sat at Eulenburg’s right. After lunch he drew me aside. I told
him that I had intended to call on him one of these days anyway,
and sketched the situation, approximately as in my letter to the
Grand Duke. I am only afraid that Friedjung may have caught
some of it.
We finally agreed that Eulenburg would send for me shortly.
* # •
Letter from Crespi, dated March 15.

They say they are working. I should write a fresh letter, which
would go via Izzet Bey and in which I state the purpose of the
audience more clearly.
Accordingly I am writing the following letter.**
Your Excellency:
You are probably familiar with the letter I sent to my friend in
which I outlined the considerable advantages of Jewish immigra
tion to Palestine. I am firmly convinced that His Majesty the
Sultan’s lofty wisdom would appreciate the fortunate opportunities
of the Zionist plan if I were allowed to explain it at the foot of the
throne. All that I have heard about His Majesty’s great qualities of
mind and heart leads me to believe that he will become the ardent
friend and protector of the Zionist undertaking, which is useful
to the Ottoman Empire and beneficent to the persecuted Jews.
I have, then, the honor to beg you to procure an audience for
me with H.I.M. The purpose of this audience would be to explain
• Translator’s Note: Recht ihm so, warum hat er Wasser abgeschlagenl
our plan in all sincerity and trust and to propose the forms and
the means of executing it, as well as the financial services we wish
to render His Majesty’s government.
Those things can only be dealt with orally. There is the matter
of rather large sums which I have mentioned to my friend. If the
Empire needs a fleet—here are the means to obtain it without
Europe’s being able to prevent you and without onerous or difficult
conditions. On the contrary, the result would be an increase in the
country’s wealth and an increase of H.M.'s loyal subjects. The
agreement to be reached is so beneficial to Turkey that that is per
haps the very reason for delay and suspicion. One might suspect
that something mysterious or dangerous was concealed behind it.
Well, there is something behind it: the moral and political
misery of the Jewish people which requires a relief that we are rich
enough to pay for.
Let me have the favor of an interview with the Caliph—and
God will put arguments to convince His Majesty in my mouth.
If he consents, it will be the finest page of his glorious reign, the
greatest benefit he has procured both for his Empire and for the
unhappy Jews who will place themselves under his protection
while bringing him innumerable advantages of every kind.
If H.M. wishes to find out about my character and the usefulness
of my plan to Turkey—nothing is easier.
I have the great honor of being known to His Majesty the
Emperor of Germany. Let H.M. the Sultan deign to learn about
me from his powerful friend.
Take action, Your Excellency, to procure the audience which
I request, take action in the interest of your beloved sovereign, of
your beautiful country, and of the unhappy people whom I rep
resent. Already they are beginning to be impatient; leaders are
rising to launch other projects: settlement in Cyprus, emigration
to America, since Turkey does not want to come to an understand
ing with usl
Who knows—perhaps it will be realized too late that an oppor
tunity has been missed; and your Moslem enemies who are working
abroad against the existing government will forge a new weapon
from the fact that you have let such a chance escape you.
I still hope that this last appeal I am sending you will be listened
to. To sum up: procure me the favor of an audience with your
venerated sovereign; I have confidence in his magnanimity and
in his grasp of important matters.
With my profound respects to Your Excellency,
D r.T h .H .
March 20, Vienna

Remarkable the way one gets used even to Prime Ministers.
Yesterday I forgot to enter that I was with Koerber again. He
received me charmingly, as usual, handed me the settlement the
way I had desired it, and expressed the expectation that at a more
opportune moment we would come back to the "admission to
this country” of the Colonial Trust.
He would invite me to his house some evening soon, so that we
might discuss the domestic political situation, particularly his
apparent, unfortunately forced yielding to the anti-Semites.
“I am certainly not an anti-Semite,” he said. At the door I told
him: “Your Excellency, I believe you will be in power for a long
time!”
He gave me a grateful smile for this prophecy and showed me
out through the ante-chamber where the governor of Silesia had
had to wait until our conversation was finished, although he had
arrived at the same time as I had.
March 25, Vienna

I am not only a ‘Clown,’ but also a servant or an office boy at the
N.Fr.Pr.
Only now does it occur to me to document the experience which
I had a few days ago.
I told Benedikt in Bacher’s room that an engineer was asking for
a manuscript that he had submitted for our “Communications"
section. Benedikt said he didn’t know where the manuscript was,
I: “I’m sure you have it.”
He gave a start: “How dare you speak to me this way?”
I said (quite calmly): “I am saying that you must have the manu
script; I sent it to you through Klinenberger.”
He (grimly): “I know nothing about it.”
I: “You must have it.”
He: “How do you know that?”
I: “I assume that Kl. didn’t lie to me.”
He: “You assume! . . . But I don’t want you to use that tone
toward me. I don’t want that!”
I turned my back to him, stepped to the window—and he Tan
into his office. He came back a moment later and said meekly: “I’ve
found the manuscript.”
I didn’t bother to reply.
Then we turned to the subject of the novel. The Ohnet serial
had been completed and no new one was on hand. I declined
responsibility, because so far I had not been put in charge of this
department.
I said rudely: “I have to be told in advance what is wanted.”
From this he noticed that I was angry. I went to my room.
Three minutes later he came running after me, whining like a
cowed cur.
Just as the insult had only been in the tone of voice before, the
miserable beg-your-pardon now was also only in the tone.
I sensed immediately that he wanted to give me something to
put me in a good mood.
Sure enough: he came in with Bâcher and asked me for my
19-year-old, bad youthful novelette Hagenau for the serial section.
I gave it to him, but without signing my name to it. 18 years ago
I went peddling this manuscript to the smallest papers; now it
appears in the Neue Freie Presse under the title Die Heimkehr
(The Homecoming), by H. Jungmann.
Two things are apparent from this experience.
1. That Benedikt hates me, even though he is coward enough
to tremble at the consequences. He considers himself the big boss
and regards me as an office boy.
2. That it doesn't do any harm if people have a low opinion of
something. After 18 years a piece of obscure trash is raised to fame
and fortune. How, then, will it go with the derided Jewish State!
• * #
Koerber has again sent for me for tomorrow morning. Now I

don’t know whether this is in reference to the domestic situation
and the N. Fr. Pr. (which I would prefer) or to the arrest of a
Galician share-subscription solicitor which was reported to me
from Kolomea today.
March 27, Vienna, 11:30 at night

The last 36 hours were again interesting. Because of the re
hearsal of Gretel and my work at the office I found no time during
the day to enter these memorable incidents.
At nine o’clock yesterday morning I was with Koerber. It was
not about the subscription, but about sanctioning the Viennese
electoral reform.
He greeted me with amiability and embarrassment: “So this is
the day on which the bomb goes off.”
I again had to seat myself on the by now familiar sofa and light
the customary cigar, whereupon he presented his request to me.
Oh yes, the Prime Minister of Austria had a request to make: the
Neue Freie Presse should not make too much of a row about the
electoral reform. Of course, it would have to come out in opposi
tion—he realized that; but it should not strike too massively.
I briefly explained to him that he need not worry too much about
the Platonic demonstrations of the Liberals and their papers. But
should the situation grow more serious, more alarming, I might
be in a position to come to his aid.
In the N. Fr. Pr., I said, I was next in line to succeed Bâcher;
Bâcher himself had already agreed to it in December of ’99, and
this had run aground only on Benedikt’s opposition. When the
hour came, I might force a showdown with Benedikt.
He was visibly impressed. Then I said that he should first
publish an unofficial presentation of his non-antisemitic motives
for sanctioning the reform of the Vienna municipal elections.
He said he had already written one for the Wiener Abendpost.
“May I see it?” I asked.
He immediately went out, got the release, and showed me into
an adjoining room where I was to look through the manuscript.
Then he troubled himself to get me a pencil and left me alone,
while he used the time to receive someone.
I now went through the release and found some things to
criticize, which I told him about when he returned. I thought that
he left himself wide open with the passage: “T he electoral reform
means no serious encroachment on any part of the electorate.” He
immediately crossed out the phrase “serious encroachment,” and
at my suggestion he changed this to “. . . partisanship for any
part, etc.”
Two other places he changed without further ado on my say-so.
Then he showed me out the back way.
After that I went to the Raimundtheater for the rehearsal, and
from there, in the afternoon, to the office.
Benedikt already knew about the sanction. But I advised him
not to make too sharp an attack on Koerber, who, I said, was a better
Minister for the Jews than one of the Bohemian feudalists.
However, to play safe, I went to the office again in the evening,
in order to influence Benedikt before he wrote his article. While
we were talking about it, Koerber’s private secretary telephoned
him and invited him to call on Koerber at his private residence.
I had an unpleasant feeling when Benedikt told me this. What if
Koerber gave him the substance of our conversation to make
Benedikt more favorably disposed toward himself?
I was very worried and, although it was ten o’clock, drove to
Koerber’s private residence. In a coffee house I bought an envelope,
put my visiting card in it and sent it up by the superintendent’s
wife. I waited in the carriage. The woman came back and said the
Prime Minister was not home yet.
I spent a bad evening. At first I was going to write him that
I counted on his discretion. Overnight counsel came to me in my
sleep, as usual. Writing is always tricky. I decided to go to see him
at the Ministry, as I had on the previous occasions.
I was there at 9 o’clock and was admitted after only a few minutes
of waiting. He came toward me beaming. The article in the Neue
Freie Presse suited him just fine. He had been on the point of writ
ing me a letter of thanks. Now that I was here, there probably was
no need for it. He hoped that we would remain in contact—"in
amicable contact,” he added, and repeatedly pumped my hand.
Now there began a one-hour conversation in which he spoke
with the greatest frankness about everything, including his rela
tions with the Emperor.
His position, he said, was basically different from, and better
than, that of his predecessors who had never dared to say No to the
Emperor.* "The Emperor don’t dare to talk to me like he did to
Badeni or Thun, 'cause he thinks I’m gonna resign on him. The
previous Prime Ministers, they always had kittens if four days
gone by without their gettin’ called to an audience. Why, they
thought right away: I’m in dutch. Me, I’m not pushin’ my way in.
I do my job, and he knows I do. He sends me Schiessl to ask if
I ain’t too busy—Sometimes I talk ’im outa somethin’ he wants to
do, but so that he don’t catch on to the reason. F’r instance, he was
gonna invite the deputies to court dinner, one by one. Now I
t’ought to myself, he can invite two dozen of ’em, at most. So who
are you gonna take? Them that you don’t invite, they’re gonna be
gunnin’ for me. And another thing—the Emperor, he’s startin’ to
get talkative as he gets older. He tells them deputies or delegates
anything that happens to come into his head. Then the embarrass-
•Translator's Note: Koerber spoke in the Viennese dialect, and Herzl took the
trouble to reproduce it faithfully. Essentially, this dialect, which was and is spoken
with zest by most Viennese from governors to garbage men, professors to proletarians,
is untranslatable. An attempt has been made here to achieve a similarly relaxed tone
in English; but it must be pointed out that this language does not necessarily denote
a low educational level on the part of the speaker.
ment is there. Well, so I tole him why don’t cha put off them court
dinners for them deputies till October, then we can invite them
one by one. But I t’ink by then the critical period’s gonna be over.”
And in this tone of complete confidence he spoke about a lot of
other things: About Badeni, whose mendaciousness and cowardice
he described drastically; about the Lobkowitzes and Schwanen-
bergs, and many others de moindre importance [of less impor
tance].
He was visibly concerned about making a good impression upon
me, which he managed to do.
I repeated to him my prognostication that he would head the
government for a long time.
Among other things he confided in me that when the Reichstag
reconvened he would submit the new language bill. I placed
myself at his disposal in case he wanted to have the draft examined
in advance by an unprejudiced eye. He immediately agreed; he
also wanted to give me the argumentation to read.
Although he was called away by the court secretary (or was this
only an attempted rescue such as is arranged systematically?) he
continued talking to me for over an hour, and then dismissed me
most amiably.
The lackeys in the ante-chamber were greatly astonished at the
long favor.
April 9
Nordau sends an “open letter’’ to Rumanian Jewry for publica
tion in the Welt. He counsels purement et simplement [purely and
simply] to migrate in groups of 100 people, and by stages. Without
authorization, without resources.
Le geste est beau [The gesture is fine]—but it would produce a
désastre [disaster].
For the time being I am not having the letter printed.
Letter to Koerber.
April g, 1900
Your Excellency:
In connection with our last conversation I beg to inform you that
I shall not be here from the 16th of this month to May 2nd. There
fore, if Your Excellency would like to know my humble opinion
of the draft for a language bill, I would ask you to summon me
prior to Easter Sunday. I believe that a few carefully worked words
to introduce the bill—a sursum corda [lift up your hearts] 1 to the
people—could work wonders this time.
Should the draft not be made public until after May 2, I shall
then naturally be at your disposal at any time.
With the deepest respect, I remain
Your Excellency’s very obedient servant,

D r.T h .H .
April 14
Koerber had written me that he wished to speak to me even
before my departure, and had given me an appointment for yester
day at noon.
At 12 o’clock I was in the Ministry of the Interior. Koerber
came toward me in gala dress. “On account of you I have stayed all
dressed up. After church I didn’t have time to go home, otherwise
I would’ve had to keep you waitin’. . . .” Then he came to the
point, after he had once more installed me on the sofa and given
me the regulation cigar.
“I’ve got the language bill done, but haven’t finished the argu
ment to support it. Can’t show that to you till you get back. Where
are ya goin’ anyway? Paris? I’d like to get away, too, but, gee, I
can’t. I’m tied down from morning’ to evenin’. Like yesterday,
see, I get home for lunch, and they phone me to come and see
Archduke Franz. Well, I didn’t dash right out. First I had a spoon
ful o’ soup an’ a hunk o’ meat. After that I went to see ’im—you
know, on ‘count of’ the weddin’. Well; and so I sat with him an
hour and a half. After that a couple of hours with Goluchowski.
In the evenin’, soon ’s I get home, I find papers layin’ there again,
waitin’ for me. Well, so I kept on working until one in the ayemra.
An’ I get up at five in the momin’l Today to church again at ha’
past nine (Good Friday) and stayed till ha’ past ’leven. After that
you’re dead.”
I mutely commiserated with him.
“See,” he continued, “it’s all like that with us. Ain’t got no
seriousness. Everybody’s senile. They don’t think anythin’ over
first. T hat’s the way it is with that business about Archduke Franz.
If you’re a Prince, an Archduke, why, then you can’t do what you
please. With them people you never know in advance whether it’s
serious. Maybe he’s gonna send her packin’ again after it’s over.
An Archduke’s gotta be considerate. If he goes and marries a com
moner, this can harm the monarchic principle. H e’s gettin’ rela
tives from his wife’s side and they’re gonna have an influence.
That’s why they always cut off them princesses from the world like
that, so no one could get at ’em, so there’d be no influences from
that side.
“We just ain’t got no seriousness in anything! ’Mong the people
same as with the authorities. D’you think I can rely on a governor?
Haven’t got a one. Could you name me one gov’nor? I don’t know
none. Then why do I keep the gen’lmen? ’Cause I ain’t got any
other, that’s why. Can’t be every place at once—and they don’t
do a blessed thing.”
I permitted myself to remark: “T hat’s due to the way the gentle
men are recruited. Young fellows from good families, who then
simply are promoted.”
“There’s no initiative,” he complained.
“But this can perhaps be remedied,” I said. “The governors
could be given secret instructions on how they are to improve the
attitude of the people. I believe the dissolution of the Reichsrat
will come. At least, that’s the way it seems to me.”
He nodded: “To me, too. If I could give you some inside
dope. . . .” He let it peep out that he had the Imperial instruc
tions in his pocket. “It’s only on account of Galicia. If it comes to
an election, there’s gonna be a bloodbath in Galicia.”
“Things would simply have to be prepared in advance. In
Galicia there are a large number of Jews on whom influence could
be exerted.”
“Yes, but ain’t they Socialists?” he asked.
“One could drive a wedge into that,” I said, without mentioning
Zionism. “I might be able to help you with this, Your Excel
lency! . . . In general, it would be a matter of establishing con
tact with the people over the heads of the professional politicians.
Even when the language bills are made public the coming dissolu
tion of the Reichsrat ought to be kept in mind and the present
Parliament put in the wrong. Economic necessity should be
emphasized, as well as the fact that the language disputes are under
mining the existence of the state as well as of the individual prov
inces. A modem program, a program for the public welfare, is
needed. It would have to be popular, appeal to the imagination.
New, meaningful slogans ought to be circulated, instead of the
worn-out ones of the language politicians. The government has
the means for it sooner than the parties. In the secret instructions
to the governors, it should be explained to the gentlemen how they
have to prepare their elections. The formation of an economic
party should be brought about and encouraged. New men should
be brought in from the circles of merchants, industrialists, sci
entists, jurists, physicians, including the heads of the cooperative
societies, etc. The first step would be to make a list of those men,
who should preferably be recruited from outside the existing
organized groups of politicians. The governors would have to try
to establish contact with them directly or indirectly. Some will do
it for the sake of profit or distinction, others out of true seriousness;
many will already feel honored by merely being brought in. A
soirée [dinner party], a rout [social gathering] may suffice in some
cases. In short, practical conciliation by association.”
I could tell by the expression on his face, which had originally
mirrored Austrian unconcern and now became pensive and deeply
interested, that he was gripped. He now urged me to look him up
right after my return, as well as to write him on my trip.
I offered to compose the Sursurn Corda to the peoples of Austria,
which he acknowledged with a grateful smile and a handshake.
“Of course,” I said, “this will remain between us.”
Minister Baron Call was announced. I arose, and he took an
even more cordial leave of me than usual. He told me to be sure to
be here again on the 2nd of May.
I am handling Koerber a bit the way Scheherazade did the Shah.
After each conversation he wants to see me again, because I bring
him something.
What I want is truly nothing bad, neither in the means nor in
the end.
By means of the pacification of Austria, in which I am secretly
participating, without ambition or desire for gain, I wish to im
prove the lot of the Jews and solve the Jewish Question. Does
Koerber understand me?
April 18, on the train from Karlsruhe to Paris

Have again been to Karlsruhe to see the good Grand Duke.
Today’s conversation with him was, politically speaking, by far
the most interesting of all the talks I have had with him over the
years, just as from the point of view of result it was the most
meaningless—in fact, a downright refusal on the part of Germany.
By now I already know this ante-chamber, too, its lackeys, its
general in charge, von Müller, and its historical family portraits,
so that I waited in the red salon less agitated than ever. Nothing
has changed there since I was here for the first and for the last time.
Against the background of all the inanimate things, the good
Grand Duke happily has not changed; on the stroke of eleven he
came through the door of his study to meet me and welcomed me
with a long handshake.
This time we stayed in the red salon whose damask furniture, as
I could not help noticing, had become a bit threadbare.
I opened the encounter with a presentation of the state of affairs,
something like what I had given in my letter of March 5th.
I had been quite surprised when upon my entrance the good
Grand Duke had expressly thanked me for my letter “of March
5th.” I had happened to read said letter of March 5th in the morn
ing at the hotel, in order to prepare myself for the conversation, so
that I knew what he was talking about. To the considerations
which made the present moment seem suitable to me for a
campaign in Constantinople I added the Paris Exposition and the
resulting desire for peace on the part of France.
I sketched a picture of the situation in condensed brevity,
whereupon the Grand Duke took the floor.
Things were different, he said. Precisely the South African War
in its present state was a danger to Germany—in fact, to world
peace. The moment could come when England would realize that
it could not cope with the Boers. Then they might cast about for a
pretext to leave the Transvaal, because “more important interests
are at stake.”
Even now England probably was avid for a diversion in the
direction where her power was still unimpaired and superior. She
would beware of tangling with Russia; France, too, was too strong
for her on the seas. On the other hand, she might not be disinclined
to hurl herself at Germany, which was still incapable of defending
itself on the seas and offered an important area of attack through
its magnificently increasing commerce.
During this exposition I had a strong impression. Someone was
speaking out of the Grand Duke’s mouth, and it was German
policy itself. The kindness, particularly the kindness of telling me
these things, was that of the Grand Duke, but the data, the reports
of the attitudes from all cabinets, as well as the thinking that
summed it all up in strong arguments, were obviously the work of
German ambassadors and of Biilow.
Germany was now avoiding complications in general, said the
Grand Duke, and especially anything that could give England an
excuse for making the trouble she was looking for. That is why
Ambassador Radolin at St. Petersburg, whose recall had been
rumored, was given a decoration just so he could stay. That is why
the ailing London ambassador was not being replaced; that is why
the aged Münster was staying on in Paris, just for the sake of
quieta non movere [not stirring up things when they are quiet].
Strangely enough, Germany feels threatened by England’s South
African defeats. I would never have drawn this conclusion from the
situation. From the Grand Duke’s statements I saw it with clarity.
I also sensed that my “letter of March 5th” had been the subject
of investigation and action on the part of German diplomacy. I
further conclude from it that Eulenburg didn’t just happen to
invite me to have lunch with Friedjung and Frei. Perhaps the
other two Jews were invited only so that I might see nothing very
special in it after the long silence.
I must admit now that there is something to the Grandducal
and German reasoning.
Germany’s sea surface [area] is enormous, and its capacity for
defending it, as the Grand Duke says, infinitesimally small. “We
would be in no position to defend ourselves against a blockade.
It will be 15 years before our fleet is ready. However, our com
merce and our industry are expanding daily, in a way which is as
gratifying as it is alarming.”
He now adduced a number of highly interesting data which
attested to his statesmanlike seriousness and his fine, faithful
sovereign’s concern.
Industry, he said, was draining agriculture of its strength. At
the construction of a harbor—I forget, where—only Italian
workers were used. Recently 3000 Italians had come into the
country via Lucerne. In the army, too, the manpower shortage was
making itself felt. Serviceable non-commissioned officers did not
want to stay. “Give me three marks a day,” says one of them, “and
I’ll stay.” Here in Karlsruhe there was a cartridge-case factory in
which the female workers earned five to eight marks a day. Thus,
everywhere the most auspicious prosperity, and with it a way of
life that has remained constant—but the neighbors cast a covetous
eye at this prosperity.
As it was, in England there was great dissatisfaction with the
progress Germany had made in industry and world trade. The
English would be glad, he said, if they could pick some holes in us.
France and Russia could only encourage that. And if our industry,
our maritime commerce and merchant marine went to ruin, it
would suit the Englishmen just fine.
This danger of a naval war, with its possibilities of economic
ruin and the destruction of so many people’s livelihood, was one of
the German government’s greatest worries. Despite the German
land power they were exposed to such a great danger, and the
only alliance which might promise a certain security was perhaps
with America.
At any rate, the greatest caution was imperative, and they could
not expose themselves to the possibility that England might use a
German protectorate in Palestine as a pretext to turn from South
Africa to “this more important problem.”
One bright spot in this situation, however, was the imminent
visit of Emperor Franz Joseph to Berlin.
“I have discussed Austrian politics with you on earlier occasions,
and, as you may remember, my judgment was not always a favor
able one. I am all the more pleased to be able to tell you that a turn
for the better has now occurred. Emperor Franz Joseph, for whom
I personally have the greatest sympathy, has not always had the
happiest policy. We are now very happy that he is getting back on
the right road.
“The Emperor’s visit, of course, is not only private in nature, as
has been remarked; it is, rather, a political visit. The Triple Alli
ance, which had already fallen to pieces, will come into being
again with renewed strength. Italy, too, has already announced a
visit when the Crown Prince comes of age.
“I think Emperor Franz Joseph will be satisfied with his trip. He
will return invigorated, something he probably can use.
“Despite all personal predilection for Emperor Franz Joseph, I
must say that we did not get much out of the alliance with him.
“However, we certainly want to maintain Austria in its present
existence. But this does not also mean that we encourage certain
efforts aiming at incorporating Austria’s German malcontents into
Germany. We reject this idea.
“Now, to return to your matter: while we are in no position now
to recommend you at Constantinople, Austria is well able to do so.
After his return from Berlin the recommendation of the Austrian
Emperor will carry greater weight than would have been the case
previously, or even now. The two Emperors of Central Europe do
mean a great deal more now.’’
I had mentioned to him my relationship with Koerber, saying
that I believed I could obtain a recommendation to the Sultan
through him. But I thought that Austria’s foreign policy was under
Catholic influence; and the Curia probably was not favorable to
the Zionist plan. To be sure, I had also spun some threads in this
direction. I mentioned the letters from Rome which Baron Glei-
chen*Russwurm (Schiller’s grandson) had written me concerning
his occasional talks with church dignitaries about the Zionist Ques
tion. I had also mentioned the fact that I had recruited adherents
to our cause in the circle around the Sultan. T o the Grand Duke’s
question about their identity I replied:
“I cannot keep anything secret from Your Royal Highness. It is
Nuri Bey.”
Whereupon the Grand Duke put his hand on his heart and said:
“You may be certain of my discretion.”
However, Germany did not wish to expose herself under any
circumstances, and the German ambassador could not undertake
anything.
I should get myself recommended to the Sultan by Austria. Since
the Bagdad Railroad Russia’s stock had been highest with Turkey.
They had tried to make the Sultan understand that it was better
not to rely on one friend (Germany) that was demanding such
concessions for itself. Now Russian influence was overwhelming in
Constantinople.
“When are you going to Constantinople?” he finally asked.
“I don’t know yet, Your Royal Highnessl I am going to London
first. I shall try to speak with Lord Salisbury if the South African
worries leave his head free for other things. Perhaps I can get him
interested in Zionism. The purely Zionist idea, without German
protection, numbers many friends in England. Particularly in the
Church; and it surely has social influence, perhaps political influ
ence as well.”
He nodded in agreement.
“If I succeeded in winning over Lord Salisbury, would there
then be more of a chance that Germany would intervene in our
behalf? Because this seems to be the only objection that gives rise to
worry.”
“In that case,” said the Grand Duke, "it would also be a matter
of convincing Count Biilow of it.”
“Count Biilow unfortunately is an opponent of Zionism,” I said.
“He is just cautious,” said the Grand Duke, "and, after all, he
has to be.”
“But what if I could induce Lord Salisbury to send word to Ber
lin, perhaps even in writing, that he had nothing against our plan
—would there then not be a modification of Germany’s attitude in
our favor?”
“Yes, that might be something different.”
“I shall take the liberty of making a report if anything note
worthy can be achieved in London. In other instances, too, despite
the present unfavorable situation, I should like to ask permission
to inform Your Royal Highness when we take a step forward or
backward.”
“I hope it will never be backward! I am glad to see with what
perseverance you are pursuing your great work.”
“I have to, Your Royal Highness, if I want to accomplish any
thing. Let us hope we shall live to see it!”
“You will,/won’t!” said the Grand Duke with a smile. “I admire
you for the way you persevere despite your adversaries. Particu
larly among your co-religionists do you have opponents. Here I am
your sole adherent. I have repeatedly assured your fellow Jews here
that we don’t want any of our local Jews to leave, that none of them
shall and will go. I have many acquaintances among your co-re
ligionists whom I esteem.”
Then he dismissed me very cordially, after a conversation that
had lasted for an hour and a quarter.
In the ante-chamber, General von Müller stiffly returned my
formal bow, and only a group of younger officers in gala dress who
had been obliged to wait such a long time looked with some as
tonishment and respect at the Jewish stranger who had been with
the sovereign for so long. I passed through the group without a
greeting, because I know their ways and did not want to give them
an opportunity to take my greeting as Jewish servility. To be sure,
I didn’t have much time to reason thus: just the time it takes to
cross the ante-chamber (I think it is the one where the flags once
impressed me) at a brisk pace.
• # *
My hotel carriage drove up and I rolled out of the palace square

in style. I think I was not yet at the guard-house when I had already
made up my mind to turn this unsuccessful attempt to account
after all, by informing Koerber in Vienna of this disposition of
German policy, which is of great interest to Austria.
To what extent I can use the Grand Duke’s disclosures vis-à-vis
Lord Salisbury I don’t know at the moment. Could little me con
trive a rapprochement between England and Germany on the basis
of Zionism, of all things? C’est à creuser [It is something to explore
thoroughly].
# # #
On the train, beyond Strasbourg.

Letter to Koerber—to be dated Paris, April 19:
Your Excellency:
Your Excellency was kind enough to say at my departure that I
should write occasionally. Now I actually have an occasion to do so
which seems to me gratifying and not without importance.
Following an invitation by the Grand Duke of Baden, I have
been to Karlsruhe. The Grand Duke, who always treats me with
such kindness, this time, too, expressed himself on many subjects,
including our Emperor’s forthcoming Berlin journey. I believe I
am committing no indelicacy if I bring the temper of German
policy, which I was able to gather quite distinctly from the words
of His Royal Highness, to Your Excellency’s attention.
Many favorable things are being expected from the visit of our
Emperor. The Triple Alliance, which would soon have fallen to
pieces, partly because of Austria’s former domestic policy, will be
newly strengthened or, actually, restored. Austrian foreign policy
will meet with the desired support, particularly as far as Bulgaria is
concerned. “Emperor Franz Joseph will be satisfied!’’ These were
the Grand Duke’s words.
I believe it can be of value if it is known in Vienna beforehand
what expectations one should adopt—quite apart from the self-
evident civilities of the reception—and that Count Goluchow-
ski’s calculations thus face favorable eventualities from the outset.
There are certain motives at work about which I may have an op
portunity to say a few things after my return.
It might also be of interest that the turn in Austrian domestic
policies, Your Excellency’s attempts to restore more orderly con
ditions, are meeting with the greatest recognition and sympathy in
German circles. The aspirations of the German-Radicals are most
vigorously rejected, because Germany needs a strengthened Aus
tria. This aspect, too, can perhaps be exploited at the approaching
Bohemian understanding. In any case, I had the impression that
Your Excellency’s regime inspires in Germany just as much gratifi
cation and the readiness for an alliance resulting from it as the
earlier governments aroused suspicion and ill-will. Under such
circumstances there will be a better possibility of getting the Ger
mans—and the Czechs, for that matter—into that moderate, toler
able and tolerated degree of dissatisfaction which is already the
ideal among us.
Your Excellency may consider it wise to inform His Majesty the
Emperor and possibly Count Goluchowski of the foregoing. I
would have only one urgent request to make, namely, that no one
else should learn anything about it, for it would be infinitely pain-
ful if some distorted rendering gave the Grand Duke, whom I
venerate most sincerely, the impression that I had become guilty of
unseemly tale-bearing.
On Sunday I am leaving here for London, Hotel Cecil, will be
there until Thursday, and in Vienna again on May ist.
With deepest respect, I remain

Dr. Th. H.
Mailed in a second envelope addressed to my father on April 20.
April 21, on the train from Amiens to Calais

Yesterday, a conversation of several hours with Nordau about
Zionism et de omni re scibili et ceteris aliis [and about every con
ceivable thing and others too].
This time N. was very nice, not only outwardly but inwardly as
well, and submitted to my leadership, particularly with regard to
the letter to Rumanian Jewry which, following my advice, is not
being published. However, I shall make use of it in London; I shall
say that I want to keep Nordau from publishing this letter, which
could lead to catastrophes.
At parting I mentioned my intention of seeing Lord Salisbury
(through the good offices of Lord Glanusk [?]). Nordau said that
the poeta laureatus [poet laureate] Austin had been shocked by my
failure to pay him the visit that had been announced to him last
summer. I had forgotten about the whole thing, but declared my
readiness to make up for the omission now. N. immediately com
posed a telegram in which I asked Austin to wire me whether he
would be willing to receive me at Ashford today. In the evening
came his reply:
With pleasure, Austin *
Accordingly, I am now on my way to Ashford.
April 22, on the train from Ashford to London
I spent a wonderful evening and morning in Swinford Old
Manor with Alfred Austin, the poeta laureatus, the Lord of Poets
in England.
I wasn’t met at the station yesterday, which surprised and miffed
me. So I drove to the Saracen’s Head Hotel, which pleased me with
its English style.* I washed and changed, left my luggage in the
hotel, and drove out of the little town, through a delicate early-
summer landscape, to Swinford, the country residence of the Lord
of Poets.
A quiet park, a delicious garden, silence all around the venerable
manor. A short, elderly gentleman with a martial-looking white
moustache and a grey knickerbocker suit came to meet me. He said
he had sent a carriage to the station, but to meet the next train.
When I said that I wanted to continue my trip the same evening, he
was displeased, as was the amiable Mrs. Austin, beautiful even
under her grey hair. But they soon caught on that I wanted to leave
only because there had been no carriage to meet me. I willingly let
myself be convinced by the timetable that this morning would be
time enough.
My coachman was sent to the Saracen’s Head Hotel for my lug
gage, and we ensconced ourselves in one of the drawing-rooms for
tea. The ideal English country home.* Outside the windows, the
most gentle spring landscape; in the drawing-room, nevertheless,
blazing logs in the fireplace.
The conversation was soon in full swing, because, speaking
about Zionism, I said that anti-Semitism could also come to Eng
land in consequence of South African failures which were attrib
uted to the money-men.
In England there was no anti-Semitism and there never could be,
declared dear Mrs. Austin, and the “laureate”* confirmed this.
And from that point on we spoke only about the war. What
charming jingoists these two are, proud of their beautiful England,
which they call the first, foremost, finest Power in the world. Mon
avis [My opinion] I
Since I was aiming at getting an introduction to Lord Salisbury
from Austin, I expressed the desire that an alliance be achieved
between England and Germany. England ought to make the Ger
man Kaiser its agent with the German people. Since I know from
the Grand Duke of Baden that Germany is afraid of England, I can
operate à coup sûr [on a sure thing] when I promise that I could
induce the Kaiser to do this. On the other hand, from Austin’s
words I recognize the feeling of England which, to be sure, is proud
and self-assured, but purely defensive.
The Grand Duke’s fears of a lightly provoked war are evidently
groundless.
All the meanders of our afternoon conversation at five o’clock
tea, later over dinner at the beautiful English table decorated with
flowers—Mrs. Austin in evening dress, the “ laureate” * and I in
compromise clothes, he with black tie, I with white—cannot be re
produced. These are the people, this is the milieu that I need for
my well-being. Comme je les comprends, les Juifs assimilés de
l’Angleterre [How I sympathize with them, the assimilated English
Jews] 1If I lived in England, I might be a jingo. *
I didn’t even need to ask Austin for the introduction to Lord
Salisbury. When I told him that I would like to speak with Salis
bury, he immediately offered to give me a letter to him.
Je l’avais amorcé [I had hooked him] by parading before his eyes
the chance of an understanding with Germany.
Among the theories of the “ laureate” * is his declaring England
to be an organism* and Germany, France, etc. mechanisms.* He
calls German colonial policy mechanical, i.e., contrived, whereas
English policy is organic.
At eleven o’clock we went to bed. The wonderfully quiet night
in the guest room of Swinford Old Manor.
The rosy morning, The dear Mrs. Austin. I sensed her liking for
me, just as I took to this delightful matron. I shall send her some
thing from Vienna.
Mr. Austin took me to the station in his victoria. The coachman
was stylish*
The ridiculous revolutionaries mock at old forms and externals.
But the shiny table, the order in the house, the correct coachman
mean something, too.
The form which derives from the substance and has rigidified
through the infinite toil of many generations in turn reacts upon
the substance.
With all my liking for the laureate,* a few comic touches did
not escape my notice. He is a guerrier en chambre [an armchair
warrior], a conqueror of colonies in his quiet flower garden. Mrs.
Austin is taller by three heads than he is; he likes to put his hand on
her shoulder, just as he patted mine reaching up from below.
He gave me a pretty quotation from the Prim e M inister of Can
ada:* “It will be the eternal glory of England that she (I think he
said “she” ) was not prepared for this w ar"*
We attack no one, he said, but we are ready for war with the
whole world.
I must break off. Here is London. I still have to write my speech
for tonight and have it translated into English.
* # #
While riding to the station Austin read me the letter of recom

mendation to Salisbury. He seems to have a good impression of me.
April 25, London
Days of annoyances and honors.

At the Great Central Hotel, day before yesterday, a reception* at
which I had to talk. Gaster came and welcomed me with a bitter
sweet expression, with forced enthusiasm. Then all kinds of
thanks.* The most interesting thing about the whole business was
the presence of De Sola from Montreal and Dr. Hertz of Capetown.
They made the same speeches that are made in Vienna. Evidence in
favor of Zionism.
* * *
Worries at the Bank.

The directors Kann and Lurie frustrated the session by their
absence. Wolffsohn wasn’t there either. For the first time he fails us.
Now I reluctantly have to stay here two days longer to provide a
quorum.
In the City* I am a sort of banker* Curious adventure. At
the Burlington Hotel, October ’98, I was a promoter* Now the
bank is established, but don’t ask me how. Secretary Loewe displays
the worst will imaginable. Deputy governor* Rabbinowicz figures
every quarter-hour that he sits there a benefaction, because he gets
no salary. The Solicitor* runs up expenses.
Go “parade in state” with such people. The dreary Viennese wit
Bauer was right. ** He knew himself and his kind.
# * *
I am determined not to leave before I have put things in order.

With it all I am plagued by the worry whether my office will for
give me for this absence.
* * *
A dear letter from Austin. Lord Salisbury has regretfully refused

on account of the war worries. He cannot receive me now.
• • Translator’s Note: An allusion to Julius Bauer’s eight-line satirical poem about
Herzl (1897) which ends with the words: “£r denkt daran in dieser Zeit mit Juden
Siaat zu machen!” Also see note on p. 797.
May l, on the train between Linz and Vienna
My trip wouldn’t have been complete if, as usual, the worry

about the return hadn’t interfered. Since I can always undertake
these extracurricular vacation trips only on my own responsibility
and with a certain boldness, I have to think about the reunion with
my two slave-drivers with concern. After all, I am in a special goles
[exile], and the loss of my job with the Neue Freie Presse would be
a great catastrophe for me.
The poor Jews really have egregious touch luck. If some
one finally turns up who wants to help them and could do it—for I
am firmly convinced that through my personal intervention I
would get things ahead quickly—he is a wage slave and has to
tremble for his children’s bread.
I intended to go to Constantinople soon after this—but I don’t
dare to be absent again soon. My masters could resent it too much.
Haven’t I just now received proof of their cowardly ill-humor?
In order to be forgiven for this trip, I wrote a feuilleton about
the exposition the very next day after my arrival in Paris and sent it
to Vienna by a passenger on the Orient Express. They didn’t print
this feuilleton, but the day before yesterday they published one by
Wittmann with the same contents.
I felt a certain relief when in today’s paper, which I bought at
Attnang, I at least found my second (London) travel feuilleton.
In such an unstable situation I musn’t make any experiments.
How am I to support my family and myself if I lose my post? I
would really be out in the street and would have to try to place
feuilletons in German papers.
Added to this is the fact that I have already made enormous
financial sacrifices and by now am almost without any funds.
That Zionism should offer me anything near what I now make
on the Neue Freie Presse is simply out of the question. Besides, I
would have lost all my reputation overnight, and they would re
proach me for every mouthful of bread.
Actually, under such circumstances it would be my duty to re
sign, since I would be unable to serve the cause fully and com
pletely.
But do I have the right to do that?
It would be an idea to turn over the leadership (at least nomi
nally) to Francis Montefiore, who is a man of independent means.
# * *
Yesterday, half an hour before my departure from Paris, I ran

into Bernard Lazare on the boulevard. He greeted me most amica
bly and assured me he had never ceased being of one mind with me.
Since he told me that he intended to go to Constantinople soon
as representative of the telegraphic news-agency Agence Nationale,
I asked him if he wouldn’t try to win Ambassador Constans for our
cause. Constans is said to be accessible for money. One could inti
mate to him the economic consequences of a large-scale organiza
tion of Palestine carried out by us: railroads, harbors, etc., and also
that there could be some money in it for him.
Lazare plans to visit me in Vienna next week in order to talk
some more about this.
« * •
I have thought of a good epitaph for myself:

“He had too good an opinion of the Jews.”
May 2
Letter to Koerber:
Your Excellency:
I have the honor to advise you that I am back again.
I believe it would be useful if I were permitted to pay my respects
to you this very day, perhaps in the evening, for I have something to
say that could be of importance to Count Goluchowski even prior
to his departure. I shall wait for a possible summons in my apart
ment this afternoon between 5 and 8 o’clock.
Otherwise I shall permit myself to call at the Ministry at 9
o’clock tomorrow morning.

T h .H .
May 4, 1900, Vienna

Yesterday morning at 9 o’clock with Koerber, who gave me a very
friendly reception. He said he had informed the Emperor (at this
he gave a strangely meaningful smile) and Count Goluchowski of
my Paris letter. He was going to see Goluchowski in the afternoon
and would then give him the information I would give him now. I
said that people were accounting for Germany’s present pro-Eng
land about-face by saying that Germany had got something—an
island or the like.
As I saw it, they really did get something: namely, scared. They
are scared of a naval war with England which would ruin Ger
many’s commerce and industry. That is why they were anxious to
have a Triple Alliance emphasized, and Goluchowski would be
able to negotiate from a good position.
Koerber said he would inform Goluchowski of this.
Then he told me in detail what he intended to do in the Reichs-
rat and outlined the speech he planned to make before Parliament
when the language bill was introduced. I approved of some things,
criticized others, e.g., his intention rhetorically to call for the aid
of the parties not involved in the language dispute. Neither the
Germans nor the Czechs would willingly put up with the interven
tion of Poles, Slovenes, and Clericals. Instead, the government
ought to shoulder the responsibility for mediation. I conceived of
this appeal to peace not as full of pathos, but of plain bonhomie.
“Wanna write it down for me?” he asked.
“Gladly,” I said. He thereupon handed me in complete confi
dence the drafts of the language bill, which aren’t to be made pub
lic until May 8th.
I promised to study them within two days and to send him the
draft for his speech.
He once made a slip of the tongue, as though he had a slight at
tack of paraphasia. In general, he gave me the impression of weak
ness and debility.
May 5
Kann resigned the day before yesterday, which caused some ex
citement in the Bank. I have taken over the command and shall
restore order.
May 5
Draft of the language-bill speech which I am writing for Koer-
ber. Je prends date ici [I fix the date for this here].
The day after tomorrow I shall confirm this text as mine by re
cording after these lines a death that will occur tomorrow.
(Honored House:)
The moment when I have the honor of placing upon the table
of this house the drafts for the legal regulation of linguistic condi
tions in Bohemia and Moravia can become a moment of good
fortune for our fatherland if you will it so.
More than by logical reasoning this bill is motivated by a pro
found general longing for domestic peace. By far the largest part of
the population harbors such a longing, and the government, which
wants to be a government of peace and of work, believes it is on the
right track if it makes itself the interpreter of these clearly recog
nized desires of the people. Precisely because we are not under the
influence of any national faction or political party, precisely be
cause we stand on the raised platform of the general interest, we feel
ourselves called upon to settle the dispute which has already lasted
too long.
How do we want to end it? By a law! T hat is to say, through the
purest expression of the collective will.
The persistent confusion of recent times is to blame if we have to
say the most self-evident things all over again and even explain
them. The linguistic conditions in the aforementioned crown-
lands have unfortunately become the subject of contention. Well
then, they can, they shall, they must be regulated. And no one
would understand if in the house of representatives of the people,
of all places, voices were raised objecting to this regulation being
carried out in a constitutional form. The constitutional form is the
law. The representatives of the people would have to demand it
from us if we did not bring it to them.
And now read our bill.
Read it, examine it—improve it! In every line, in every word of
our bill you will at least recognize a sincere effort to effect a just
compromise. We want to take into account the accurately deter
mined local conditions of the majority and its consequent needs
and rights just as conscientiously as we want to allow for the rights
of the minority. The propertyless, the lesser-educated, even the de
fendant in a law-suit shall enjoy the fullest linguistic freedom and
security with the authorities. If our bill has any bias, it is only this:
to meet the needs of practical life with consideration and respect
for national individualities. And this single tendency you will be
able to trace down to the regulations governing the internal affairs
of the bureaus. Everywhere we wish to make it possible to live to
gether, work together, and communicate with one another on the
natural basis of the real needs.
The communal life of human beings requires, to be sure, a cer
tain mutual consideration. Sacrifices have to be made by anyone
who wants to share in the enjoyment of the benefits of the com
munity. These sacrifices, however, are the smaller the more will
ingly they are made.
We have bad years behind us. The language dispute has had a
virtually paralyzing effect on the most divers conditions which are
apparently remote from it. Let us admit it to ourselves, no matter
how painful the truth may be: our beautiful country has suffered
severely from this protracted crisis. Commerce and communication
have been disturbed, the spirit of enterprise has been intimidated,
and the public projects which augment the national wealth have
been at a standstill. At a time which has brought the most miracu
lous technical progress of the civilized world we have had to look
on inactively as the countries and peoples all around us became
ever more prosperous and stronger. At a time when each year is
as valuable for economic and cultural development as decades
used to be we have spent years on self-righteous litigation, and the
costs threaten to swallow up the object of the quarrel. At a time,
finally, when the legislators of other lands were able to direct their
attention also to improving the conditions of the poor and the
underprivileged, we have been hypnotized by the question whether
this or that language would be used.
The government has striven to discover that line at which no
one's legitimate national sensibilities will be offended. Let the
wisdom of this exalted house supplement our proposal.
But is there an Austrian left who does not desire peace?
It is not a shameful or a sham peace, but an honest and honorable
one, which is all the more useful for both sides if only because it
benefits the State which embraces them both.
Honorable Housel Our bill is a document which we are setting
up as a memorial for all time. It is clear evidence that the govern
ment has not been lacking in good will.
It would not be the fault of the government if this attempt
should, contrary to my hopes, fail.
Gentlemen, make peace, and let us get to the tasks that await usl
* # #
May 5,1900
Your Excellency:
I have the honor to enclose the draft of the speech to accompany
the introduction of the bill. The passages marked in blue may be
superfluous or dubious.
I considered it the main task to emphasize the necessity for a law
in contrast to an ordinance and also to intimate that the responsi
bility for continuing the querulousness has now been shifted onto
the dogmatic disputants, because this would prepare the ground
for a possible subsequent dissolution of the Reichsrat and the in
fluencing of the electorate.
I am always willingly at your disposal for making changes as
well as, afterwards, for the refutation of counter-arguments that
may come up during the discussion.

Th. Herzl.
May 7, Vienna
Koerber invited me to call on him this morning. When I got
there at 9 o’clock he was already waiting for me impatiently.
I soon gathered from his words that he wished to use only a few
words of my draft, actually nothing but the concluding sentence,
because he does not wish to adopt a fighting stance vis-à-vis the
Czechs. Rather, he intends to draw them into the “Staatspartei”
which he needs once Parliament is functioning again.
He quoted me entire passages from his speech for tomorrow
which he has already learned by heart. I gave him my judgment:
“The speech is too bureaucratic, Your Excellency! It lacks the
proclamatory tone which you need if you want to hold new
elections.”
He asked me to add a few sentences to the speech which he was
going to send me in the afternoon.
Sure enough: when I returned home at 4:30 I found the type*
script of the speech waiting for me. I am making some corrections
in it and writing him:
Your Excellency:
The speech reads very well. The reference to the Bohemian in
vestments is especially effective; the tenor of the whole cannot but
be taken as conciliatory. To be sure, only now do I see what Your
Excellency’s views are, and, of course, I would have had to word
my draft quite differently on that basis.
However, if I may permit myself an objection—otherwise there
would be no point in my modest appraisal—it seems to me that
the speech lacks authority. It has no compelling force which could
have an effect in the hall and on the outside. This may again be
motivated by aspects of the situation which I don’t know about.
If there is hope that there will be no Czech obstruction, or that it
can be broken in a short time, this mild speech will be sufficient.
If this is not the case, and inasmuch as the government will
henceforth be the government of these language laws and will be
known as such, more emphasis on shifting the responsibility for
halting any development in the Empire might have been useful.
I have permitted myself to jot down small corrections on the
margin, since the copy is a rough one.
These pages, as well as the strengthened concluding sentences
which might be included, are on top.

T h .H .
May 10
Koerber has made an entirely different speech, and the Czechs
have refused to cooperate.
What does he think about my secretarial services? That I want
a decoration or something like that?
I am only doing it so that he will recommend me to Goluchowski,
and the latter, to the Sultan.
May 11
For the past few days, the Kann crisis. Kann has resigned and
wants to run the Bank down publicly. They are all making in their
pants, especially Wolffsohn. Je leur remets du coeur au ventre
[I put heart into them].
* * *
Got York-Steiner as an inspector for the Bank yesterday. He

acted as though he had been offered three other positions. I stopped
him short: “You will get an offer from me only if you are free.
Otherwise you will later reproach me with having done you out of
a job.”
“So I have to be starving,” he flared up.
Je finis pourtant par avoir raison de lui [Still, I finally got the
better of him].
May 15
It proved impossible to hire Steiner after all.
He acted too much the part of the “savior of the Bank” even
before he had done a thing, and the A.C. considered it dangerous
to be indebted to him with “eternal gratitude.”
* * *
Kann’s resignation has turned into a disagreeable tempest. He

wanted to get us over a barrel by threatening that he would publish
“the reasons for my resignation.” Since we replied by simply accept
ing his resignation, he took revenge and caused an indescribable
hullabaloo. They are all worried. But I am continuing to steer our
ship quite unperturbed.
An absolutely perfidious, “strictly confidential” circular is being
sent out by Lourie. The answer I am making to it will be preserved
for posterity in the files of the Congress Office.
* * *
Moi [the Great I Am] has asked for a new memorandum. I wrote
him on the 10th of the month that I have already written enough
memoranda. Why didn’t he tell me right out if he was unable to
procure the audience for me.
Koerber didn’t take my advice and consequently is in a pre
carious position now. Since he failed to push the obstructionists
to the wall, they are pushing him to the wall.
# # *
The day before yesterday I made a Zionist speech at the Israeli-

tische Allianz which seems to have made more of an impression
this time. Dr. Alfred Stem told me yesterday that they would
shortly invite me to a confidential discussion of the campaign to
aid the Rumanian Jews which I had suggested.
Despite this I am publishing in the Welt a satirical article about
the Allianz, because I don’t believe in the seriousness of these
people.
If they do call me, I shall propose that they bring about a united
front of all European big Jews. They need not part with a penny,
but only empower me to intervene with the Turkish government
in the name of all of them.
May 18, Vienna.

Alex Marmorek, our best man, has been here for a few weeks
and left yesterday, ill, for Paris. While here he fell sick with
rheumatoid arthritis which took a rapid course, to be sure, but
may not be his only ailment. Yesterday I suddenly had the impres
sion that he has tuberculosis. I am afraid that in the course of his
research on the T.B. bacillus he has contracted the disease himself.
I fear that the bacilli will kill him before he kills them.
He thinks, of course, that he has found the cure. He believes that
he will be able to make his remedy public in two or three months.
I consider it a fantasy. A child that he treated for meningitis died.
If he has found the remedy and it proves a success, he will, at
my request, turn over its commercial exploitation to the Jewish
Colonial Trust. That would endow it at one stroke. The shares
would be subscribed in one day. Zionism would suddenly have all
the resources it needs.
Mais ce serait trop beau [But that would be too good]. I acted as
though I believed it, although I consider it an illusion.
But what a fine human being this Alex is inside. We had some
good talks. I love him very much. He told me: “When I am through
with tuberculosis, I shall tackle malaria. I want to study it in
Palestine, among our colonists. Of course, that might be the end
of me. C’est une maladie q u i ne pardonne pas [That is a sickness
which shows no mercy]. But if I discover the remedy, Africa will
be opened up. Malaria is the bar which closes Africa to European
culture.”
What a grandiose conception this isl He who wills something
great is in my eyes a great man—not he who achieves it. For in
achievement luck plays a part.
I accompanied him to the station; and my heart was heavy when
I saw him tottering into his compartment.
May 19
Letter to Koerber, who hasn’t been in touch with me for some
time and whom I won’t let fall asleep.
Your Excellency:
So it does appear as though the Reichsrat will be dissolved,
unless today’s communiqué was only a false alarm. At present the
Ministry is undoubtedly stronger than Parliament. If it is not pos
sible in the elections to create the Staatspartei which is necessary
for governing—a kind of Center Party—Parliament will be
stronger than the government. I believe, therefore, that it is neces
sary to run these elections with especial precautions, with new
methods and fresh ideas. T he routine in the governors’ offices
which your Excellency complained of in one of our talks would
be simply disastrous in this respect. Nor should the district chiefs
be allowed to “horse around” with their red tape, otherwise the
battle will be lost.* I consider the situation of the government in
• Translator's Note: Herzl's phrase is den "Schimmel" reiten. A Schimmel is a
white horse, Amtsschimmel means "red tape." Although the latter expression’s
connection with horsemanship is doubtful, Herzl jocularly remarks that the district
chiefs would do well not to ride a Schimmel.
the elections to be very favorable, because it can, without belong
ing to a party, establish direct contact with the interests of the
citizenry. This time the Staatspartei can be made popular. To do
this, of course, administrative and journalistic preparations are
necessary now.
I shall gladly expound my humble views on this if I am called
for an hour’s chat some time, preferably in the evening.

T h .H .
May 20
The poor Rumanians are on the march. Dr. Lippe of Jassy
telegraphed me yesterday:
The hikers you know about are being detained at Bukowina
border. Intervene for passage; they may take train to Czemowitz.
A second telegram of similar content from Botosani.
I spent the night reflecting what I should do about it. I believe,
above all, that the closing of the border may be laid to secret inter
vention on the part of the Allianz people von Gutmann and Dr.
Alfred Stem. Ils étaient alléchés [They were tempted to it] by my
incautious remark that Hungary was not admitting the Rumanian
Jews. They must have thought to themselves: We can do the same
thing. It simplifies the aid campaign for them.
They are smart, all right.
I am now writing to Koerber:
Your Excellency:
Unfortunate Rumanian Jews, the poorest of the poor, are now
standing at the border near Itzkany. The most abject poverty has
forced them to emigrate to America. The Austrian border authori
ties are denying them admission.
There are 95 emigrants with passports for America, as I am in
formed by telegram.
If it is not impossible, unless serious political reasons that are
unknown to me militate against it, I request in the name of
humanity that telegraphic orders be given to let these unfortunates
pass.
With deepest respect, I am

T h .H .
May 23
Today I have again been with Koerber at his invitation.
I expounded the program, then, of how the elections would have
to be run. Start work now, send for the provincial chiefs, gather
information about every single election district and treat them in
dividually. Issue a questionnaire, etc. The main thing, a proclama
tion to the national groups when the Reichsrat is dissolved. I said
that the situation of the government, apparently disagreeable, was
in truth tremendously favorable. Perhaps even a Koerber Party
could get seats in the Parliament. However, that would be hazard
ous, because it would make him a party chief and, as such, vulner
able. The Emperor, in any case, ought to intervene, too. It is
actually a question of the existence of the monarchy.
He shrugged his shoulders. “The Emperor is old. How often
haven’t I tole ’im: Your Majesty, you want a policy that looks
tough; but if there’s any more aggressive action against some party
or line, you are against it. If you’ve got to present the most delicate
questions in Parliament, you can’t manage to back down the
moment there’s an outcry. Now, on top of that, there’s the Imperial
family matters. Often I don’t know whether I’m coming or going.’’
I explained all the things one could accomplish with the ad
ministrative machinery, more than any of the parties could. The
government can give what the parties only promise as they go
along; Railroads, etc. For an Order of Franz Josef or an “Imperial
Councillor” one can buy a lot in the elections. (He nodded his
agreement). Further, the veterans’ patriotism should be enlisted.
“But for elections one needs money, too,” he said.
“That can be obtained,” I said.
“Our administrative machinery has suffered a great deal of haim
in the last 20 years,” he said.
“The slackers will stiffen up when they notice that one is pro
ceeding energetically here.”
In short, the upshot was that he asked me to work out a question
naire for him for the authorities to use. He would then send for the
governors and give them their instructions.
I am now sending him this draft:
Your Excellency:
Please find enclosed the draft of a questionnaire for the lower
political echelons. I imagine the procedure something like this:
To begin with, summoning the provincial chiefs to Vienna for
a confidential discussion. General instructions about the Center
Party which is to be promoted and is to champion, in the German-
Bohemian language question (outside Bohemia, too), the Koerber
draft, the resumption of normal parliamentary activities, a re
awakening of economic life, moderate social reforms, etc.
The provincial chiefs should copy the questionnaire for them
selves and continue to give it confidential treatment. Each of them
should, particularly, call in those district chiefs who are absolutely
reliable and do not lean towards any party (certainly the great
majority). They should be shown the questionnaire, in rather free
form, so that they may take down its main points.
(Questionnaire).
1. How has the representation of the election district been up
to now? Have the constituents been satisfied with the activity of
the representative? What do they criticize him for? What under
currents are there?
2. What party or parties have been defeated in the last election?
Who were the unsuccessful candidates? T heir campaigners? What
about their election fund? Causes of defeat?
3. What currents prevail in the election district now? Give a
rough estimate of their approximate strength.
4. Are there candidates in sight already (besides the outgoing
deputy)? Who are they?
Is there in the district itself a respected man of moderate views
and sufficient influence who could be confidentially sounded out
as to whether he would run on the platform of the Staatspartei
[State Party] or Center Party?
The type would be, perhaps, a well-to-do manufacturer, at
torney, or average landed proprietor.
5. What election committees were active in the last political elec
tions in your district? Send in any election appeals that may still
be available, but in any case an accurate list of the living members
of the election committee who were active in the last elections to
the Reichsrat and the Provincial Diet, as well as in the municipal
elections. Which ones have since withdrawn, for personal or mate
rial reasons? For the sake of clarity, this should be arranged by
parties, one file for each party.
6. Among the officers of the cooperative societies and associa
tions for the common good which are located in the constituency
are there men who are not yet on the election committees and who
might be used for the formation of an election committee for the
anti-obstructionist Staatspartei?
Who are they?
These people must not be sounded out by an official, unless
success and discretion are completely assured from the outset.
Especially on this point you, Mr. District Chief, will be able to
demonstrate your dependability and efficiency.
As a rule, a private person known to you as reliable should be
used for this delicate investigation. Whom do you have in mind
for this? Don’t discuss it with him before you have something to
go on. Then you will instruct him cautiously, so that even the
semblance of influencing an election may be avoided. The whole
campaign must have the character of an active desire, growing out
of the people, for the return to orderly parliamentary conditions
and for the sound satisfaction of economic needs.
7. What political attitude does the clergy of the various de
nominations in the district take? Is electioneering activity to be
expected from that quarter?
8. What is the nature and influence of the teachers?
9. What local commercial and economic needs that are depend
ent on support from the state make themselves felt in the election
district?
10. What are the approximate funds that an election committee
of the Staatspartei would need in the district? Can these funds be
raised in the district itself? Possibly through what persons?
11. What newspapers have an influence in the constituency? Are
they owned by parties or by individuals? Give detailed informa
tion about the conditions of ownership of the individual papers.
For what ends does the owner want to use the paper? For business
or political gain?
Special attention, of course, should be paid to the elections of
landed property and chambers of commerce. With the chambers
of commerce the matter is much easier, with the landed estates it
is harder. For the latter, special arrangements should later be
made, also according to the principle of individual treatment.
The propagandists preparations for the election should not be
started until later. The press can best be influenced by the election
committees once these have been organized. A dignified reserve
should be recommended for the semi-official people. At a given
moment, which is still to be determined, a rumor should be
launched that should the newly-elected House of Deputies prove
incapable of action again, a regime without a constitution might
come, possibly with a general as its executive head. Such a rumor
which one might let crop up in some place that is above suspicion
would be of the greatest service. It would paralyze many an attempt
on the part of the radicals, because they would be “doing the work
of reaction.”
For the primitive imaginations of the voters as well as for the
declamations of the campaigners, a sham foe is almost as usable
in an election as a real one. The professional politicians who sub
sist on ruining Austria owe their best successes to this method.
Those stumping for the Center Party could operate with the
threatening “general” among those of limited intelligence, and
with the real danger, the obstructionists, among the more sensible
ones. In elections it is more important to be against something or
someone than for something or someone.
Therefore: fight obstructionism!
For purposes of publicity, the so-called professional journals
should also be brought into the picture. They are in closer touch
with the economic needs of their readers and often can make a
more effective appeal for a candidate than the big political papers,
many of which have lost influence by their financial sins.
Let this hastily sketched first suggestion suffice for the moment.
Many points are still to be developed and elaborated on.
If the administrative machinery works quickly and turns in the
first basic information within two or three weeks, the further
necessary measures can be derived from that.

Th. Herzl.
Vienna, May 24,1900
June 2, Vienna
Great Conference hubbub since May 25. A lot of talk and little
action.
Results: Congress called for London. I was in favor of Basel
again, Bodenheimer proposed Brussels, Schnirer, London. The last
proposal passed after I had agreed to it. I suddenly realized that
we have outgrown Basel.
Since then the idea of London has grown on me. This can give
the movement a fresh essor [impetus].
In the Bank, tohu-bohu [chaos].
Wolffsohn didn’t come, but Lurie did. He asked forgiveness for
everything. A new Special Committee, consisting of Lurie, Krem-
enezky, and, for the time being, Katzenelsohn. Lurie and Katzenel-
sohn left for London. We’ll see what comes of it.
A rather important Constantinople alerte [alarm] in the last
few days. The papers report that Prof. Vâmbéry has been called
to Yildiz to see the Sultan.
I immediately sent Hechler to Pest, to see Vâmbéry last Friday.
Hechler returned on Saturday and said that Vâmbéry wasn’t
there yet. On Monday I sent Hechler down again. He telephoned
and told me that Vâmbéry had already left.
Thereupon I had Hechler telegraph Vâmbéry at Constan
tinople, asking how long he was staying there. Answer: until June
8th. Hechler can’t go until tomorrow and won't be there before
the 5th. So as not to lose these precious days, I sent Heinrich
Rosenbaum to Constantinople the day before yesterday. Hechler
will follow him there tomorrow.
Every effort shall be exerted to have me received by the Sultan
in audience. I gave Rosenbaum precise instructions for Vâmbéry,
which he took down in shorthand.
Perhaps it will work out this time.
June 3, Vienna
Yesterday evening the following wire came from Rosenbaum
in Constantinople:
Schlesinger (Vâmbéry) leaving Monday June 2nd (?), will be
gone some time, may initiate business (audience) matter Charter
today. Wired reports tomorrow or next day.
* # *
Some of it incomprehensible. I immediately wired back:

Is Schlesinger leaving for good or will he return here (Con
stantinople)? When is he going home? Request wired reply.
At any rate, I immediately stopped Hechler who was supposed
to go to Constantinople today. He was a bit disappointed.
Now I am waiting on tenterhooks.
Could it be that we are close to the dénouement [solution]? Or
shall we hear a categorical No from Yildiz?
If this came, I would resume work on my novel Altneuland. For
then our plan will be only for the future and a novel.
Whit-Monday 1900
(Exactly five years, I believe, since my visit to Baron Hirsch.)
This is the way a lost battle looks. Dr. Leopold Kahn, a member of
the A.C., comes in a black frock coat with yellow gloves and a low
white hat and brings me a wire from Rosenbaum. This wire con
tains a very odd item. Rosenbaum telegraphs mysteriously “City
of Waltzes” instead of “Vienna.” It wasn’t a mot convenu [code
word].
Telegram: Galata to Vienna, June 4, 2s.

Schlesinger tried Cohn (Sultan) day before yesterday, flatly
refused. Had no chance yesterday. Leaving for West today, passing
through City of Waltzes where plans one-day stay. Loebel (myself)
should wait for him, since place to stay indefinite. He opines try
mediation of Moi’s superior. Please wire by return if my presence
still required, because wish to leave Tuesday steamer.
The only comforting feature of this telegram is that he “had no
chance yesterday.” Thus the flat refusal of the day before had not
been such that he could not have started all over again yesterday if
there had been a suitable opportunity.
I telegraphed to Rosenbaum:
Ask Moi in Loebel’s behalf how business prospects are at present.
But mention nothing of Schlesinger. Expect wired reply from
there and detailed report from Jassy.
Kahn
However, now I am meditating on what our next step could be.
Partir en guerre contre la Turquie [Go off to war against
Turkey]? We are not strong enough in public opinion, either, and
have too many weak spots. Every one of those unfortunate
scattered colonists is a hostage in the hands of the Turks.
At present I can see only one more plan: See to it that Turkey’s
difficulties increase; wage a personal campaign against the Sultan;
possibly seek contact with the exiled princes and the Young Turks;
and, at the same time, by intensifying Jewish Socialist activities
stir up the desire among the European governments to exert pres
sure on Turkey to take in the Jews.
June n
Terrible difficulties in the Bank. Incompetent or self-seeking
people. Everything is bogged down. Lurie and Kann are making
difficulties, because I did not let the Bank be turned into a Bank
ing House Lurie and Kann.
• * *
The Congress in London?

I am taking my Basel troupe to London because I have reason to
fear that I shall no longer have an audience in Basel.
# * *
The difference between myself and Sabbatai Zevi (the way

I imagine him), apart from the difference in the technical means
inherent in the times, is that Sabbatai made himself great so as to
be the equal of the great of the earth. I, however, find the great
small, as small as myself.
June 17
Hechler, who is back from Miihlbach after seeing Vâmbéry,
gives me the surprising news that Vâmbéry has so far not even
mentioned Zionism to the Sultan. Consequently he didn’t get a
“flat refusal” either. Une fausse alerte [a false alarm], then. What
June 17
On the train, on the return trip from Miihlbach to Vienna.

I left Vienna last night for Miihlbach to see Vâmbéry—14 hours
by fast train—and now, after a stay of only five hours, I am on my
way back, because my Pauline has taken to bed with an inflamed
throat.
I have met one of the most interesting men in this limping,
70-year-old Hungarian Jew who doesn’t know whether he is more
Turk than Englishman, writes books in German, speaks twelve
languages with equal mastery, and has professed five religions, in
two of which he has served as a priest. With an intimate knowledge
of so many religions he naturally had to become an atheist. He told
me 1001 tales of the Orient, of his intimacy with the Sultan, etc.
He immediately trusted me completely and told me, under oath
of secrecy, that he was a secret agent of Turkey and of England.
The professorship in Hungary was merely window-dressing, after
the long torment he had suffered in a society hostile to Jews. He
showed me a lot of secret documents—though in the Turkish
language, which I cannot read but only admire. Among them,
handwritten notes by the Sultan. Hechler he immediately dis
missed brusquely: he wanted to be alone with me. He began: “I
don’t want any money; I am a rich man. I can’t eat gold beefsteaks.*
I’ve got a quarter of a million, and I can’t spend half the interest
I get. If I help you, it’s for the sake of the cause.”
He had me tell him all the details of our plan, funds, etc. The
Sultan, he confided, had sent for him in order to have him create
an atmosphere more favorable to him in the European papers.
Could I help him with this?
I gave an evasive answer.
Throughout our conversation he kept getting back to the
memorable events in his life which were indeed great. Through
Disraeli he became an agent of England. In Turkey he began as a
singer in coffee-houses; a year and a half later he was the Grand
Vizier’s confidant. He could sleep at Yildiz, but thinks he might
be murdered there. He eats at the Sultan’s table—on intimate
terms, with his fingers from the bowl—but he cannot get the idea
of poison out of his mind. And a hundred other things, equally
picturesque.
I said to him: “Vâmbéry bâcsi [Uncle Vâmbéry]—may I call
you what Nordau calls you?—write to the Sultan that he should
receive me, because 1) I can render him a service in the newspaper
world, 2) the mere fact of my appearance will raise his credit.
“I should like it best if you were my interpreter.”
But he is afraid of the hardships of summer travel.
My time was up. It had not been settled whether he would do
anything. First of all, whether he would immediately write to the
Sultan about my audience.
But he embraced and kissed me when I bade him goodbye.
Hechler’s face was all curiosity when he conducted me to the
station. I told him nothing, and he was kind enough not to ask any
questions.
June 17, on the train

Tomorrow I shall write Vâmbéry as follows:
Kedves Vâmbéry bâcsi [Dear Uncle Vâmbéry]:
The Hungarian word is good: zsidôember [a Jewish man]. You
are one, so am I. That is why we understood each other so quickly
and fully—perhaps even more on a human than on a Jewish plane,
although the Jewish element is strong enough in both of us. Help
me—no, usl Write the S. (Cohn) that he should send for me,
1) because I can help him with public opinion, 2) because my
coming will improve his financial credit, even if he does not im
mediately accept my propositions. We can go into the details
after the Congress, provided you come along and act as interpreter.
An audience before the Congress will suffice me. Tackles [brass-
tacks] afterwards. I don’t want to hokhmetzen [banter] with you;
you will do our cause a tremendous service if you obtain an
audience for me now.
I understand what you intend to erect with your autobiography:
a royal sepulchre. Crown your pyramid with the chapter: How I
Helped Prepare the Homecoming of My People the Jews.
The whole of your memorable life will appear as if it had been
planned that way.
Book Eight
Begun on
June 18, 1900
June 19, Vienna
The Rumanian emigrants are beginning to pass through here.
An embarrassment for the Alliance Israélite.
Today, a band of 75 young fellows, who had been in the army,
in shabby athletic clothes, looking miserable and bold. This is
the way my first contingent in Palestine will look.
These want to go to Canada.
June 21
Vàmbéry writes from Mühlbach that the business with the
mamzer ben-nide [foully conceived bastard] (the Sultan) cannot
be done in writing.
I am answering him:
Kedves batydm urarn [My Dear Uncle]:
That doesn’t sound comforting. You too are saying yavash [take
it easy] like a bom T urk. But I have no time to lose. There certainly
is no need for your mamser [bastard] to know that the matter is
comparatively new to you. I think that “after long thought and
mature consideration” you could recommend this expedient and
remedy to him as the best. You surely don’t need to account to him
for the number of chibouks [Turkish cigarettes] you have smoked
and how many thousands of cups of coffee you have drunk in
pondering this matter.
Your first word to me was that you were no wonz-melammed
[imbecile of a teacher]. I really do look upon you as a man of
action, as a man of my race which I believe capable of any amount
of energy.
Disraeli once said to a young Jew: “ You and I belong to a race
who can do everything but fail.”*
My dear* Vâmbéry bâcsi [Uncle Vâmbéry]! we can do really
everything, but we must be willing.*
967
Be willing, Vdmbéry bdcsi!
From the way you have described your relationship with him,
I don’t see why you shouldn’t write Cohn and say: “See here, send
for that man. He’ll put an end to your shlemazeln [misfortunes].
Listen to him, take a look at him, and you can always throw him
out afterwards.”
T hat’s all you need to say. But that much you must tell him—
if you are willing.
Sincerely and respectfully yours,

Th.
June 21
Yesterday, while talking with people in the office of the Welt,
I had an attack of brain anemia. My consciousness suddenly
blacked out and my perception grew blurred, although I was able
to observe myself closely during the spell and even cracked jokes
with Schalit and Reich, the secretaries.
After that I didn’t go to the Neue Freie Presse, but drove home
and went to bed. The doctor ordered a two or three days’ rest.
Hardly feasible. Always new excitements. Yesterday with
Wolffsohn who gives me the impression of having gone over to
Kann’s side.
The Rumanian emigrants are on the march.
I keep getting telegrams from fresh contingents who have started
out.
I am supposed to intervene in behalf of those who are being
detained at the border.
I must not and cannot do this any more, because I can’t support
them here.
Acts of cowardice:
Benedikt asked me yesterday whether I knew anything about the
Rumanian Jewish crisis. He said he needed a report. For he has
received a threatening letter from a subscriber about the silence of
the Neue Freie Presse. "Yes,” I said, “I’ve had reports, too, that
they are planning a boycott of the Neue Freie Presse in Rumania.”
“I'm not afraid of that" he said, “but we will publish an article.
But by whom? Recommend someone!”
I recommended Goldbaum to him. But Goldbaum declared he
knew nothing about the subject. He, who has written articles about
it for the Welt!
* # *
I am writing to Alex today to tell the I.C.A. people that the

desperadoes from Rumania are so desperate that they will some
day hold the détenteurs des fonds publics juifs [withholders of the
Jewish public funds] responsible for their delay in joining in with
us.
June 24
Vâmbéry replied from Miihlbach that I was a Giour [Infidel]
who rushes up hill and down dale without heed for the Turkish
ditches. Still, he had written the Sultan about us, but it was not
certain whether the letter would get into his hands.
* * *
I shall write to Nuri to see to it that at least we get a telegraphic

message from the Sultan at the Congress.
The concerted action of the Powers against China, I shall say,
is a serious lesson for Turkey.
* * #
At my Constantinople audience, October 1898, I told the

German Kaiser:
“China is Pandora’s Box!”
Not an incorrect prophecy.
June 25
The Rumanian migrant groups wire me of their imminent
arrival from the border or from Budapest. They want me to meet
them. This is evidence of our people's naiveté, their trust in me,
but also of the extent of their presumption. T he “philanthropists"
of Vienna don’t lift a finger, and I have no funds available for the
poor.
A chilling situation.
June 26,1900
Hechler writes me today that Lord Rosebery is in town and
advises me to call on him at his hotel. I ’m not going to, because
his superiority would be too great. In addition to his position he
has the distinction of being a foreign visitor here.
It’s different in England. There I am at least a foreigner.
# * #
Hungarian papers report that I organized the Rumanian emi

gration. My denial in the Welt of the 29th of the month is very
necessary. It must go on the front page.
The Jewish Chronicle had written that I was steering the emigra
tion to England in order to make a demonstration for Zionism.
By denying this I am giving the desperadoes to understand that
what I never advised them to do is the most effective demonstra
tion.
June 29, Vienna

Today, Koerber’s card saying that he would like to see me once
again: Sunday, 9 o’clock in the morning. What does he want? My
guess is: Rumanian JewsI
In that case I would ask him to recommend me to Cohn.
July 2, Vienna
Was with Koerber yesterday.
He had just wanted to see me before I went on vacation, because
we hadn’t had a chat in such a long time. He had already discussed
my proposals for preparing the election with several provincial
chiefs. However, at present there could be no thought of dissolving
the Reichsrat—simply because it isn’t necessary.
He governs in a very astute, inconspicuous fashion on the basis
of Section 14.
The Emperor, he said, was very satisfied with him. The Emperor
had been particularly delighted about the rift in the clouds of
obstruction. “You shertainly did thish shplendidly”— he quoted
the Emperor’s words in the voice of a toothless old man. He had
also earned the Emperor's approbation in the matter of Archduke
Franz Ferdinand’s marriage to Countess Chotek. Hungarian Prime
Minister Széll had wanted to draft an omnibus bill “which would
have included arranging for the millennium and fine weather.”
Through his (K.’s) intervention, a simple declaration of renuncia
tion had been made, although it binds the future Emperor hand
and foot.
“Archduke Otto must be pleased,” I said.
He made une moue dédaigneuse [a scornful grimace]: “That
man didn’t care much about it,” he said.
“And the Hungarians?” I asked. “If Countess Chotek has boys,
in twenty years there might be an Imperial conflict.”
This possibility, too, Koerber shrugged off with a disdainful
smile. He did not believe it, he said.
Then we again spoke about Austrian internal politics. He said
he was now working on inducing the Czechs to make a declaration
that they would not obstruct things in the future.
“What are you going to give them in return?” I asked.
“Nothing!”
“The Germans won’t believe this.”
“Well, they’re going to see that the Czechs aren’t getting any
thing,” he said.
"Then people will assume that there are secret promises for the
future,” I remarked. “The Czechs’ giving in can be made plausible
only if the deputies appear to be yielding to pressure from their
constituents. They will have to arrange for that pressure. Only
then are the Germans going to believe it. Then you can make
the Czechs all the secret promises you wish.”
After we had chatted like that for three quarters of an hour,
the doorman brought in a visiting card.
I got up.
“I have one more thing on my mind, Your Excellency,” I said.
“The question of the Rumanian Jews. This is a calamity that grows
worse every day. I won’t even mention the humanitarian considera
tions. For Austria their transit is a calamity. What shall be done
with these people? If you let them in, it’s an embarrassment, be
cause they are in terrible shape. If, on the other hand, you close
the border, people say that your government is anti-Semitic, which
public opinion tends to say anyway, since you have yielded to
Lueger in the question of the Vienna election reform.”
He nodded with a serious face.
"I’ve turned for advice to the Grand Duke of Baden. He thinks
I ought to request the Sultan for an audience through the Austrian
government and induce him to let the Rumanian Jews in. We can
offer the Sultan some money for this.” I said "a Gold”* in the
easy-going Viennese dialect and quite off-hand, as though it weren’t
the most difficult thing, for which I have been trying in vain for
years.
"Too bad you didn’t tell me that a couple o’ days ago. Goluchow-
ski was still here then and I had a long talk with ’im.”
"Couldn’t Ambassador Calice be given instructions directly?”
"No, that can’t be done. That's another department. And I don’t
know how we stand with the Sultan. But I’m gonna speak with
Count Széchen** and then give you an answer.”
I thanked him.
"See you some more, then!” he said, dismissing me amiably.
July 2
Letter to Vàmbéry.
Kedves Vàmbéry bâcsi [Dear Uncle Vàmbéry]:
Tegnap hosszan beszéltem az itteni elsôvel, Kosdrossival [Yester-
• Translator’s Note: “Dough."
• • Translator’s Note: The correct form of this name is Széchenyi.
day I conversed at length with the premier of this place, Basket-
man]*—you understand?** I touched on the calamity of the
Rumanian Jews passing through, and asked him whether it wasn’t
possible to ask Cohn through the local representative to send for
me to talk about the conditions of their settling there. “Too bad
that you didn’t tell me that two days ago,” he replied. At that time,
you see, the head of this department was still here. Now he is on
vacation. However, he intends to send for his deputy as soon as
possible and discuss it with him. Note well: this is not just talk
with him.
Now, Kedves bacsi [dear uncle], I shall notify you by telegram
whether this démarche [move] will take place. If so I would
urgently request you to intervene with Cohn in whatever way you
consider suitable, as quickly as you can, by telegram, if at all pos
sible, and to tell him that what comes to him in this form is some
thing highly useful to him (Cohn).
Make him understand particularly that he will play a beautiful
role if he takes in the homeless Jews. He will stand there as the
benefactor of mankind, a generous man—and his benefaction will
immediately bear interest and capital for him. Jewry all over the
world will celebrate him. A revirement [sudden change] in the
public opinion of the entire world! And at the same time he will
have the gratitude of the other nations, those whom he has spared
an influx of Jews. Surely all this is clear and true.
Your sincere Nephew and Giour [infidel]
Th.
* • #
Letter to N uri via Crespi : * * *

Your Excellency:
I judged it futile to send another memorandum. The matter is
more than sufficiently familiar.
• I.e., Koerber.
• •In English in the original.
I think the difficulty lies elsewhere.
Our best-intentioned friends perhaps do not dare to come for
ward, though it is a matter of H.M .’s supreme benefit.
To fill in this gap I have tried to find something else and to make
the request for an audience come from another quarter. At this
moment I do not know whether that will be successful. But I must
reassure you, you and your associates, that success on the other tack
will not lessen my gratitude to you in the slightest.
You are dealing with a man of honor—forgive me for using this
flattering term—who never finds a pretext for going back on his
pledged word. Therefore you have precisely the same interest no
matter what the circumstances may be.
We must be, and continue to be, friends for the benefit and
prosperity of Turkey, which we will perhaps rescue from all its
difficulties.
I beg you to bring to your master’s attention one completely new
fact: the cooperation of the Powers in China!
It is an interesting precedent and possibly a dangerous one for
Turkey. You understand what I mean. Against all eventualities
one must be able to protect oneself, to have a fleet to be reckoned
with, etc. It is certain that you will never and nowhere realize this
possibility except through us.
The one among you who presents such a solution deserves to be
Grand Vizier.
One more thing.
The Fourth Annual Zionist Congress will be held in London
in August. The presiding officers of the Congress will, as every
year, send a wire placing their homage at the foot of H.I.M. the
Sultan’s throne.
Please be kind enough to send me the proper wording for this
telegram, and especially do all you can to see that we get a friendly
and encouraging reply immediately.
With deep respect and sincere friendship, I am
Faithfully yours,
Th. Herzl.
August 10, Hotel Langham, London
In bed.
I have been in bed for three days. The day after my arrival I was
seized by a severe chill. I had already felt sick and wanted to go to
bed. I immediately ran a temperature of 39 9 * It looked like
malaria or the beginning of pneumonia. Two sleepless, feverish
nights. I doubted that I would be able to open the Congress.
Last night there was an improvement. But I am still very weak
and haven’t even started working on my speech.
Naturally, during these nights the high temperature caused the
most colorful delirious visions to appear before my hot eyes. Two
fine English nurses* * attended me. T he older, Sister Christine, on
night duty, the younger, a very pretty one, whose name I don’t
know, by day. They were like Good Fortune and Care in Heine’s
poem.*** Good Dame Care pulled me out of the incipient serious
illness before I fell prey to it. The Congress promises to be very
well attended.
London, August 14
The Congress is the best attended so far. Its proceedings** are
already in the newspapers. A hundred other people are now taking
the notes, in memoriam [for the record].
I myself have not been inwardly touched so far.
The Mass Meeting** in the East End on Saturday night was no
longer a novelty to me. The cheering of the crowd means nothing
tome.
The only new note was the garden-party** in the Botanical
Gardens on Sunday. T he whole crowd kept trundling after me in
a compact mass. I would have liked to enjoy the fine English gar
den, but I was smothered under royal honors. People watched me
admiringly while I drank a cup of tea. They passed their children
• Translator's Note: 39.9 centigrade corresponds to over 104F.
• • I n English in the original.
• • • Translator's Note: A reference to Das Glück ist eine leichte D im e by Heinrich
Heine.
and introduced their ladies to me; old men wanted to kiss my
hand. I am always tempted to ask on such occasions: “Pardon me,
but why are you doing all this?"
During yesterday’s afternoon session I turned the chairmanship
over to Gaster and Nordau and fled to Kensington Gardens where,
in charming surroundings and with a view over the water, I had
a cup of tea in peace.
August 20
On the boat from Dover to Calais.
“The Fourth Zionist Congress is over."
It was a lot of noise, sweat, and drum-beating. Naturally there
was no “work,” and yet the results were excellent. We have made
a demonstration before the English world, and the demonstration
has been noticed. On the whole, the English papers carried the
kind of reports we could use and can still use.
Our English colleagues think it probable that next year, when
we come again in July at the height of the season * the Upper Jews*
will swing our way. Seligmann the banker declared at a banquet
that he already felt very close to us. Apparently he is only waiting
for our success before joining in with us. Francis Montefiore told
me yesterday, on our way home from a party on the Thames, that
I should be on my guard against the Rothschilds. They would also
come in, in order to take control of the Jewish State. Of course,
we aren’t that far along yet, and good Sir Francis seems to be a
bit premature with his worries. Incidentally, he gave me the wel
come opportunity to have lunch with Mr. Barrington, Lord Salis
bury’s private secretary. I talked a blue streak at him, and it seems
that I succeeded in getting him a little interested in us.
Aussee, August 29
Only now am I beginning to recuperate from the wear and tear
of London and of my illness.
I received a reassuring letter from Vâmbéry. He wrote the
Sultan about our cause and didn’t get a negative reply. Of course,
he doesn’t seem to have received a positive one, either.
In London I let the A.C. dissuade me from promoting the idea
of reciprocity as coming from the Congress. That is to say, the idea
of a subscription which entitles anyone who is beggared in an anti-
Jewish riot to receive the minimum sum required for moving
elsewhere. I think it would have been a tremendous propaganda
item, but I was not in an energetic enough mood to carry it
through. A slogan like “capture the communities” would have
been effective.
This way nothing will be done until I convene the Congress
again.
We shall have financial difficulties in the A.C. Have them al
ready. But I have seen to it that our repayment instalments on last
year’s floating debt are paid promptly. It reminds me of the way
I introduced the representative system at the First Congress, sans
en avoir l'air [without seeming to do it].
With this borrowing and paying I am laying the foundation for
our State credit, no matter how small the amounts may be.
September 2, Aussee
The day before yesterday and yesterday I couldn’t quite make

up my mind to congratulate the Sultan on his jubilee. However,
today it nags me like a neglected duty, and so I am wiring: *
To His Imperial Majesty,

Caliph Abdul Hamid Khan,
Yildiz, Constantinople.
In the name of the Zionists of all countries I have the honor of

offering at the foot of your throne the warmest and sincerest wishes
for the prosperity and long duration of the glorious reign of Your
Imperial Majesty.
Dr. Theodor Herzl,

President of the Central Zionist Committee,
Tiirkenstrasse 9, Vienna.
September 3, Aussee
The newspapers report a “domestic crisis.” Koerber is to be
dismissed or the Reichsrat dissolved. My advice to dissolve it that
time after the obstruction was not bad. Is Koerber thinking of my
wise counsel now? I am writing him today:
Your Excellency:
The newspapers, for which I have a professional distrust, of
course, tell about the imminent dissolution of the Reichsrat. This
seemed to me like the remedy some time ago. Now my—forgot
ten?—outline for the preparation of an election becomes somewhat
timely again.
I shall return to Vienna at the end of this week. Perhaps I can be
of use in some way.
With deep respect,

T h. Herzl.
September 18
The day before yesterday, Sunday, I was in Pest to see Vâmbéry.
Atmosphere of the city of my youth.
However, the “practical” results of the trip were close to zero.
Vâmbéry again told me a lot about himself—the things he had
already related at Mühlbach.
He gave me his word of honor that the Sultan would receive me
by May.
To be sure, I don’t quite understand how he can give me his
word about something that doesn’t depend upon himself. But I
must be satisfied with anything.
For the rest, I am quite weary.

These days I am often so listless and so lacking in energy that
I don’t enter even major and interesting happenings. Naturally
they are then forgotten.
And my situation is strange enough. Around the time of the
Congress I was a master. Now I am a servant again, like Ruy Bias,
and whose servant! Every day I report to the boss, Dr. Bâcher, who
is sometimes gracious and sometimes ungracious.
On top of that, the great financial sacrifices I have made for the
movement are weighing heavily upon me. I have done too much,
and simultaneously with my lack of psychic energy I become con
scious of my economic debility, which in turn worsens my mood.
# # #
On the evening of my arrival at Pest, while listening to gypsy

music, I ran into Ahmed Tewfik, the Turkish ambassador in
Berlin. We chatted until half past midnight about Wilhelm and
Abdul Hamid, etc.

Une idée qui me hante [An idea that haunts me] is the emer
gency insurance which I wanted to launch in London and from
which I was deterred by the opposition of the leaders.
Yesterday I again brought it up in the A.C. It is the only thing
we can do. A mutual Jewish emergency insurance. The insured
victims of Jewish persecution will receive a minimum amount for
moving. In the Rumanian exodus it turned out that 200 guilders
per person (or family?) were needed. T h at amount could not be
raised from private charity. Some guarantee must be procured for
the people who are driven out. Everyone must acquire this guar
antee for himself by purchasing a policy. Of every hundred people
paying two guilders, one can become a needy case. T he main thing,
of course, is to define a needy case and to prevent insurance fraud.
This would have to be construed on the analogy of the accident-
insurance business. I imagine the seat of the company in Basel.
Higher insurances with rapidly progressing premiums could also
be accepted.
If the annual premium for 200 guilders is two guilders, the
premium for 400 would be five or six; for 1000 guilders, not five
times that amount, but ten times or more, because then an indi
vidual case of damage immediately constitutes a series.
To my astonishment, Kokesch, who usually thinks very cau
tiously and terre à terre [with both feet on the ground], was on my
side. This encouraged me greatly.
October 1, Vienna
Nothing from Vâmbéry.
The matter seems to be falling asleep again with him.
Today I am writing the following to Nuri: *
Your Excellency:
More than a year has passed since I had the honor and the
pleasure of seeing you at the Hotel Impérial.
And nothing, nothing has happened.
I hear from Constantinople that the matter of the Hejaz route is
the current issue.
If we are given the Colonization Charter we are asking for, we
shall undertake to build the Hejaz railroad or else to supply the
necessary funds. If you have any useful connections who will profit
from it, you can pass on this proposal to the proper person. I shall
provide all explanations and guarantees if H.M. summons me.
I await your favorable reply as early as possible and assure you of
my great esteem.
Th. Herd.
P.S. One of my friends, Mr. Kremenezky, whom you know—he
came to see you at the hotel—is interested in setting up a factory on
the shore of the Dead Sea in Palestine. He has talked to me about
it several times and I have always forgotten to ask you the name of
the concessionaire of the Dead Sea shores. He tells me that it is a
Moslem. It will be easy for you to give me this information.
October 5
The memory of some mistakes that I have made keeps torment
ing me.
My greatest mistake so far was not waiting for the Kaiser at the
entrance gate of the Jews. At that time I thought it would be better
not to, because then he might have regarded that reception as the
one to which he had ordered the Zionist deputation, and I wished
to have a special solemn audience of our own.
However, for the Kaiser, who has a penchant for symbolic acts,
it would have been the right thing if I, whom he regarded as the
head of all Jews, had waited for him at the threshold of our city of
Jerusalem and had greeted him there.
That is when he may have turned away from me. I realize this
only now.
Another mistake was my not writing the Grand Duke of Hesse a
sufficiently courteous and court-like letter when I asked him to in
tercede with the Czar.
October 5
The English Zionist Federation’s poll of the candidates for Par
liament is very clever.
60 have declared themselves in favor of Zionism.
The smartest step that has been taken in our movement for a
long time.
October 7
After keeping silent for a long time and failing to react to two of
my letters, Koerber suddenly calls me again. I am to come to see
him at the Ministry of the Interior tomorrow morning.
Que peut-il bien vouloir [what on earth does he want]?
October 8
Koerber just wanted to have a general talk.
However, the immediate occasion seems to have been what he
considers the disagreeable attitude of the Neue Freie Presse in the
Italian-Tyrolian question.
I was none too well informed about the whole thing, and just
presumed that it was a matter of a demand for autonomy which
had been made by the Italian inhabitants of the Tyrol and had
been rejected. But I pretended to be completely au courant [in
formed], and since I shared his views, I was spared a more detailed
explanation.
As regards the general situation in Austria, we exchanged ap
proximately the same ideas that we had in the Spring and in the
Summer.
I said: “I notice, Your Excellency, that you are not running the
elections, but are letting them run themselves.”
He: “There is no other way. The provincial chiefs reported that
not much can be done.”
I: “Isn’t the inefficiency of the provincial chiefs to blame for
this?”
He: “What can be done is being done.”
Then he spoke about the absurdities of the parties, with special
reference to the Progressives, who only recently made such monu
mental fools of themselves in the person of the mayor of Trautenau
(who had addressed a request to the office of the Emperor’s advisers
to have the competing convention of the German-Radicals pro
hibited).
He told me about the Emperor and how high he was in the
latter’s favor. This was evidenced recently at Gôrz where the Em
peror talked with him all the time at dinner, so that Calice, the
ambassador at Constantinople, told him afterwards: “It's been a
long time since anyone has enjoyed so much confidence from the
Emperor!”
I had my own ideas at the mention of Calice whose intercession
with the Sultan for an audience would be bread and butter to me,
but I didn’t say anything, because the moment was not opportune.
Gôrz, he went on to say, had been a great worry. All the authori
ties, especially the lesser ones, had trembled for fear of an Anarchist
plot. Every minute the departure of a notable Anarchist was re
ported. One moment one was supposed to have left London, the
next moment another from Paris or Vienna. But the journey to
Gorz could not be cancelled; it had been decided on months ago,
and at that time no one knew that the King of Italy was going to be
assassinated. In short, the trip to Gôrz was made in real fear, and
Koerber had to go along, otherwise people would have said that he
was afraid or was deserting the Emperor.
A strong police detail was called out, and fortunately everything
went all right. Everyone was glad to have returned from this patri
otic celebration safe and sound.
He related a number of other things about the Emperor, who, he
said, let him do everything but did not give him the proper sup
port. E.g., a lot could be done with the feudal landed proprietors
with appropriate pressure. But the Emperor did not help out in
this regard.
“I brought him Lobkowitz. That man shook before the audi
ence; but when he came out, he was even a lot prouder. The Em
peror didn’t tell him a thing.”
So the pesky German-Bohemian dispute goes on.
He also repeatedly spoke about the newspapers that are attack
ing him. I took the opportunity to say: “What is needed is a big,
decent paper that you could lean on.”
“Well, who’s going to start one?”
“That could be arranged, Your Excellency. Only the funds
would have to be made available.”
“By whom?” he said. “Krupp has already given a lot and by now
has become skittish.”
He liked the idea of a newspaper, however, and asked me not to
drop the matter and to discuss it with him if I found something. I
could come any time I wanted to.
He repeatedly averred that he would be glad if he could leave
office. He didn’t get enough sleep. “I ’m sleepy. I ’d like to sleep my
fill some time. First thing I ’ll do when I ’m overthrown is to hit the
hay for three days.”
But despite this Austrian beefing he did not give me the impres
sion of being tired of governing. I said: “T he policy you represent
is the only one with a future in Austria—if Austria has a future.”
He made a wry face and shrugged his shoulders meaningfully, as
though there were nothing he was less convinced of than Austria’s
future.
Our conversation had lasted for exactly one hour when he dis
missed me and asked me to come again soon.
He has never had, and never will have, a more selfless helper
than me—me who doesn’t want a blessed thing but a recommenda
tion from the government to the Sultan. Naturally I didn’t come
out with it today, because I still have no claim to repayment. I told
him, among other things, that I would never run a semi-official
paper. “Because it doesn’t do you any good if it says in the paper:
‘The Prime Minister is the greatest statesman.’ ”
He completely shared this view of mine, and we parted en gens
qui sont de mèche [like two conspirators].
October 14
A curious incident. Tout se tient [Everything is just as it was].
Dr. Ehrlich, whom I had had introduce me to Koerber, wanted
to speak with me yesterday. He told me that Koerber had inquired
about me in connection with a newspaper that was to be started.
Ehrlich had answered: “I know Dr. H. as a stylist. W hether he can
start a newspaper I don’t know. In any case, you mustn’t forget
that he represents Zionism.”
So this was advice against it. Ehrlich didn’t want me to learn it
from Koerber somehow or other and told it to me of his own ac
cord. Evidently he gave me a more harmless version of what he had
said to Koerber.
It seems to me that Koerber will now drop the idea. It was my
scheme to propose Zionism to him as a secondary matter, panache
[trimming], and camouflage. An idea out of a comedy, really: true
love as paravent [a screen].
This plan, too, like others, has gone up in smoke, thanks to a
good friend who has himself notified me “loyally” of what he has
done.
October 15
I have just had a letter from Crespi (Nuri) saying that their
government had “un besoin pressant de 7—800 mille L tqu [a press
ing need for 7-8 hundred thousand Turkish pounds].” and wanted
to give customs revenues as guarantee, with 6%, even 614%,
interest.
I am to appear as deus ex machina [a god from the machine] and
help, et une fois l’affaire terminée [and once the business is com
pleted], H.M. will receive me.
I am sending the following telegram in reply: *
You may say that we will make offers for the advance of the seven
hundred against the guarantee mentioned in your letter on condi
tion that I can negotiate directly with n.c. 363. The matter can be
settled in a very short time.
But kindly note that I will do nothing unless I am called by 363
to present my offers to him in person.
# # *
I am asking 6i/£% in order to make the thing plausible. If I

were gentil [nice] about the conditions, it would bear the stamp of
improbability.
October 17
I was summoned to Koerber again today, and he spoke for an
hour de omni re scibili [about everything under the sun]. I ex
pounded to him the idea of founding a newspaper, and it seemed
to make a lot of sense to him. However, whether anything will come
of it is uncertain. The only clue that it matters to him is the fact
that he gave me a whole hour of his time and kept some titled
gentleman waiting outside.
October 18
Biilow Imperial Chancellor!
Not good for us. Nevertheless, I am congratulating him “on the
new chapter in the history of the German Empire.”
October 22.
A telegram of thanks from Biilow.
It is ever so nice of a great lord . . .*
October 26
Yesterday the “Turkish Consul-General, von Dirsztay,” né
Fischl from Pest, came to see me at the office and brought me a
• Translator's Note: Mephistopheles’ words at the end of the Prologue in Heaven
to Goethe's Faust, Part I.
letter, half in code, from Crespi, N uri’s straw man. Crespi offers
his services, because he is the real power. He wants to come to
Vienna. So evidently it is a matter of the travelling expenses. Since
Dirsztay told me that he was sure Crespi was in a position to
accomplish something—he had repeatedly convinced himself of
that—I told him he could write Crespi that he would get 1000
francs from me if he really had some serious proposition to make.
October 30
Is it possible that we are closer to a decision than I myself
believed?
When I came home last night I found the following telegram
from Crespi waiting for me, apparently a reply to Dirsztay’s letter
to him.*
Theodor Herzl, Karl-Ludwigstrasse 50, Vienna, from Pera.

If on day after receiving this you can deposit on account two
hundred thousand Turkish pounds on loan of seven hundred thou
sand with six percent interest, I shall place proposal at foot of
Imperial throne before Ramadan; hope you will then be officially
called to palace. Wire, Crespi.
# * #
Since it can't be assumed now that Crespi in Pera would dare

to send off en clair [in the open] a telegram containing mention of
throne and palace if it were not on the level, the thing is to be taken
seriously.
I am answering: *
E. Crespi, Constantinople, Pera. French Mail.

You now speak of six percent after having started with six and
a half. But this difficulty will probably be surmountable if I can
personally be convinced of the fact that the general disposition of
363 is in our favor. The deposit of the two hundred as an instal
ment on our loan of seven hundred will be made during the week
following my reception—
My plan of campaign in the event that I am summoned by the
Sultan has been ready for a long time.
I shall immediately have Wolffsohn and Katzenelsohn come
here. Wolffsohn must go to The Hague to see Kann and ask him if
he can possibly place the £700,000 at 6% with Dutch bankers.
As a reward I shall let him back into the Colonial Trust.
Katzenelsohn must make the same attempt with Polyakov, Brod
sky, etc.
While I go to Constantinople, they go to T he Hague and St.
Petersburg, so that I shall have their wires when I arrive.
I shall send Kokesch to London to push the issuing of 50,000
bearer shares which will then immediately be sent to Russia to be
sold.
All agents will be asked to call meetings.
On the day on which my audience with the Sultan is announced,
1000 popular rallies with share subscription must take place.
Oskar Marmorek will be sent to Pest in order to invite Vâmbéry
to go to Constantinople with me.
Kremenezky will come to Constantinople with me.
Alex Marmorek is to advise I.C.A. and Edmond R. that I shall
come to Paris.
A meeting of the English Federation will be called for the day
of my arrival in London from Constantinople.
7 am ready *
And now probably nothing will come of it.
November 6
On Saturday Dirsztay again called me by telephone. This time
I went to his place. With an important air he handed me letters
from Crespi which contained nothing but drivel.
Still, I authorized him to let Crespi come. Question of 1000
francs travelling expenses.
I went along with it only because Dirsztay really is the Turkish
Consul-General and, even more really, a millionaire. Consequently
it can’t be a matter of doing me out of 1000 francs.
Today I wrote to Wolffsohn asking him to go to The Hague to
see Kann and ask him whether he can raise the £700,000 from
Dutch bankers. As a reward I would let him into the Trust again.
November 9
The Vienna Allianz and Community people are frightened out
of their wits because we are getting into the Community elections
and demanding an Extraordinary General Assembly of the Alli
anz to discuss its cruelty toward the Rumanian Jews.
Dr. Alfred Stem has already been to see me at the N. Fr. Pr.
three times to beg me to halt our steps “in these times.” On his
first visit he offered me a seat on the governing body of the Com
munity. Naturally I refused and laughed at him. On his second
visit, the day before yesterday, I kept him waiting for such a long
time that he left in a huff. Then I wrote him a letter apologizing
for having been tied up and stating at the same time that no com
promise could be effected in this matter. Thereupon he came
yesterday with the “material” of the correspondence with the Pest
Community, which, however, proves only the accuracy of last
week’s article in the Welt.
He proposed a confidential discussion between our gentlemen
and the officers of the A llianz.
And what is to be the upshot? I asked. Do you intend to remove
the guilty officers?
If need be, yesl was his reply.
Then he left with Bâcher whom he wanted to brief on it. Which
is to say that he wishes to have some pressure exerted on me
through Bâcher and Benedikt.
Again a few days of war in sight.
November 12
We have reached a low-water mark. O ur cash-box has hit rock
bottom. A few hundred guilders, which is not even sufficient to
meet the demands of the first of December.
But I am tired of giving money or of asking others for it.
The other members of the A.C. are bewildered.
November 13
Yesterday at Oskar Marmorek’s house I met the Paris engineer
and millionaire Reitlinger who [ ]* my old plan to buy up
the Turkish national debt, which one could get for 4-500 million
francs, and to offer the Turkish government liberation from the
dette publique [public debt] in return for the cession of Palestine.
We intend to get back to this later.
* * *
Wolffsohn wires from The Hague that Kann is ready to under

take the arrangements for the Turkish loan only on direct order.
This does not suit me, for I must get the credit; only the cash may
fall to the share of Kann and his associates.## Therefore I am writ
ing Wolffsohn that Kann should first secure the money; then he
will receive the orders through my good offices.
November 14
The idea of redeeming the Turkish debt occupies me greatly.
I must bend every effort to speak with Lord Rothschild. Today
I am writing to Cowen, our most capable man in England, to in
duce Lord R. to send for me before we have Zionism brought up
in the House of Commons by the “Zionist” deputies.
• Translator’s Note: Verb missing in the original.
••T ranslator’s Note: Herzl puns on the difference in meaning between das
Verdienst and der Verdienst.
November 15
After consultation with my father and Kremenezky I am tele
graphing the following to Crespi.
L ’argent est prêt. Pourquoi ne me donnez-vous pas de nouvelles
[The money is ready. Why don’t you send me any news]?
November 16, Vienna

Today Dirsztay telephoned me and told me that Crespi will
arrive here on Wednesday.
Our greatest problem now is the thousand francs for Crespi’s
travelling expenses. One of the curiosities of this episode is that
we have trouble raising such 1000 francs, while we can regard the
large amounts as assured.
* • *
A wire from Wolffsohn saying that Kann will write me the letter
I need: his firm is making the £700,000 available on sufficient
security.
* # #
A letter from Vâmbéry in reply to my last letter. He says that he
immediately wrote to the Sultan, requesting a wired answer
whether that story about a loan was true. If it is, he intends to go
there immediately and have me follow him; then the chances for
our project would be favorable.
November 17
Hechler thinks that I ought to express to the Kaiser, through
the Grand Duke, my joy at the fact that yesterday’s attempted assas
sination at Breslau was happily averted. I do so:*
Most Gracious Lord and Master:
• These words are in English in the original.
The news of the attempt to assassinate His Majesty the Kaiser,
which has with the help of God been successfully frustrated, has
suddenly made me, like so many other people, feel again what this
magnanimous ruler of such uncommonly great intellectual gifts
means to all those who are privileged to know him. Since the
memorable days at Jerusalem in the year 1898 Kaiser Wilhelm II
has been a dear and sincerely venerated figure to all Zionists on
the face of the earth. On such a serious occasion I should more
than ever like to avoid giving the impression of pushing myself
forward, and therefore refrain from sending to Berlin the expres
sion of my great joy at the Kaiser’s rescue from mortal danger. I
may be permitted, however, to express my loyal sentiments to Your
Royal Highness, the Kaiser’s paternal friend, with the most respect
ful request to bring them to His Majesty’s notice as occasion offers.
With the deepest respect and most heart-felt gratitude, I remain
Y.R.H.’s ever obedient

Dr. T h. H.
November 18
Received today from Lissa & Kann, The Hague, a written offer
in which the firm undertakes to make a loan of 800,000 Turkish
pounds at 6% if sufficient security is offered. Specifically, £200,000
upon the signing of the contract, £520,000 within six months.
I am acknowledging this letter with the following note:
Messieurs Lissa and Kann, The Hague.

Gentlemen:
I received today your kind communication of Nov. 16, 1900.
I shall send you more detailed information in the course of this
week.
Very truly yours,

D r.T h .H .
November 20
Talked again yesterday with Reitlinger of Paris who gave me
a few additional clever details implementing the redemption of
the Turkish debt. We agreed that I shall summon him to join
me in London if Cowen manages to arrange a conference with
Lord Rothschild.
Cowen writes me that he intends to use the short Parliament
week to arrange a meeting with the 31 M.P.’s who have expressed
themselves in favor of Zionism. That would be a plausible oppor
tunity* for Lord R.
* * *
The manufacturer von Engel came to Reitlinger’s suite in the

Hotel Impérial in order to take me and Oskar Marmorek to see
Klinger, the president of the Community. The latter, a sentimental
Tartuffe, buttered me up, tried to entice me to join the governing
body of the Community, declared that at heart he was more of a
Zionist than O. Marmorek, and, when he got warmed up, more of
a Zionist than I.
They would like to make a compromise with us, but not with
the Jiidischer Volksverein. Presumably he tells the same thing in
reverse to the Volksverein people.
I finally stated that I would content myself with two seats (Dr.
Kahn and Mohr). Even that was too much for him.
Yet conciliation appears hopeful.
November 24
David Gutmann invites me to a “peaceable” discussion of the
Rumanian scandals at the A llianz.
November 24
Crespi hasn’t come. As Dirsztay told me over the phone, he
telegraphed that he isn’t coming until two weeks from now.
I am wiring Crespi: **
If you don’t inform me of the result of your activity immediately
I shall withdraw my offer of seven hundred. I don’t want to remain
at your disposal indefinitely.
November 26
Yesterday’s Community election a gratifying defeat. Our candi
dates almost elected with big minorities.
# * *
Cowen and Greenberg are doing splendid work in England to

make possible a meeting between myself and Lord Rothschild.
Greenberg made a speech to this end at Glasgow. Cowen writes me
they would call on R. if I had really serious things to tell him. I am
wiring him: Most serious things, hut he must desire the meeting,
and not as a favour to us.*
November 27
Had a long conversation with coal-Baron Gutmann yesterday.
He will agree to everything so as to avoid a scandal in the Allianz.
I am demanding the resignation of the officers who have incurred
some responsibility in the Rumanian emigration, to be replaced
by our representatives. The question of blame is to be decided by
a tribunal—I am also demanding that Oskar Marmorek be given
a seat on the board of the Hirsch Foundation. He was very sub
dued. I felt pity for the rich man when I saw the empty desk of his
recently-deceased son, who made fun of me a long time ago because
I wanted to found a Jewish State.
November 24
Telegram from Crespi:
Patientez encore quelques jours. Affaire très bonne voie. Ecris
[Be patient a few days more. Matter well under way. Am writing].
Crespi.”
November 30, Vienna
The Allianz has set a trap for me. After I had accepted in writ
ing Gutmann’s oral proposal that we settle the matter through an
amicable exchange of opinion, with the concession that our repre
sentatives be co-opted as council members, he writes that because
of my conditions they reject this form. They are as sly as they are
stupid. Public discussion will end with the destruction of the
Allianz.
November 30
Brilliant letter from Crespi. He has discussed the matter with
the Grand Vizier, the First Secretary, and the Minister of Finance.
The loan will be made under last year’s conditions of the Deutsche
Bank. The 1st Secretary told Crespi that Vâmbéry had recom
mended my proposals to the Sultan. However, the Secretary fears
trouble if I were summoned officially and the loan did not material
ize. Crespi said one could make inquiries about me of the German
Kaiser.
Perhaps there is some connection between this and the fact that
yesterday the German Embassy telephoned the Welt about me.
However, until now, 11 o’clock in the morning, I have heard no
details.
* * *
Telegram to Wolffsohn:
Kohn’s baldov [spokesman] visiting me day after tomorrow.
Regarding the conditions I learn that they are the same as those
obtained by Deebee last year. You introduced yourself and Hagen
to Deebee with recommendation from my Uncle. Try immedi
ately to learn inconspicuously Deebee’s last year’s conditions.
Notify Hagen of this and make sure he stays home Sunday, Mon
day. My father thinks that Jayceetee should take over Halewi in
company with Hagen and carry it out jointly. Jayceetee could
take over one-seventh and thus facilitate transaction. Benjamin.
November 30, evening
A telegram just came from Crespi saying that he will arrive here
on Sunday morning.
* * *
The cash-box of the A.C. is so empty that after payment of the

December salaries etc. we shall not have the 1000 francs for Crespi.
I also feel à bout de forces [at the end of my strength] and for
the past few days have had more serious attacks of weakness than
ever. Actually, the thought of retiring only now hits me with force.
Perhaps I am writing this in the hope of remembering it in
better days. So as to be able to say then: when the need was
greatest, etc............
I am, of course, too complicated a person to keep a naive diary,
even though I make an effort not to pose. I always feel the future
peering over my shoulder.
December 3
Yesterday morning, then, the Turkish agent Crespi arrived at

my place in company with von Dirsztay, the Consul-General.
Crespi doesn’t make a bad impression. A skinny, wax-yellow, black-
bearded Levantine. Appearance of a second- or third-rate diplo
mat, the necktie over the white vest too loud, the rosette in the
morning coat too pretentious. But he calls a spade a spade and
speaks frankly about the people in power in Constantinople. He
asked me whether I had received the telegram yet. For he thinks
that it should have come either yesterday or today: the summons to
the Sultan.
But, he said, I must not speak about Zionism at the reception.
I may only offer my services to procure an advance. Because it was
a matter of an advance and not a loan. An advance to be paid back
in a few months, since the customs receipts were the bread and
butter of the Turkish finances. When they need money at Yildiz,
they send out to the customs pay-office. The advance is to be given
on a note from the Turkish government. I observed that in the
opinion of my friends a loan and not an advance had been in
volved, and I explained Kann’s offer to him, without mentioning
Kann by name.
The margin of £80,000 immediately made sense to him, and he
plans to report about it to Nuri and the Minister of Finance.
As regards Zionism, he thinks the only reason the Turks are not
willing is that they are afraid of intervention on the part of the
Powers. If the Jews were allowed to immigrate, the Powers would
immediately send battle-ships to Jaffa and seize Palestine. I said
it would be our concern to bring the Powers round. To which he
replied that if I could make the Sultan understand this the cause
would be won. This was the only misgiving the Sultan had. I asked
whether I could take Vâmbéry along to Constantinople. Crespi
said that this would even be an enormous advantage, because V.
has access to the Sultan at any time. Vâmbéry’s recommendation,
he said, had done me a tremendous amount of good anyway. At
first they were going to make inquiries about me in Vienna and
Berlin. But when V’s letter recommending my proposals came,
nothing else was required.
He chatted some more about this and that. We could easily get
the Dead Sea concession, he said, if we guaranteed the Sultan a
share of the net profits of the industries. Furthermore: the Sultan
had not been able to deliver the “Dormition” plot to the German
Kaiser to this day, because the Sheik-ul-Islam was opposed to it.
Once I was in contact with the Sultan, I could ask him to appoint
a committee consisting of all ministers for the examination of the
Zionist proposals.
Then came Kremenezky whom I had sent for to pay Crespi the
1000 francs travelling expenses contre reçu [against receipt]. I laid
particular stress on this little thoughtfulness. He was to see and
talk about how quickly and easily we pay off our friends.
What difficulties for the A.C. this little payment involves no
one suspects.
December 3
Two evenings ago there came a brilliant report from Cowen
about the project of a conference with Lord Rothschild. Cowen
and Greenberg are doing the splendid work I expected of them.
Cowen’s dialogue report about Greenberg’s conversation with
Ascher, Rothschild’s private secretary, is a masterpiece. Ascher
asked why I didn’t write Rothschild and request a conference.
Greenberg brushed this off ironically: I would never do such a
thing. Whereupon Ascher suggested a meeting at some third
place, possibly at Seligmann’s.— Va bene [That’s all right].
* * *
Yesterday’s telegram to Kann (Dec. 2):

Kann, Villa Anna, Scheveningen.
Baldov brought me favorable news from Cohnheim. Halewi
(loan) will be made on basis of control of all Zolent (customs
revenues). Expecting Cohn’s invitation to go there any day. But
Halewi must be taken care of in all secrecy. First payment middle
December. Are you ready? Wire reply. Benjamin.
# * *
To which this reply came today:

Confirming letter of my firm. Leaving here tomorrow morning,
arriving Berlin Wednesday evening. Kann.
December 3
This morning I wired Kann, The Hague:
In place of Halewi (loan) could you make short-term advance
same amount against note from Leier (Turk, govt.) guaranteed by
Zolent? Or could you at least advance two hundred middle
December for six months? Wire reply, Benjamin.
I am writing Vàmbéry that I shall call him to the telephone
at the National Casino tomorrow afternoon to give him the news
about Cohn. “Are you ready to go with me?”*
December 4
Nothing has come from Constantinople up to now; the telegram
announced by Crespi seems to have been flimflam, and his whole
coming here a little adventure. Perhaps he wanted to feel my
pulse first and only now will get to work.
At any rate, making his acquaintance wasn’t worth a thousand
francs.
Yesterday I saw him again at Dirsztay’s. He ran Nuri Bey down,
told all sorts of Levantine gossip about Constantinople, and
promised me that he would be my slave. I have seldom seen such
readiness to sell everything.
Incidentally, he also made suggestions that aren’t bad. E.g., that
I should have the English government give me an invitation to lead
the Jewish emigrants to the Transvaal. T hat would make a good
impression on the Sultan.
This very day I am writing in this vein to Cowen, saying that
Francis Montefiore should ask Mr. Barrington for such an invita
tion.
Yesterday too Crespi telegraphed to Constantinople, mais rien
n’est venu [but nothing came of it]. He explains this to me by
saying that the cabinet council might have been in favor of it at
their Sunday meeting, but might have been unable to persuade the
Sultan to send for me. For the Sultan was proud, did not want to
ask for any money, and told the ministers who complained about
empty coffers: “Look for it! What did I make you a minister for?
Just dig up the money any place you can.”
The Minister of Finance had complained to him, Crespi, that
there was only £10,000 in the treasury, and of this 150,000 was
supposed to be spent for the Ramadan, and a few weeks later an
other 130,000 for the Beiram (?) Plus debts, salaries of officials, etc.
This reminds me of the treasury of the Actions Committee.
Spicy detail: the local ambassador, Mahmud Nedim, is said to
have given Crespi the job of getting him his back pay for the past
twelve months. If they did not send him any money, he would
resign his office, “et il fera du chantage [and he would blackmail
them].”
December 4
In reply to my question about an advance Kann laconically
wires “No.”
December 6
Crespi appears to be a Levantine braggart, perhaps even a con
fidence man. Yesterday he called on me twice, together with
Dirsztay. He would like to have a lump sum for expenses and the
like; I flatly refused. First he should give some proof of what he
could do, I said, then he would get some money from me. For
nothing—nothing.
In the afternoon he and Dirsztay came to see me at the N. Fr. Pr.
and brought me a letter from Nuri. He writes that the Deutsche
Bank made an offer that was accepted, although it wants to under
take the loan at an allotment rate of 75 to 78%, as compared to the
90% offered by us.
In my presence Crespi drafted a telegram to the Grand Vizier
imploring him “dans l’intérêt du gouvernement et de Sa Majesté
[in the interest of the government and of His Majesty] ” not to sign,
because he had a better proposition to make.
Dirsztay told me quietly he would see to it that Crespi did not
swindle me with this telegram; it would have to be sent in his
presence.
In that case matters don’t stand badly, because the Sultan will
certainly read the telegram. He will see that a better offer has been
made.
However, if nothing should come of it after all, I can have
Vâmbéry draw the Sultan’s attention to the way he is being robbed,
and if anyone should approach me again, I can demand a reception
by the Sultan before definitely hiring someone. This way I shall
not need Kann or any other financier beforehand.
December 9
Yesterday I was at Pest to see Vâmbéry and to tell him the whole
story about Crespi.
On this occasion I learned that a group of German financiers or
entrepreneurs, headed by one H err Schôller of Berlin, had ad
dressed a request to Vâmbéry to procure for them the concession
for a German-Turkish bank from the Sultan. The proponents are
said to include the Duke of Ujest and other aristocratic gentle
men—also, from Vienna, Baron Oppenheimer and, strangely
enough, Consul-General Dirsztay too. This permits the surmise
that Crespi was called here more for this matter than for mine. Je
veillerai [I shall keep my eyes open].
Vâmbéry thinks we must not immediately make enemies of
those around the Sultan who are interested in the Deutsche Bank
loan and that we should not denounce the machinations. He wants
me to write him a presentable letter in French for the Sultan’s eye.
In agreeing on this we forgot that it was bound to strike the
Sultan as strange if I wrote to my compatriot Vâmbéry in French.
Therefore I am sending Vâmbéry two letters that can be shown
around: one intimate, genuine one which he can get into the
hands of the Sultan “by indiscretion.” This is the better way. The
second in French and written to be shown around.
II.*
Dear Master:
Knowing how deep an interest you have in things Turkish, I
think I should bring to your attention an incident that took place
recently. A businessman from Constantinople, Mr. Crespi, who
appears to have connections with the government of His Majesty
the Sultan and who had been introduced to me by the Consul-
General, M. de Dirsztay at Vienna, advised me that the Ottoman
government intended to borrow 700,000 Turkish pounds. I be
lieved that the time had come to prove to H.M.’s government that
in me they have a true friend who on every occasion is disposed to
render service to the monarch who has always treated his Jewish
subjects so well and who in his magnanimity and exalted foresight
could one day take the Jewish refugees into his Empire. It is
certain that they would bring to him, with limitless gratitude and
devotion, their industrial and financial power for the great benefit
of that splendid Turkey, so tolerant and hospitable.
As it is always necessary to take the opportunity of demonstrating
good will whenever it exists, I persuaded some financiers, friends
of mine, to offer me, on behalf of the Imperial government, a loan
on especially favorable terms. Indeed, while the Hungarian govern
ment was able to obtain a loan several weeks ago only at 8714%,
I got an offer for the Ottoman government of what it needed at
90%. That was no longer business; it was a favor to let H.M. see
who his real friends are, on whom he could always call in case of
need.
But how great was my astonishment when I learned that this
offer, transmitted by me to the Consul-General at Vienna and to
the intermediary whom I could only consider a semi-official agent,
had not been taken under consideration.
It seems improbable to me that the money could be found on
less onerous conditions. Through your connections at Constan
tinople you will be able to find out easily what the meaning of this
is.
Believe me, dear master,
Faithfully yours,
T h .H .
I. The intimate, presentable letter:

Dear Friend and Master:
I must inform you of a rather strange matter today. I do know
what a friend of the Turks you are and how you are particularly
devoted to the Sultan. Therefore it will interest you to know that
a very favorable offer which I had made in order to give the
Turkish government a first proof of my friendship has gone un
noticed. I had been informed that the government would have
use for about £700,000. I had to take the agent, Mr. Crespi of
Constantinople, seriously and regard him as at least a semi-official
agent, because he had been introduced to me by the local Turkish
Consul-General, von Dirsztay. Now I had my financier friends
make me a written proposal offering the Turkish government a
loan of £800,000 against sufficient security at an assignment rate
of 90%—thus £720,000 in cash. This is not good business for our
financiers, because a few weeks ago the Hungarian government
got an allotment rate of only 871^% in a loan. My friends and I
were simply interested in giving the Sultan a proof of our great
readiness to oblige. To my astonishment this offer was not taken
up further. I do not believe that anyone could make an offer nearly
as good, let alone a better one. You, dear friend, may be able to
find out what is the meaning of the whole thing.
T h .H .
December 11
Today I am writing to Cowen that I am ready to meet with
Lord Rothschild at Seligmann’s on the 28th of December.
December 11
In the evening the following wire came from Crespi*
Number 73 (Grand Vizier) will wire 919 (Berlin ambassador)
asking him for information about your financial capacity and
whether you are in a position to contract for the transaction. Do
whatever is necessary to make sure that the information will be
favorable to you. Wire will leave immediately after your tele
graphic reply.
Crespi
Since at the same time I had a telegram from Wolffsohn saying

that he would be in Berlin tomorrow, I wired him to expect my
telephone call tomorrow morning. Kann too will be in Berlin
tomorrow,
December 12
I am telegraphing Crespi:*
While knowing that it is important, 919 (Berlin ambassador)
cannot know where the necessary is coming from. I hold to my
offer completely. But as it is a special favor, the doctor insists par
ticularly on being called by 363. He will need 3 or 4 days grace to
make arrangements with his patients.
# « #
Then I telephoned Wolffsohn at the Savoy Hotel, Berlin. I told
him to take my Pkilosophische Erzahlungen [Philosophical Tales]
to Ambassador Ahmed Tewfik in a nice case and ask him whether
he knows why my proposition has not been accepted. He should
know that I am ready, even though he may not be able to say
where I have the money from. The Jewish Colonial Trust will also
participate in my group.
I also made Wolffsohn give me his word of honor that he would
not tell Kann anything about this visit.
* * *
December 13
Yesterday afternoon Wolffsohn telephoned me and said that he
had been to see Ambassador Ahmed Tewfik; he had received him
very amiably, but had not heard about anything at all yet.
* * *
Today I received the following wire from Crespi, dated yester

day:*
Doctor, they are pressing me for a quick favorable answer to my
telegram of the day before yesterday. Telegraph me immediately.
Crespi
# # #
I am answering it: *
Yesterday someone went to see 919, who had received nothing
from 73 and knew nothing. But what other answer do you want
than that all is ready on the stated conditions, which I repeat to you.
December 14
Yesterday there came a notification from the Pera telegraph
office (to Kokesch as the sender), saying that the code telegram to
Crespi had been officially intercepted. Therefore I immediately
wired Crespi:*
A code telegram in which I notified you that the money is still
at your disposal under the familiar conditions did not reach you.
# # #
An interesting letter came from Crespi yesterday—se non è veto

è ben trovato [if it is not true, it is well invented]—telling about
his discussions with the Grand Vizier and Tahsin Bey as well as
about the intrigues of the Ottoman Bank. The latter, however,
can lend only £100-150,000, while the government—according
to the Grand Vizier’s express declaration—is aux abois [in desper-
ate straits] and needs 2-3 million pounds. Accordingly, he says,
our prospects are favorable.
I don’t believe Levantines.
# # *
From Wolffsohn a report about his conversation with the ambas

sador at Berlin. Ahmed Tewfik told him amicably what he had
told me two years ago: that he would like to see us immigrate any
where in Turkey, but not to Palestine. My Jewish State, he said,
had struck fear into the Turkish government— quel honneur
[what an honor] 1—and they thought that once we were settled in
Palestine we would wrest the country away, as the Balkan states
did.
To which Wolffsohn made an excellent reply: If the Jews were
in the Balkan states, they would be Turkish to this day, for the
Balkan states were able to break away from Turkey only with the
aid of the Great Powers. We, however, have no other friends in
the world but the Turks.
December 14
Today Vâmbéry’s notification that my letter has gone off.
December 14
Telegram from Crespi:*
Urgent necessity to have telegram sent to Grand Vizier from
big French or German bank certifying that the seven hundred
thousand Turkish pounds have already been lent under conditions
I shall set.
* # *
This is evidently a trap, at the least a test. If I name Kann, or

rather, have him telegraph his willingness to the Grand Vizier, the
following eventualities are possible:
a) The banking house of Lissa & Kann will be regarded as
sufficiently "haut” [“big”], whereupon the Grand Vizier will show
the offer to the Deutsche Bank or the Ottoman Bank in order to
obtain a competitive offer.
b) Lissa & Kann will not be regarded as sufficiently important,
and the matter will be dropped, possibly at the same time using it
as under a).
c) In either case, Crespi, who has already betrayed Nuri to me,
can directly put himself at the disposal of Lissa & Kann and try to
carry the matter out as a commission deal, which would be much
easier to do without a Zionist flavor.
d) I am not sure enough of Kann, who has stabbed me in the
back on a previous occasion, to put him in touch with the Turkish
government. It is of no use to Zionism for his firm to get access to
Turkish business.
For these reasons I shall refrain from giving the desired name,
but after listening to my best advisers I shall do things as follows:
To begin with, I am telegraphing to Crespi: *
I have informed my friends of your request. T heir reply will
come tomorrow or the next day.
* * *
Tomorrow I shall telegraph the following:*
My friends do not deem it appropriate to reveal themselves in

the way you ask. First, because their conditions are not those of
business and represent a favor. Then, because they are afraid this
offer could only serve to elicit others. In which case we would be
doing a favor without any thanks for it.
But, since in your request there is also a question of previous
security, we are willing to yield, though it is a bit humiliating for
me.
The way this can be done is as follows. I am authorized to show
the gentleman with whom I talked on the telephone at Ladislas’s
the offer dated November sixteenth and addressed to me by the
financial representatives of the group.
December 15
Today a letter from Crespi, who claims that the Grand Vizier is
on our side. In the Cabinet Council the advance of the Ottoman
Bank was supposed to be discussed, but the Grand Vizier removed
this from the agenda. He wants to make an official inquiry about
me first—see telegrams. The Grand Vizier would like to conclude
a loan of two to three million pounds. Crespi advises us first to
frustrate all other financial arrangements for Turkey, then appear
as saviors. A major opponent of ours was “Commandant” Berger,
the director of the Dette Publique.
December 19
To Vâmbéry:
Kedves Vâmbéry bdcsi [Dear Uncle Vâmbéry] :

First of all, I am pleased that you approve of my actions. Of
course, I am not authorized to make incautious use of the offer
made to me on November 16. The banking firm that figures as the
underwriter is a distinguished old house, and I shall produce the
document only when things become serious, and not for any murky
maneuvers o f------------------- .
I received the enclosed letter today. Please send it back to me
immediately after you have used it. You yourself will know best
how you have to write to the Sadrazam. It would, of course, be well
to expedite the matter greatly, if only so that I may get a first op
portunity of doing something substantial for our friends.
I hope the journey in wintertime will not deter you. Just leave
it up to me to provide the greatest comfort. Perhaps your son will
give us the pleasure of coming along, too.
Scilicet [that is]—if we are called.
Your truly devoted
Dori.
The enclosure was Crespi’s letter which arrived today, dated

12/17, in which a letter from Vâmbéry to the Grand Vizier is re
quested.
Vâmbéry wrote me yesterday that he approved of my policy of
showing the offer only to him; my purpose in this is to keep him,
whom I trust, in the combination.
Wolffsohn wires me that the firm Lissa & Kann has been in
existence for 80-100 years and has been highly esteemed for three
generations. I needed all this to cover myself.
December 22
Vâmbéry wrote yesterday (end. r) that if it turned out to be a
deal, he wanted a commission of £5000 out of the 700,000. To this
I answered V. only briefly that he was very sensible and that I had
never had anything else in mind but to let him have an adequate
share.
But since he now seems to want a letter of commission, which I
don’t have yet before he writes to the Grand Vizier, I will make
shift without him for the time being and am now wiring Crespi:
Prof, a adressé la lettre au secrétaire [The professor has sent the
letter to the secretary].
* # *
December 23
I am replying today to Vâmbéry’s letter of December 20:
My good Vâmbéry bâcsi:
I am swamped with work on the last few days before Christmas,
and that is why I was only able to make a cursory acknowledgment
of your good letter of the 20th of the month. Now I have finished.
(By the way: read my story about old Rome in the Christmas sup
plement of the N. Fr. Pr., seeing that you have so much avuncular
indulgence for me—otherwise this would be immodesty on my
part).
I am now rereading your good, intelligent letter of the 20th. You
are right, every last word. I did not and do not have the slightest
desire to arrange this loan; I hardly need tell you this. Why should
I trouble myself over it, anyway?
There is nothing in it for me personally, and the cause whose
shammes [factotum] I am can only suffer a delay because of it. But
C. and his agents—he was recommended to me by responsible
people from Cohn’s staff—gave me to understand that it was an
entrée en matière [beginning of things]. They said that I must fur
nish a first proof that I was able to put hard cash on the table and
had not only phrases in my mouth, but—like the morning hour of
the Turkish Empire—gold.* Also, with a relatively small amount
only a slight delay could be involved. This I had to accept as true,
and I induced one of my most trusted assistants to procure the de
sired amount at once. But at the same time, considering that it
would be a business transaction, even though not a good one, I
stipulated honoraria for those of our helpers who are outside our
movement and thus have a legitimate claim to material gratitude
as well. With this, of course, I primarily had Vdmbéry bâcsi in
mind, and that is why in my answers to C. and his associates I kept
bringing you into the picture, because this also authorizes me vis-à-
vis my financiers to demand for you a share in the commission that
will be paid when the transaction is concluded. For this purpose an
amount of eight thousand pounds was readily placed at my dis
posal. Of this I promised C. £4000, and the remaining 4000 I in
tended for you—which does not mean that I wanted, God forbid,
to put you on the same level with C. I believe that the gentlemen,
• Translator's Note: An allusion to the proverb Morgenstunde hat Gold im Munde
(lit., "The morning hour has gold in its mouth"), the German version of "The
early bird catches the worm."
who are not cads and whom I have until now known only as per
sons of breeding, will add another £1000 at my request.
But do I really have to tell you that I know what is the proper
thing to do? From the very first you have behaved so cordially and
correctly toward me that I am actually looking for an opportunity
to give pleasure to you.
To be sure, our great purpose must not be lost sight of in such
side issues. I frankly confess to you that I would prefer it if our
friends did not earn these small commissions, because then they
would all the more assuredly and sooner earn the big ones which
will be realized from the Charter loan.
To this end we must work. I told you from the very beginning
that I regard you and your connections as a historic opportunity of
the Jewish people. Your whole fine, active, and courageous life
reaches full stature at this peak. Vâmbéry bdcsi, you are not here to
serve as an interpreter for some Shah of Persia. Your true mission
is to help your old people with its self-redemption. Let us not miss
one day or one hour. Let us not say yavash [take it easy]!, like the
Turks who are wrecked on it. And since according to C’s letter the
Sadrazam requests a letter from you, because without your letter
he evidently does not dare to talk to Cohn about the matter, for
goodness’ sake write him this letter today rather than tomorrow.
With cordial regards
Your truly devoted

Th. Herzl.
Letter to Wolffsohn:
December 25
My dear Daade:
I am more naive, after all, than I believed. The Halewi (loan)
matter suddenly bogged down and I didn’t know why. Some help
ers want to be on the safe side and to get matone (commission) let
ters from us. In particular there is someone who has the greatest
influence upon Cohn and whom we decidedly need. He must get a
larger amount than I thought. And since he must under no cir
cumstances be named and has to share in any future transactions of
Hagen and of the Trust, Hagen must write a matone letter for the
A.C., which assumes responsibility toward the man who wishes to
remain anonymous. And this matone is to be paid in addition to
the £4000, which you have already promised, for the one baldov
(agent) who contented himself with my verbal promise. The letter
is to read as follows:
To the Actions Committee of the Zionist Congress,
Attention: Dr. Th. H., Chairman.
I hereby pledge myself to pay to the honorable A.C. of the Z.C.
the amount of £10,000 on the day on which the loan transaction
with the Turkish government, initiated by Dr. H., is completed. 1
further pledge myself to pay to the A.C. of the Z.C. i/2% of the
nominal sum of any additional transaction which I or my firm may
conclude with the Turkish government directly or indirectly,
alone or in conjunction with others, on the day of the signing of the
contract. The A.C. of the Z.C. is under no obligation to give me an
accounting of how these payments are used.
Respectfully,
Jacobus Kann,
for the firm of L. &: K.
This request certainly does not mean any damage to Kann’s in
terests, for he will be able to write off this additional matone
against the transaction. It will then be an easy thing to obtain
correspondingly better conditions, because we shall have every
necessary assistance. Naturally, any obligation for him will arise
only if the thing materializes.
Arrange this with him quickly, so that I too can continue to
operate unhindered.
I surely don't need to tell you that, in the first place, the A.C.
uses everything that comes to it for the cause, and that, in the sec
ond place, I personally have nothing to do with the incoming and
outgoing monies, but that everything is taken care of by my
colleagues, under the control of all.
I congratulate you on your election to the Community, but I
am not pleased with it. This is a fresh distraction for you, and now
you may give even less attention to the Bank. I am convinced that
you have still made no arrangements whatever for the approaching
deadline for payments. In my opinion, everything ought to be
mobilized right now for the impending collection of final install
ments by registered postcard. In particular the thing ought to be
organized inexpensively, and the cards should be sent from London
at foreign-postage rates, but sent out in each country by the na
tional headquarters at domestic or local rates.
When will that be done?
Who is thinking of it?
No one, I fear.
For this reason a terrible displeasure at the management of the
Bank is growing among the masses of our adherents.
Your
Benjamin.
December 28
Yesterday, first victory over the Allianz.
In the informal conference the day before yesterday, the gentle
men, who had invited me through Assize-Court Councillor Kohn,
had declined a tribunal on their misdeeds in connection with the
Rumanian emigration, but had offered to give me and my friends
an accounting of everything and to show us all their books. I im
mediately accepted this, because I was anxious to see the books.
Yesterday evening we went there. They had hoped to put us off
with phrases and letters selected by them. But I had the matter in
hand and steered things to the books. Quel malheur [how unfor
tunate]! They couldn’t show us the books, because the bookkeeper,
an old man, had already gone home.
All right, show me the cash book. They showed it to me reluct
antly. Dr. Kuranda, who was standing behind me, wanted to leaf
through it quickly. However, I turned the pages slowly; I looked
for and found the questionable items: a subvention of 600 guilders
for Bloch and other uses of the donations which were contrary to
regulations.
Thereupon I formulated my questions as follows:
1. By what right did the Allianz restrict the personal freedom
of the emigrants and send them back to Rumania although they
did not want to go?
2. By what right were the contributions used for other things
than what the donors were told about in the appeal?
3. Where is the proof that the repatriates were granted adequate
support?
For in the meantime I had managed to get the old bookkeeper
brought back, as well as to have the books produced.
Messieurs Kuranda and Katzau had said that the old man prob
ably was still working on November in entering the Rumanian ac
count. No, he was à jour [up to date]. The payment to Bloch was
already entered in the Rumanian account. At this I remarked:
“The minutes of the Allianz ought to record thanks to the old
bookkeeper for having entered everything so promptly.”
Ces messieurs ont passé un mauvais quart d’heure [those gentle
men spent a bad quarter of an hour].
And now they are mine. The investigation was suspended for the
time being, and I shall probably not continue it. I have already got
all the material I need.
• * *
Vâmbéry has written to the Grand Vizier and, “confiding in my

honesty,” given the financiers his unconditional endorsement.
Thereupon I am writing him:
My good Vâmbéry bdcsi:
It was no leap in the dark.* With me everything, not just this or
that, is a matter of honor, and if I tell you something, you can swear
to it in kittel and talles [by all that is holy]. I am now enclosing for
you the original letter from the bankers, because you believed me,
and ask you to return this important document to me immediately
after you have examined it.
It is one of the oldest and finest Dutch banking houses, in busi
ness for about eighty years. The present head is the third genera
tion, very rich and highly esteemed in government circles, some
thing that I personally assured myself of at The Hague.
The matter was negotiated by the president of the Jewish Colo
nial Trust (Colonial Bank), one of my most trusted and most de
voted assistants. We chose this Dutch house for this campaign be
cause it is the most suitable for the purpose at hand. For the Charter
loan, to be sure, it would be out of the question. For this I have
another group which has several millions pound sterling in readi
ness. I wish we had got far enough with Cohn for me to furnish you
with proof of this as well.
Today the Politische Korrespondenz issued the enclosed an
nouncement. Kindly return the clipping to me. I not only consider
this as not a bad sign, but as a good one. The whore wants to raise
her price, so she says that she can’t be had. A m i right?*
I don’t need to tell you that you are to keep the name of the
banker a strict secret. This banker, of course, is a “gentleman,” but
the circle around Cohn could approach him directly. Then you
would have pulled the chestnuts out of the fire for other people.
For this my bdcsi is too smart. The greatest hokhme is that you
understand me, trust me, and go along with me.
Your devoted
Dori.
December 28
To Crespi I telegraphed the following mots convenus [code
words] regarding the dispatch of Vàmbéry’s letter to the Grand
Vizier:
Objet parti avanthier [object sent off day before yesterday].
9In English in the original.
December 31
Two days ago Councillor of State von Bloch called on me. We
spoke about war and peace. While we talked it occurred to me to
mention Austin, Salisbury’s friend, as the possible peace negotia
tor. Austin had recently written me to be sure to remember his
words: if England shows strength in the Transvaal, no one will at
tack her. Bloch now wanted to tell the English through the Neue
Freie Presse that they ought to submit their dispute with the Boers
to arbitration. I pointed out to him that this was a wild-goose chase.
However, England might let the peace proposals of a private indi
vidual be discussed more readily than those of a Power. I now of
fered to write to Alfred Austin that Bloch was prepared to launch
in the Neue Freie Presse, and seemingly under his own name, those
proposals that were agreeable to the English government.
Bloch agreed with pleasure to this idea which promises him le
beau rôle [the starring role].
* * *
Under the date of December 29th Vàmbéry writes a letter im

portant to me because he says in it that in the farewell audience he
granted him the Sultan had expressed himself to him quite differ
ently from what the notice of the Politische Korrespondenz says:
“He doesn’t give a hoot; all he wants is money and power.”
# # #
Letter to Vàmbéry.
December 31,1900
My good Vàmbéry bâcsi:
Thank you for your good letter, and cordial wishes for the New
Year! May this year see something great for mankind, particularly
for our people, issue from our friendship.
I can’t get that item in the Politische Korrespondenz out of my
mind, if only because it is getting into every newspaper in the
world. It has been telegraphed everywhere. Although this hasn’t
seriously worried me, I still can’t conceal from myself the effect on
public opinion. Therefore, since my last letter to you the decision
has matured in me to strike a major blow, based on this semi-official
notice. Flectere si nequeo superos Acheronta movebo. [If I cannot
bend the powers above, I will move the lower world]. In the middle
of January I shall start on a tour of my financier friends and induce
them to cut the Turkish government off from all financial sources.
That will perhaps show them that your Dori is no quantité néglige
able [negligible quantity]. However, as a real Jew I wish to offer
one last opportunity for an amicable settlement. What I have in
mind is that you immediately direct to Cohn a friendly warning in
something like the following vein, though in your own words
which will be more clever and more Turkish than mine:
Dear Cohn, because of my intimate relationship with Dori I can
today give you some information from which you can derive bene
fit, that is, avoid harm. For years Dori and his friends have done you
favors, or offered them to you. When the Greek war broke out, Dori
sent five physicians to your theatre of war at his own expense. On
various occasions he had your praises sung in his newspapers, de
fended you and propagandized for you. The first thing he did at
every Congress was to send you a telegram of homage. When he
heard that your government urgently needed money, he imme
diately offered about £700,000 on terms far more favorable than
the market ones. He never received a word of thanks. In fact, as a
response to his latest kindness, the offer of £700,000, he gets a slap
in the face from a semi-official news-agency. One of its releases says
that the Turkish government is prohibiting the Israelites from en
tering Palestine, because the Zionist movement wants to set up the
Kingdom of Judea. This is an absurdity. All the Zionists want to do
is to settle the country of Palestine, under your sovereignty, with
peaceful workmen who are too unhappy elsewhere. You and your
whole Empire would derive enormous benefits from this. But you
don’t want to? T hat’s all right, tool Nobody can or will force you to
be a friend to the Jews. But since the Jews have nothing to hope for
from you, you no longer have anything to expect from them either.
Dori has just informed me that in the middle of January he will
set out on a tour of his most powerful financier friends. He intends
to induce them to grant you no more loans when you most urgently
need them. Dori also writes me, among other things, that negotia
tions are now going on with the Canadian government (according
to a report from Pineles, Galatz) regarding immigration. This gov
ernment shows itself favorably disposed to the idea.
If you want to heed my advice, send for my friend Dori imme
diately, before he leaves and starts something that can make in
calculable trouble for you. Be pleasant to him, at least listen to
him—then you are still at liberty to say no to him if what he pre
sents does not suit you. But this way you will at least keep a friend
in him who can do you more good in the world of the press and of
finance than you seem to be aware of.
This is the loyal advice of your Reshid.
But don’t you believe, my good bdcsi, that this is only a trick. If I
have no invitation from Cohn by Jaunary 15, 1 shall carry out what
I have said above. This is my decision.
Your devoted
Dori.
1901
January 1, Vienna
My good Vdmbéry bdcsi:
Just one more word to supplement my yesterday’s letter. It

should be made clear that if you intervene now, aiming at prevent
ing my campaign planned for the middle of January, you will be
doing a service to the other side, i.e., Cohn. You must make him
understand this. Tell him you have learned of something that
makes one fear difficulties for him. And truly, you have never done
Cohn such a service as this one. For I have now made up my mind
and am ready*.
Your devoted
Dori.
January 1
Last night Hechler came to see me. I told him that I wished to
propose to Lord Salisbury through Austin that Bloch formulate
England’s peace conditions in the Neue Freie Presse. I want to per
form this service for England. Hechler asked me for permission to
notify Sir Francis Plunkett, the ambassador, of this, because in this
way the thing could be done more quickly.
I agreed all the more readily because I had intended to have him
propose this to me.
January 1
Yesterday I went to see David Gutmann and concluded the Al

lianz peace with him, under the condition that three Zionists be
coopted into the Allianz and one (Prof. Kellner) into the board of
trustees of the Hirsch Foundation.
Gutmann also promised that they would muzzle Bloch's Woch
enschrift, and told me that the firm of Gutmann Brothers had
given Bloch fifty thousand guilders for the defense of Rohling.
Jan. 3, Vienna
Today sent off the letter to Austin which Hechler wrote in Eng-
lish and in which I offer Bloch’s intervention in keeping with
whatever peace conditions England may desire.
# # #
My good Grand Duke replied by telegram to my wired New

Year’s wishes with his old cordiality.
Jan. 3
Yesterday I received a clipping from the anti-Semitic Berlin
Staatsbürgerzeitung, dated December 27, 1900, which reproduced
a yellow item from the dastardly news service Information of the
dastard Graf. The poisonous item accuses me of having boasted of
my relationship to Kaiser Wilhelm, etc., and is obviously intended
to have me semi-officially disavowed by Berlin.
I immediately telephoned Prince Eulenburg and said I would
like to speak with him; in the evening he received me, amiably as
always.
First we spoke about his and my literary attempts, then I read
him the clipping and left it with him. I informed him about the
scoundrel Graf and told him the blackmail story. What did I want
him to do, asked the ambassador.
“Simply to ignore this needling. The fellow wants to provoke a
disavowal of me on the part of the German government—to take
revenge or to get money. Now, I certainly have made no use of the
letters and statements of two years ago. Therefore it would be very
disagreeable to me to be disavowed—in the first place, because the
things are true, and in the second, because I haven’t said anything.
Rather, our good Mr. Hechler seems to have been too talkative. It
is the only fault of this thoroughly honest man. He probably talked
about letters from the Grand Duke to me announcing the assump
tion of the protectorate by the Kaiser. I myself haven’t told anyone
about this protectorate which was once planned. If they now saw
fit to disavow me, I wouldn’t know what I have done to deserve this
cold douche. Nor would people understand it if I kept silent about
it, because, after all, I am not dependent.” (The expression in his
eyes told me that he had understood this gentle hint).
I continued: ‘‘After what had gone before, the Kaiser’s reception
and declarations in Palestine did not meet my expectations. But I
understood at once that it couldn’t be helped, that insurmountable
obstacles had been encountered, and I said to myself: ‘Now you’ve
got to keep your mouth shutl' ”
Eulenburg rejoined:
“I can assure you that your behavior at that time and since then
has given us the highest opinion of your character. And I would
discuss everything with you with the greatest confidence and with
out any reserve. What the difficulty was at that time we have been
unable to find out to this day. The Sultan rejected the Kaiser’s
suggestion regarding the Zionists so brusquely that it was not possi
ble to pursue the matter further. We were anxious to remain on
good terms with him. As a guest the Kaiser could not of course
press the subject.”
I: "I presume that it was Russian influence—then as now. Per
haps we didn’t contrive things shrewdly enough at that time. Ger
many’s open support was bound to arouse jealousy on the part of
the others as well as the suspicion that it was a matter of occupying
Palestine under the guise of Zionism. If we repeat the attempt, it
ought to be managed in such a way that Germany gives its consent
to the arrangement only reluctantly. I have now shifted the center
of gravity to England. In the last parliamentary elections there we
picked up some forty supporters in the House of Commons.”
He said pensively: “You are quite right in not dropping your
project. This support in the English Parliament is very important.
Don’t get discouraged.”
“Yes, ‘we come from other times and hope to go on to different
ones,’ ” I quoted Grillparzer’s words.
“For us it is a delicate task,” remarked Eulenburg. “It is inherent
in our situation that we must strike a balance between England and
Russia. Today we incline the balance staff toward England, but it
will not always remain this way; the staff will have to be inclined
toward Russia again if we want to keep our equilibrium. And par
ticularly in Asia Minor, where Russia wants to expand too, we must
have no differences.”
I sensed that Russia’s expansion was something feared and im
mediately made use of this. I explained that Russia was behind
Turkey’s resistance, and that Russia was evidently making tache
d’huile [spreading out] in Asia Minor—until it would suddenly be
at the shores of the Mediterranean. Only then would Zionism be
lost. Only when Palestine belonged to the Russians would we have
no more chance of obtaining it. At this point he said: “What you
are telling me now interests me very much.”
I also mentioned that I had recently offered the Sultan £700,000
on favorable terms. He had not accepted the offer, evidently pre
vented by Russia. But I was determined to spoil his loans for him if
he absolutely refused to give me a hearing. However, if he sent for
me, I could make a great deal of money available to him.
We had talked for an hour and a quarter. I got up. He said he
hoped to see me at his dinner table soon. Et nous nous quittâmes
dans les meilleurs termes [and we parted on the best of terms].
January 4, Vienna
This has been a curious day today. But this evening I still don’t
know, and probably won’t know for a long time, whether it has
been a day sans conséquences [of no consequence] or one to be
marked in red later.
The day before yesterday I had received a card from Secretary
von Bleyleben, saying that the Prime Minister requested me to call
on him today. I took this as just an answer to my New Year’s visiting
card which I had left on the first, and gave the invitation no
further thought, because my previous visits to Koerber had never
amounted to more than dicerie [chats]. I was more concerned, as an
echo of the conversation with Eulenburg, with the following notice
in yesterday’s evening edition of the N. Fr. Pr.:
In an article in the United Services Magazine there is a peculiar

proposal, one hardly to be taken seriously, regarding an Anglo-
German exchange of territory. England is to exchange the island of
Cyprus, which has been under English administration since the
June agreement of 1878, for German East Africa, in order to safe
guard for England the strategic and commercial value of the Cape-
Cairo railroad which would otherwise in part run through foreign
territory and be dependent on a foreign power. According to the
article, Cyprus has always been of doubtful value to England, and
on the other hand, thinly populated, tropical East Africa is not
particularly valuable to Germany, while Cyprus would be an ex
cellent acquisition for her, as a base for her aspirations in the Near
East as well as a station on the long road to her possessions in the
Far East. If Germany ever got into the position of having to defend
her rights in Asia Minor by force of arms, Cyprus would constitute
a very valuable base of operations, and England would in no way
have anything to fear from Germany’s taking over this island. In
Germany, to be sure, there is a different opinion regarding the
value of German East Africa, despite the abandonment of Zanzibar
and Witu; therefore Berlin will probably attach only academic im
portance to the proposals of the above-mentioned English periodi
cal.
The comment that the proposal was not to be taken seriously

made me not entirely incredulous, for the judgments of the N . Fr.
Pt.—after all, I know its judges—are not always the wisest.
In the first excitement I wanted to write to Eulenburg and make
proposals in case it was true. Germany would then have to welcome
a Jewish settlement on Cyprus with delight.
We would rally on Cyprus and one day go over to Eretz Israel
and take it by force, as it was taken from us long ago.
But I slept on this all-too-lurid idea, and the night brought me
the decision that at this moment the wisest thing was to say noth
ing. Should Germany get Cyprus, I shall afterwards still have the
opportunity to attempt the matter via Eulenburg and the Grand
Duke. But if it stays with England, which is apparently tired of
ownership, the chances are even better, because I shall be able to
discuss it with Salisbury if my bons offices [good offices] in the
Transvaal question give me access to him. This means that if the
Sultan’s refusal assumes even more distinct form than in the notice
of the Politische Korrespondenz I would present a Cyprus project
to the next Congress for which I could obtain the support of the big
millionaires beforehand.
On my trip to Koerber in the morning I thought over this
Cyprus speech of mine for the 5th Congress. I would declare that
it was a combination of the currently bogged-down hopes for
Palestine with the indispensable campaign to aid our poorest.
Poor Trietsch’s idea, then, whom I also sent for mentally to put
him to work on the preparations. I would further declare to the
Fifth Congress that Cyprus was only a step on the way to Palestine.
That Turkey would then take us more seriously, etc. I could even
hear the opposition and agreement of the Congress.
Thus I arrived at the Wipplingerstrasse [and] simultaneously
[came up] against Austrian domestic politics.* Koerber tore me out
of my Oriental heaven with an amiable jolt.
The eventuality which I have long foreseen has come about: he
wants to or has to govern in opposition to the N . Fr. Pr. This is why
he had called me, as I immediately found out.
“It was no soap with Auer,” he told me after the first words of
greeting. “Did you find something, maybe?”
“I didn’t look, Your Excellency.”
“Anything to be done with the Neue Press? Is it to be had?”
“I think so, if matters are handled correctly. It is a question of
money.”
“The money is there,” he said plainly. “Money for a new, quality
paper, or for the Neue Freie Presse. There is a group.”
“Who?” I asked. And when he hesitated with his answer, I said:
“My word of honor that it will remain between us.”
Then he answered: “Schollerl”
That sufficed me. He now asked me whether I wished to speak
with Count Auersperg who was negotiating the matter. I said I was
willing. But when he mentioned that the “group” wanted to have
• Translator’s Note: Apparently a fragmentary sentence; completed according to
Herzl’s probable intention.
the Secretary of the Reichenberg Chamber of Commerce—Karus
or Karplus, I didn’t catch the name clearly—as the publisher, I ex
pressed a reservation, saying that a major journalist would hardly
consent to serve under such a chief. For the rest, I first wanted to
hear the details from Auersperg and then express myself at greater
length.
Then we spoke about the internal situation in Austria. He
claimed to be tired of being in office, although he certainly didn’t
give me that impression. He said in a somewhat nervous tone of
voice: “I'm just curious about my successor. I can’t wait to see if
he’ll do a better job, or what he’ll do. Who are they talking
about?”
“Lichtenstein or Schônbom,” I said.
“OrGautschl”
“But he would only have a ministry of officials all over again.
Then you might as well stay, Your Excellency.”
He spoke about the elections. “Nobody knows nothing certain.”
He had the least good to say about the German-Progressives. They
are the most troublesome. I believe he thinks so because they are
the weakest. He praised the Christian-Socialists, “because at least
they are willing to work.” With the Czechs, too, one could manage
somehow. These hints showed me in what direction he wants to
steer. Incidentally, he denied that he had made concessions to the
Czechs prior to the Prague Diet, as the German-Nationalists in
dignantly assert.
The reason that the work of the Prague Diet had run smoothly,
he said, was that he had previously sent for Governor Coudenhove
and given him instructions to dissolve it in case there were dis
turbances.
He also had the Oberstlandmarschall [provincial chief marshal]
notified of this, and thereupon the Czechs were well-behaved and
subdued. The “concession” was the threat of dissolution in the
event that the marriage of Archduke Franz Ferdinand or the Bo
hemian states’ rights were brought up in any way.
“What do you think of that, Dr. Herzl?”
“I think that you have done some governing.”
I also admitted to him that contrary to my previous opinion he
had been right in not “running” the elections.
“That can’t be done the way it is elsewhere,” he said. “In Hun
gary the government can make a unified party for itself. Here we
have to go along with a different party in each crownland. So it’s
better not to interfere in the first place, otherwise you have them
all against you. Yet I’ve done a thing or two on the quiet, for in
stance in Krain.”
He still has the Emperor’s confidence, as he told me in reply to
my question; but his answer no longer sounded as positive as it had
last summer.
Then he dismissed me. When I was at the door, he saw me out
and said to the doorman: “Call Count Auersperg.”
So, vederemo [we shall see] !
January 7, Vienna
This morning I am to go to see Ministerialrat Count Auersperg.
What will come of it? This question has been agitating me mightily
for the past two days. It can just as easily lead to nothing, to a diceria
[chat], as to a great deal, to everything.
I am now reciting to myself my old saying: Rien ri arrive, ni
comme on le craint, ni comme on l’espère [Nothing happens either
as one fears or as one hopes].
# • #
The same must apply to Constantinople as well. Vàmbéry writes
me under the date of January 4 that he had repeated my last letter
to the Sultan in detail. However, Vàmbéry does not expect much
from it.
* * *
Cowen reports from London that the meeting with the Roths
childs is to be “managed” by Seligmann as soon as I get there. In
about two weeks I shall probably go to London where Wolffsohn is
calling me on account of the Bank. Regarding the Bank, regarding
the Rothschilds, too: rien n’arrive. . . .
January 8
Yesterday morning I went to see Minis terialrat Count Auers-
perg. A tall, slim gentleman of some forty years with an intelligent,
sometimes too intelligent, look in his eyes. A future minister, cela
se devine [this much may be guessed]. At first he tried to act re
served. I disarmed him by making the battement [gambit] of
frankness. I spoke without any reservation, whereupon he too
spoke freely. A “group of industrialists” wanted to give the money
for a new paper, or for the acquisition of “an old one.” This group
had turned to Koerber through him, Auersperg. Koerber had said
that he knew someone—myself—and so the ball had started rolling.
"The fundamental reason for this plan of the industrialists is the
impending commercial treaties. People don’t read about them in
the papers. That is why they want to create or acquire an organ for
informing the public.”
I believe, however, that the deepest reason is the creation or ac
quisition of a baronetcy for H err von Schôller. But that is none of
my business. Schôller’s money is as clean as money can be, and it is
all right for me to take it in order to start a decent newspaper, es
pecially since Auersperg kept emphasizing that only an independ
ent journal was to be created.
We agreed that I was to get details about a rendezvous with
Schôller in the course of the same day. I promised to be at home
from five o’clock on.
Then an incident intervened which made me rather nervous
yesterday afternoon. At noon there was a call from Prince Eulen-
burg to the office of the Welt saying that he wanted to speak with
me at six o’clock. I couldn’t say no because, after all, the meeting
between Auersperg and Schôller had not been definitely set for the
evening.
Accordingly I made rather complicated arrangements in case
something came from Auersperg during my absence from the
house, and at six o’clock I drove to Eulenburg.
He gave me some surprising information. He had made inquir
ies about the provenance of that scoundrel Graf and had learned
that this item was traceable “to a difference of opinion between Dr.
Herzl and the secretary Dr. Landau.”
I set him straight on the character of the fine S. R. Landau and
reassured him that nothing need be feared from “exposures” on
the part of this fellow, simply because I had never confided any
thing to him.
Anything he might know he could only have gleaned from our
good Hechler’s incautious chatter. Eulenburg said he planned to
send for Hechler and appeal to his conscience to keep silent.
He further said: “As I learned, the matter is not to stop with this
first article, but there are other articles by Landau to come.”
I shrugged my shoulders, because, after all, I am not afraid of this
pair of rascals, Graf-Landau.
Incidentally, Eulenburg told me he had reported to the Imperial
Chancellor on our first conversation about this matter in the spirit
desired by me.
Then we discussed literature again. He gave me a new book by
Frau von Gerstenbergk about Ottilie von Goethe.
When I got home, there still was nothing from Auersperg: not
until late in the evening did a pneumatic-tube letter come from
him, requesting me to visit him at ten o’clock today.
# # *
This night, too, brought me counsel.
It occurred to me 1) that the Landau-Graf coup was probably
not mounted against me at all, but against the German govern
ment. For the matter is disagreeable to it, not to me. Those charac
ters want to extort something from the German government.
Therefore I must call on Eulenburg this very day and warn him,
since he apparently has his information directly from Graf.
2) that Auersperg’s card might mean snow. For yesterday he said
he would see me at Schôller’s. Today he calls me to his office.
Does this mean letting me down easy?
In an hour I’ll know.
January 8, in the evening.

I have been to see Auersperg. He was in a Privy Councillor’s gala
uniform with very many decorations, and considerably more for
mal than yesterday. On account of the uniform, the decorations?
Or because in the meantime something unknown to me has hap
pened? Did hoar-frost fall during the night?*
He said the “group” wanted to get more detailed business infor
mation. The 700,000 guilders for the new paper didn’t frighten
them, they had been prepared for that. But the indefinite amount
for theiV. Fr. Pr. Why didn’t I say how much it cost. I said: I don’t
know. At the moment the N. Fr. Pr. is not for sale. A disposition to
sell would first have to be fostered by establishing a rival paper. The
gentlemen further wished to have the assurance of a ten-year aver
age profit as the basis for a 7-8% capitalization. I said I could not
hold out even the remotest prospect of this either, because I was
not acquainted with the intentions of the owners. However, I
thought that with a down-payment of seven hundred I could carry
out the transfer of the shares with full payment within two years. I
also said that I believed only in the possibility of a five-year average
as a basis for sale.
Auersperg took these statements down and promised to speak
with the group this very day. Then I might possibly be asked to
attend a conference.
At parting the Count was frostier than he had been yesterday. He
has a curious way of smiling. His smile is very friendly, and the
friendliness suddenly vanishes. Then he smiles again, and his face
stiffens without recognizable cause.
• Translator’s Note: Probably an allusion to Heine’s line: "Es fiel ein Reif in der
Friihlingsnacht.”
The impression today was rather disagreeable.* Are they letting
me down easy?
• * *
Afterwards I drove to Eulenburg’s, who received me immedi

ately although I had come mea sponte [of my own accord], which
filled the valetaille [underlings] in the magnificent vestibule with
reverent awe.
I gave him my impression of the Landau-Graf affair.
“ La nuit m’a porté conseil [the night has brought me counsel].
Those boys aren’t gunning for me, but for you, the German gov
ernment. After all, these disclosures about past relationships be
tween His Majesty and myself could not be disagreeable to me. On
the other hand, it could turn out to be bothersome to the German
government if the world found out that originally it had the inten
tion of proceeding in Palestine and then had to give it up on ac
count of unforeseen obstacles. Therefore I believe that it is the
tender beginnings of a chantage [blackmail] aimed at you. What
was written there is evidently based on schemes derived from Hech-
ler’s chatter. Those fellows want to exploit a presumed embarrass
ment of the German government, because they don’t know that
the Kaiser can implicitly rely on my silence.”
At my words there was a flash of summer lightning in Eulen
burg’s diplomat’s face.
When I remarked that as far as I was concerned the extortionary
intention would be clear if he had the news that further “expo
sures” were to come from Graf or his circle—he nodded and
thereby admitted that he had actually spoken with this shady char
acter.
Then he said: “Yes, I too had the feeling that something could
be fixed there with money. When the person involved made me the
disclosure, I naturally didn’t let him see any reaction. For it would
be sad if I didn’t have myself under control to that extent. I am
used to being faced suddenly with the strangest things. As far as the
matter itself is concerned, I have informed the Imperial Chancel-
lor of the exact contents of my conversation with you, and nothing
will be done that could lead to a discussion or dissemination of the
announcement issued by these two people. For the time being, I
think, we shall leave it at that. But should they nevertheless con
tinue things as they have announced, then I shall notify you and do
nothing without having discussed it with you first.”
I replied: “In that case it might be advisable for you to tell the
blackmailer that I am afraid of him. He should send me the galley
proofs of the next publication before it appears. Then I would call
those two characters to my place, let them commit the crime of ex
tortion, as the Chief of Police advised some time ago, and then have
them arrested.”
Then I mentioned in passing that Landau had also polemicized
against me in Harden’s Zukunft, and when I added that I had al
ways wondered how such a good judge of human nature as Bis
marck could have become so deeply involved with Harden, Eulen-
burgsaid:
“Hatred drove him to it. T hat was his most striking characteris
tic. His greatest passion was hate. A lot could be said about this,
and I in particular, who spent my entire youth in the circle around
Bismarck, could make the most remarkable disclosures about it.
But I shall be careful not to. The German people won’t have this
idealized figure touched. And anyone who would interfere there
would have everyone against him.
“It is true that he did a lot for us, but how many lives he de
stroyed as well! If he hated someone, he shrank from nothing. Then
he struck at his private life and ruined everything about the man.
The Princess also contributed a great deal to this. She was of an
inexhaustible eloquence, and if anyone had incurred her hatred,
she kept urging the Prince on until he too was quite possessed by it.
He always gave free rein to his hatred, and only when the State,
and thus Bismarck’s own existence, was involved, did he bridle this
passion of his.
“It also affected his decisions whether on a given day he had
eaten two pâtés de foie gras or only one, whether he had drunk a
whole bottle of cognac or only half a bottle. Both of them were kind
to me, and only when, after Bismarck’s dismissal, I went over to the
Kaiser were they against me too. It was this way: anyone who did
not follow them into moral exile, and physical exile as well, was
regarded as an enemy by them. As for me, I stood by the Kaiser.”
(Parbleu [Aha] I I secretly thought to myself.)
“And after he had been dismissed, he made use of anyone at all
as long as he could indulge his hatred for the Kaiser. It hasn’t even
become public knowledge who-all was allowed to come to see him.
As regards his behavior toward the Kaiser, history will presumably
pronounce the right judgment.”
While saying this Eulenburg gave me a deep look with his cold
and yet visionary eyes, as though he were giving me a commission
for history, since I was a man of letters. The Kaiser, he said, had al
ways acted chivalrously toward the dismissed Bismarck.
Bismarck, however, had missed no opportunity to embarrass
the Kaiser who, to be sure, was a very impulsive person and offered
such opportunities.
# * *
It is now seven o’clock and I still have no news from Auersperg.

I already saw myself at the head of a big paper on which I could
work for the greatest aims. Was I like the market woman with the
eggs who makes bigger and bigger plans for the future and, while
dreaming, slips and breaks all her eggs?
* * #
Did I make mistakes in my negotiations with Auersperg? Did I

dampen him, annoy him, make him suspicious? Presumably I shall
not recognize my faulty move in this chess game until later.
Or do they want to conduct the matter slowly, in order not to let
on that they are in a hurry? Will they have the data supplied by me
translated into action by someone else, a man more acceptable to
the group?
Waiting is a bad thing for the nerves.
* * #
A quarter past eight, the same day.

These three hours since my return home during which I have
been waiting for a message from Auersperg have once again dug at
my nerves. I am racking my brains where the mistake was. Was it
the battement [gambit] of frankness? Did I say too much, speak too
incautiously? On a toujours les qualités de ses défauts [one always
has the virtues of one’s defects]; this time it seems to have been the
reverse. To an Austrian Privy Councillor and aristocrat one
mustn’t open any wider perspectives; that disconcerts him and
makes him suspicious.
I now have the feeling that I didn’t make the right impression on
Auersperg. My feeling is similar to the one I had with Biilow long
ago, and I wasn’t mistaken that time either.
Perhaps my mistake was in telling him about the compensations
I rejected when Badeni made me an offer. Maybe he thinks that
this time I would accept the compensations. Perhaps he is fright
ened at the great advantage the proposition offers me. Maybe they
have another chief in petto [in prospect] and want to use the Jew
all right, but don’t want to give him a job.
On the other hand, the fact that the “group” wishes to stipulate
a two-year period for payment did appear to be on the level.
But not on the level that they should let me have 700,000 guild
ers when I said that I could manage with half a million.
* * *
I am making all sorts of conjectures.

Perhaps there is a wire-tap on the German Embassy, and it was
learned that I was called to it yesterday and from there made two
telephone calls to the Cottage section. Maybe they are taking me
for a German agent and harboring suspicion because of that.
# # *
At any rate, it is striking that now, at half-past eight, no word

has come from Auersperg as yet.
# # #
Among the eggs which may be broken by now there also was one
for my poor relatives. Yesterday I had told my parents my intention
of giving a monthly pension to each of my penniless relatives if my
situation improved.
Among them there also was an egg for Oskar Marmorek, whose
life is being embittered by his wealthy father-in-law because he
made a bad speculation with the unrentable house on the Prater-
strasse.
This is the house I wanted to rent from him for the newspaper
offices, although two days ago he acted badly and resigned his seat
on the A.C., because I didn’t push him onto the board of trustees of
the Hirsch Foundation, into the company of the rich Jews who are
supposed to impress his father-in-law and presumably get him con
struction jobs.
All the things that play a part and reverberate I
I wanted to forgive Oskar for this flaw in his character and
thought of Bacon's saying that riches is to virtue what the baggage
is to an army.
Hélas, tout est rompu, gendre [Alas, everything is ruined, son-in-
law].*
* # #
Half-past ten.
Nothing has come.
Since Auersperg promised to send a messenger, but didn’t even
send a card by pneumatic tube making an appointment for tomor
row, my blackest fears are justified. Goodbye, freedom! Goodbye,
independence!
I must continue to remain a slave of the Neue Freie Presse.
However, in the course of the evening I have calmed down.
Crespi’s letter which arrived yesterday and which I had only
glanced at in the tension of the last 24 hours contributed to this. He
sends me the draft of a proposal for a loan which I am to forward to
the Grand Vizier, which is to be followed immediately by my sum
mons to Constantinople, plus distinction honorifique [public
honor] and reception by the Sultan. So I have something else to
think over and sleep on.
'T ran slato r’s Note: A quotation from E. Labiche’s play Un chapeau de paille
d'Italie.
This is the good thing about having several irons in the fire of
one’s imagination. If one of them doesn't work out, one can at least
hope that another will.
However, as I write this I still have the hope deep down that my
pessimism is premature and that something will come of the paper
after all.
This, of course, would mean infinitely much: freedom! I now
feel like a Count of Monte Cristo who breaks out of prison, already
feels the air of freedom blow against him from the hole in the
wall—and then hits a rock that he cannot remove.
January 9
Until now, 10 o’clock in the morning, no news of any sort from
Auersperg. I consider the incident as closed, no matter what may
still happen. Shall therefore participate in the future discussions,
which will probably only smooth over the defection, with that re
serve which, imprudently enough, I failed to display from the very
beginning.
Wenn man alt wird wie eine Kuh,
Lernt man immer etzvas zu.
[If you live to be as old as a cow,
You keep learning something new.]
January 9
Answer to Crespi’s letter of December 28, his wire of January 2,
and his letter of January 4: *
January 10,1901
Dear Sir:
Please excuse my delay in answering your estimable letter of
January 4. 1 had to consult with my friends first.
We would like to believe that this time the matter is becoming
more serious, but we cannot completely forget how we have been
treated up to now. As you very well know, about the middle of the
month of November we placed ourselves—at your request—at the
disposal of the Imperial Government. I got my financier friends to
formulate the offer of a loan, and that offer, dated November i6,
had the costly effect of immobilizing the capital for more than a
month.
You cannot believe that serious people let such sums lie inactive
indefinitely. Thus the impression made upon them has been a
rather disagreeable one, and I have been reproached for my gulli
bility. What is more, the proposition is not so tempting in itself;
and if it were not linked with interest in other matters, the affair
would have been abandoned without the least regret with the
small loss of a month of waiting.
Even so, when you did me the honor of coming to Vienna to see
me, I persuaded my friends to prolong their offer on my account.
When you telegraphed me that it was necessary to prove the exist
ence of that offer, I was authorized to show it to a man honored by
the confidence of H.M. the Sultan. I showed it to the Prof., who
was able to certify the document. But neither my friends nor I want
to enter into competition with other groups.
Neither do we wish to let our proposal serve to provoke a compe
tition.
It would be said: "Here is what the Zionists are offering. Do bet
ter than they!” No, we will not lend ourselves to any such arrange
ment.
On the contrary, we would have two quite weighty reasons for
abandoning the matter completely.
1) The conditions which you set now are different from those
which served to open the subject. Your first proposal was six and a
half percent. Later you reduced it and offered only six. Always
keeping the greater end in view, I managed to get my friends to
accept this rate. Today it is a matter of only 5i/£%- As for the in
termediaries, at M. Dirsztay’s house I had promised you the sum of
one hundred thousand francs if the matter should be concluded
through your efforts. Today there appears a new demand, for 5%
of the loan. I can understand this only by supposing that the condi
tions will be bettered in a way still to be worked out in secret, for
you cannot believe that in a matter of this kind one will give 95%
of the capital. This, then, would be something to discuss, and it
does not seem to me impossible to satisfy everyone if my friends
and I are satisfied.
2) But here comes the real difficulty. What was my astonishment,
not to say my disappointment, when I read in the Politische Kor-
respondenz of December 27, 1900 a semi-official notice of the ut
most violence against the movement I represent. It was like a brick
falling on my head. What? Is this the reply to all the friendliness
which I have evidenced, to all the services rendered, or at least
offered, to these gentlemen of Constantinople over the last four
years?
What is the source of this dispatch date-lined Constantinople?
What is certain is that the news has been reprinted by a great num
ber of papers. The correspondent of the Daily Mail had confirma
tion of it at the Turkish Embassy in Vienna. Was it H. E. Mahmud
Nedim Bey? It doesn’t matter to me what the source is, since it
hasn’t been denied. And I am tired of being taken in. So much the
worse for Turkey if it doesn’t want us. But then why would we be
stupid enough to do favors?
But to come to offer services after this incident, before repara
tion of some sort or other had been made, would be not only stupid
ity, but also a stooping to which I would never consent even if our
financiers were willing.
I will sum up, and I return to our starting point. More than ever
it is indispensable that I be invited by H.M. to come to see him.
Only that gracious act can atone for the errors committed by
your officials. Then I will come and place my complete loyalty at
the foot of the throne.
I will bring with me or be followed by one or two of our finan
ciers who will handle the matter of the loan during my stay at
Constantinople.
This proposal ought to be enough. My word is as good as a finan
cier’s.
I am charged with interests and responsibilities that are impor
tant in a different way. Nevertheless I believed that my position
was sufficiently well known. But while repeating that I am still
available one last time, I assure you that if I am not summoned by
January 20, I will consider the whole matter irrevocably closed.
You may show this letter to H.H. the Grand Vizier, to whom I
beg you kindly to convey my respects.
Yours,
Th.H.
January 10, 10:30 in the morning

To this hour no news of any sort from Auersperg.
After twice twenty-four hours of silence such a matter must be
regarded as dead.
Now the unwelcome part of my saying applies: rien n’arrive—
comme on l’espère [nothing happens—as one hopes].
How far advanced in my dreams I already was, how high the
battlements of my castle in the air rose. It has collapsed.
* * *
I still don’t know where the mistake was. Did I display too much
intelligence and thus arouse mistrust? In conversation with Koer-
ber or with Auersperg? Did I betray too much self-will which
looked bothersome? Quien sabe [Who knows].
# * #
But I must pull myself together for new decisions. If I don’t hear
anything by Saturday, I shall request Koerber for an audience and
make another attempt to win him over again.
I shall tell him that I will always remain a Koerber man, even
after he is overthrown. It was my intention anyway to write him a
letter on the day of his overthrow—if only for the beau geste [fine
gesture]—pledging him my continuing devotion.
January 10
A case of the plague in Constantinople—which would not deter
me from going there tomorrow if the Sultan summoned me.
I am sending word to O. Marmorek to wire his brother Alex:
You ought to telegraph the Sultan, offering your services in

fighting the plague threat with serums.
Twelve o’clock.
Since I made the decision to see Koerber I have been calmer.
January 10
Letter to Wolffsohn:
My dear Daade:
This is an important letter. I beg you to get on the next train
with it and go to Hagen.
If he accepts the conditions he will find in the enclosed copies, I
hope that Halewi (the loan) will materialize.
But this still leaves the question of the assurance to the A.C.
which I requested in my letter to you dated 12/25. The answer
you gave me was unsatisfactory. At first I didn’t care about it, be
cause there was a pause in the negotiations, such as unfortunately
is part of these people’s system. It is their misfortune—and good
fortune. They are ruined by it—but ruined slowly.
However, I can be in an awful scrape if the thing materializes
and I don’t have a letter from Hagen in my hands. You see, I have
already made promises of commissions, and I would be held to
them. It would be sheer madness on my part if I did not cover
myself.
The letter to the A.C. must be sent to us verbatim and without
delay, otherwise I shall immediately cut the threads and tell all
those concerned that they won’t get anything.
After all, the letter contains no sort of obligation for K. if noth
ing comes of the matter. His refusal would therefore really give me
pause. I imagine, however, that in his ignorance of the character
of the place he erroneously assumed that the entire negotiations
weren’t to be taken seriously and that therefore he didn’t even
want to write a letter. But come to think of it, the tone in which he
speaks of the “great unknown” is actually insulting. Does he per
haps believe that this unknown is on the A.C.? He doesn’t seem to
know whom he is dealing with. After all, the receipts and expendi
tures of the A.C. as well as all the papers are subject to control.
Well, I won’t get excited. Your friend has simply been guilty of
folly once again.
Telegraph me at once when you are at Hagen’s whether he ac
cepts the formulated conditions and will write Kokesch the A.-C.
letter.
Cordially yours,
Benjamin.
January 1o, at night

At 6:45, when I was writing the letter to Wolffsohn, a letter from
Auersperg came at last. He asks me to come to his office at 10:30
tomorrow morning, so that we may go to the conference together.
My hopes were raised the way parched flowers are raised by a sud
den rain.
Again the fantasies moved past while I walked up and down in
my children’s room. The children were being bathed and put to
bed, as they are every evening.
They made their daily jokes, draped bedclothes around them
selves after they had been undressed, lustily sang their way into the
bathroom, danced into their beds, and said their evening prayers;
today I made them say a Hebrew prayer in addition to the German
one. And they had no idea that today their fate may be moving
past over their young heads. If tomorrow’s conference leads to
something serious, there will again be a great change in my life
and therefore also in the lives of my children.
Incidentally, the ups and downs of the last few days have made
me serious, humble, and taciturn. I plan to control myself greatly
tomorrow and, if possible, to make no mistake.
But there is something intoxicating about the idea of becoming
free, free from Benedikt’s orders and wishes.
Mais rien n’arrive ni comme on le craint, ni comme on l'espère
[But nothing happens either as one fears or as one hopes].
January 12
Yesterday was the day of the duel.
I showed up at Auersperg’s office a few minutes before the ap
pointed time. He told me that the “industrialist gentlemen” first
of all wanted more detailed information. Schôller didn’t want to
do it alone; Krupp had to be brought in, too. Later I was able to
see that the latter was the master mind of the combination.
“You will have to pass a commercial examination in front of the
gentlemen,” joked Auersperg, who had unbuttoned somewhat.
“Oooo, then I ’ll make out badly,” I said; “because I’m not a com
mercial man. Of course, I can give information on the technical
details.”
The day before I had paid a visit to the composing room of the
N. Fr. Pr. and therefore was au courant [up to date].
Then Auersperg was called to a Section Head, and for a quarter
of an hour I enjoyed the still life of an Austrian ministry office. The
gold-bricking that goes on in such an office is probably downright
grandiose. Through the thin wall I heard the conversation of the
scribbling clerks. Suddenly a grumbler was heard outside, invisible
to me. In the tone of a foppish man-about-town he beefed about
the impending transfer of his office to a new building, one pre
sumably still wet: “Why do we have to dooo it, huh? Catch
rheumatism there? Get sick for life? Why do we have to dooo it,
huh?”
Later he opened the door to the room where I was sitting and we
recognized each other. It was young von Fries whom I had once
met at Suttner’s house.
Then Auerspergcame back and we left. It is part of the situation
that I was embarrassed about being seen in the street with this
great lord.
We went to the new, magnificent Schôller house on the Wild-
bretmarkt and went up in the elevator. Schôller and Krupp were
already waiting in the conference room. T he former, tall, blond,
young—29 years old, as it turned out afterwards. The latter in his
forties, fresh, jolly, bold, good type of a business man. Kr. started
the discussion, described what the “group” wanted—a most decent
program which I can accept with a good conscience.
With the aid of figures I then sketched a picture of the new
paper, which seemed to please them.
“What is its name to be?” asked Kr.
I said slowly:
“I would call the new journal— Die Neue Zeitung [The New
Journal].”
At this they all grinned, and after all the facts and figures and
the good preparation with which I had preceded them they were
evidently won over. Reste la question délicate [There remains the
delicate question].
Raising the needed little million—7—800,000 guilders to start
with—seemed to worry Kr. less than it did Sch., who raised all sorts
of objections, maybe in order to appear quite conservative, but
perhaps also because he did not really appreciate the scope of the
whole thing. For the other possibility—acquisition of the N. Ft.
Pr.—another allotment, 4 to 5 millions, was made. But will it be
available? I would first have to resign, so as to be able to negotiate.
Thus I would have to be covered in advance against all eventuali
ties. Accordingly I requested a contract before I did anything. The
gentlemen asked me to draft it for them.
The conference had lasted for H/2 hours. I am convinced that I
made no mistake this time. If the project does not materialize, it
will have been through no fault of mine.
In the afternoon I drafted the letter of contract at the office of the
N. Fr. Pr. where I have suffered so much for five years and which I
may soon leave forever—alas! perhaps not.
(Enclosed in an envelope of the N. Fr. Pr.)
* * *
In his introductory remarks Krupp had said:

“We want neither an anti-Semitic paper nor (with emphasis) a
Jewish paper. T hat we are not Clericals is shown by the fact (with a
laughing glance at the Count) that we are Protestants.”
And this is the wondrous, amusing situation that in this declin
ing Austria the Protestant industrial forces, through the interven
tion of a Catholic Count in the government, negotiate with a Jew
for the purpose of creating an organ of public opinion. And what
is even more wondrous is that only this Jewish Jew is in a position
to create a clean, decent organ, and that he wants to do it, too.
* • «
Krupp further said quite openly, as truly intelligent people do

when talking with their intellectual equals:
“We industrialists need a paper to inform the public. We are
now without any journalistic representation. For instance, a Dan-
ube-Oder canal is a necessity. But the Neue Freie Presse doesn’t
want this to be talked about. It has probably received money for it
from Rothschild and the Nordbahn [Northern Railroad].”
And at this point the contrast was drawn with wonderful clarity
between the big bankers, who have been hostile toward me for
years because of my Zionism, and this group of industrialists, who
have sought me out.
But I certainly committed no act of cowardice, didn’t flatter
them with regard to Social Democracy, but said that I would never
use a rude capitalistic tone toward the workers. Rather, I would
try to conduct the discussion of social questions in a conciliatory
tone, with superior amiability, in order to enlighten the workers
about their true interests, which, after all, are closely related to the
prosperity of industry.
January 13
Yesterday morning I sent the letters to Auersperg and then again
waited a bit nervously to be summoned.
It got to be afternoon, nothing came. Finally, toward evening, a
letter from Auersperg. I was requested to appear tomorrow, Mon
day, at half-past eleven at the same place (Scholler's). Tomorrow,
then, is the day of destiny.
* * #
In the evening a letter came from Alfred Austin with the answer
to my proposal to have Councillor-of-State Bloch mediate between
England and the Transvaal.
England will hear nothing of mediation. She wants surrender,
pur et simple [pure and simple].
* * *
Afterwards I gave a rather absent-minded lecture in the Con

gress Office about women and Zionism.
January 14
I forgot to enter an important incident in Friday’s conference
with Krupp and Schôller.
When we were discussing the income of the newspaper, particu
larly the notorious “lump sums,’’ Krupp said with a meaningful
and watchful look: “With us, of course, there can be no question
of such income.”
Whereupon I countered, blow for blow:
“Otherwise I wouldn’t have any part in it.”
This gave all three of them a visible jolt, and I believe they knew
only from that point on whom they were dealing with.
January 14, 10 o’clock in the morning

And today is probably the day of destiny.
In another two hours I shall know where I am at. Whether my
life will really take a new turn, or whether I have to continue to be
stuck in my slavery under Benedikt.
Will they accept my conditions—or reject them? There is an
other possibility, which Schôller hinted at: postponement. This I
would have to take as a courteous backing out. Then they will per
haps have my program carried out by someone else.
However it may be, I am resolved to preserve an iron calm—
amiable in case of rejection and composed in case of an agreement.
After all, I am not le premier venu [just anybody] and must not
show myself disappointed or exultant, like some clerk to whom the
great prize of a managership beckons, or who unexpectedy becomes
boss.
What I would deserve is a bigger position than I now have. If I
don’t achieve it, I shall simply remain au dessus de mon sort [above
my lot], which is something to be proud of, too.
January 14, 2:30 in the afternoon

After my return.
Letter to Koerber:
Your Excellency:
May I request Your Excellency, at the suggestion of Count
Auersperg, to be kind enough to receive me today on a very press
ing matter. I can come to Herrengasse. However, the way matters
stand at the moment and in the interest of the success of the next
steps, it would be better if I were not seen there today. Therefore,
if at all possible, I should like to request that I be told to come to
Rathausstrasse. I am ready to come at any time.
The bearer of this note is waiting for a reply.
With deep respect,
Your Excellency’s very obedient servant

T h .H .
January 14,5 o’clock in the afternoon

At half-past eleven I was on the Wildbretmarkt. Auersperg was
already at Scholler’s.
On the conference table were several folded papers with print
showing through.
I said to myself: the contract I
It wasn’t that, however, but only a counter-draft.
Young Schôller, whom I liked much better today and who vir
tually gave me the impression of being an intellect, started right in
to go through the individual items of my tabulation, though with
out the slightest expert knowledge.
Then came Krupp who had something like a winter wind about
him today. He was in an angry mood, as became apparent later dur
ing the brawl over my percentage.
On the whole they had accepted my draft. They had no objec
tion to the salary of 24,000 guilders. But the percentage was to run
only for the length of the contract, which was to be limited to five
years.
Now there was a lengthy discussion of these controversial points,
frequently in a rather blunt commercial tone. After much back-
and-forth, they finally conceded me, in lieu of a percentage, shares
worth 100,000 guilders on the new paper, and 200,000 guilders in
case the N. Fr. Pr. was acquired. The latter only after a sharp inci
dent. When I asked for an amount in shares that would correspond
to a yearly net profit of 20,000 guilders, Krupp jumped up indig
nantly:
“Why, then you would make a tremendous profit. About half a
million out of the purchase price of four millions. We can’t go to
our friends with this.”
And Schôller added:
"Well, what are they going to say then? They are going to ask:
‘Who is that man, anyway? Is he made of gold?’ ”
I explained that in the interest of my children for whom I was
working I must provide for the future. A man does a thing like this
only once in a lifetime; if he does it, it must be successful; if it is, he
must get something out of it.
We finally agreed on the amounts of the compensation (50,000
guilders) in case of an earlier dissolution of the contract through
their giving notice, etc.
I flatly rejected the stipulation that the Executive Committee
should have the direction of the paper, for then I would have no
more authority in the office. On the other hand, I accepted Auers-
perg’s compromise proposal that the Executive Committee should
have the “supervision.”
However, even after this “agreement” the matter was not, and is
not, concluded. To be sure, at my insistence Krupp finally declared
somewhat testily that he had no further objections. But Schôller
again was the more cautious one, pulled back at the last moment,
and said: “We’ll sleep on that once more.”
Now there is one final interval ’twixt the cup and the lip. What
can come between them now?
Despite everything, the irritability of the gentlemen is not a bad
sign. For if they weren’t serious about things, they wouldn’t need
to be so angry.
Incidentally, I gathered from mysterious remarks about a joint
visit they planned to make tomorrow morning that they would go
toseeKoerber.
This was confirmed by Auersperg who accompanied me out to
the ante-room after I had taken my leave. They would be received
by Koerber tomorrow and therefore I should go to Koerber before
that, this very day. Auersperg seems to have faith that the thing will
materialize.
Then I drove to the office which my master Benedikt had already
left. I afterwards hurried to my parents with whom I had a late
luncheon, because this bellicose conference had lasted till two
o’clock.
Once home, I wrote the above letter to Koerber, and now I am
waiting for an answer.
January 15
Koerber sent me word by my gardener that he expected me at
seven o’clock at his private residence.
At seven on the dot I was there. In front of the house I saw a
young guard who took a remarkably close look at the number of
my cab.
On the staircase I passed an elderly gentleman who was walking
with deliberate slowness and evidently wanted to see at any cost
where I was going.
I would have preferred not to be seen, and I felt a little like
Marianne in the first act of Gretel.
Maison bourgeoise [middle-class house], the residence of the
Prime Minister which he probably does not leave out of supersti
tion, because a civil-service minister never knows how long it will
last. “Pourvu que ça doure [Provided it lasts] 1” said Napoleon’s
mother.
K., an old bachelor, also lives alone with his old mother.
The maid was already expecting me and immediately took me
to his rather elegant study by the back way, through his bedroom,
where a used shirt and laid-out clothes as well as a large oil painting
of a nude attracted my attention.
Right after that Koerber came out in loose-fitting house clothes,
in a woolen undershirt and slippers. Through the crack in the door
I had seen his old mother sitting at the supper table.
In a few words I reported to him about my negotiations.
He asked whether I had been good and careful and implicated
him in no way.
On this point I could completely reassure him. He particularly
didn’t want people to find out that Krupp was in on it.
“You know—on account of his episode with the Reichswehr."
This, too, fully agreed with my own wishes.
I observed: “But it appears to me that the gentlemen are very
little informed. They negotiate with me as if I were the manager of
a factory. They don’t seem to have any understanding of the politi
cal significance of the whole thing.”
“Never you mind. T hat’s awright. . . . but d’you think you’re
gonna get the Neue Press’? I don’t think he’s gonna let you have it.”
I told him that I considered it possible. The danger of losing
money, I said, was so important that Benedikt might give way.
“It sure would be a relief!” he muttered. “Why, he spoils every
thing with his stirring up things and his spitefulness. Even Lueger
would keep quiet if the Neue Press’ didn’t keep startin’ things.
He’d even take on Jewish teachers if it depended on that. But no!
they keep stirrin’ him up. Look, it’s all right to write about any
thing. There was a satirical poem about me in the Wage. That
didn’t bother me a bit. But that certain odious tone of Benedikt’s,
that does an awful lot o’ harm. People abroad pay attention only to
the Neue Press? . . . It would be a terrific relief if only that
stopped.”
In the same murmuring tone I held out hope to him that I might
be able to carry the thing through if only arrangements were com
pleted quickly. If they gave me the contract today, I would imme
diately speak with Bâcher, who plans to leave for the Riviera to
morrow, and conduct the negotiations with the greatest vigor.
He said: “Schôller’s cornin’ to see me tomorrer at ten. I’m gonna
talk to him.”
I left. He again led me out through the bedroom, always moving
in a way that was intended to keep me from seeing the toilet articles
and the picture of the nude woman.
He accompanied me as far as the hall door.
When I was closing the hall door behind me, a gentleman was
just coming up the stairs again. It was an elderly man with a grey
moustache and blue eyes which he opened wide. He seemed to
know me, and his eyes seemed to say: “Oh? So that’s where you’ve
been. What was your business there?”
So, on leaving, Marianne’s situation again.
January 15
Is this the day of my liberation?
Will a slave who slept badly last night go to bed emancipated to
night?
January 15,7:15 in the evening

Letter to Koerber:
Your Excellency:
I beg to inform Your Excellency that unless I am mistaken the
whole thing has come to a negative conclusion. I have just had a
conversation with the gentleman who was received this morning,
and have the impression that he has abandoned the plan and is only
looking for a polite way out. What has happened between yesterday
and today I do not know. Naturally I shall facilitate the gentlemen’s
withdrawal in every way. I do not need to assure Your Excellency
of my absolute discretion, and remain, with deep respect,
T h .H .
January 16
Letter to Richard von Schôller:
My Dear Sir:
Since we are not likely to meet again in the near future, I should
like—more out of a passion for logic—to come back to two of the
remarks you made yesterday.
First of all, you said that the attitude of your lesser colleagues in
the last elections militated against the project. No, it speaks in its
favor. You are surprised at not having produced a long-range ef
fect. A comparison will explain this most succinctly.
You possess power, that is certain. (This is why I took the matter
seriously). But you could just as well put wires under a waterfall; at
their other end no effect would still be produced, even if it were
Niagara Falls. To make the power transmissible, you must first
convert it into electricity, and this is done by means of a dynamo.
But such a machine must be constructed correctly and must work,
otherwise it too is only junk. Once the installation is successful,
you produce a long-range effect and propel wheels.
The other matter was everybody’s consent, which you said must
come first. In my modest opinion, this can never be attained in a
large group. If it is achieved par impossible [in the face of its im
possibility], it is no gain. For then there appear all sorts of wind
bags, know-it-alls, and busybodies who frustrate sensible, purpose
ful work. You can’t get many heads under one hat. If you ask them
first, the result is only talk, perhaps a brawl, and the hat is more
likely to be tom to pieces than to be put on. T hat is why the guid
ing intellects must simply put on the hat and lead the way, then the
others will tag along with admiration and devotion. Do they ad
mire the intellect? I cannot esteem the masses that highly. Rather,
I believe that they admire the hat and the courage it took to put it
on. This is the way things really are in the world. I have seen many
kinds of individuals and of corporate bodies and have never found
anything else. The big committees are just as rotten as the re
publics.
If I understood Mr. Kr. correctly, he shares this view.
Very sincerely and respectfully yours,

T h .H .
January 16
Only now do I have a chance to enter the events of yesterday, a
day that means a lost battle.
Nothing was to be expected in the morning. As usual I went to
the office of Die Welt, to my parents, and then to the Neue Freie
Presse. Cordial conversation with Benedikt about the elections of
two days ago, which he considers a victory, etc.
But from 2:30 on I started to get nervous. I diverted myself by
taking care of the material that had come in for me. Was it my last
batch? Would I leave this last room with one window to become
emancipated?
Since becoming literary editor of the N. Fr. Pr. I had many
thousands of times enclosed with rejected material the same letter
expressing keen regret. Only a few weeks ago it had occurred to me
that I could have the four main forms of these letters of rejection
mimeographed. I discussed this with the stock-room manager and
ordered the letters—and yesterday, of all days, they were delivered,
with my handwriting reproduced a hundred times. I gazed at these
piles with hope and with regret, because they had come only now
when they were superfluous. I immediately used these letters for
some twenty mailings on which I only had to write the addresses.
Meanwhile it had grown late. A call from Sch. was supposed to
come by four o’clock. Half-past three, a quarter to four—nothing.
I cheated my anticipation by working. A few times I was called to
the telephone—trifling annoyances. Then, at ten minutes past
four, a letter came. The agreed-upon letter without signature. I
was to come between four and six. I began to get a little feverish,
but I did complete my work first. Come to think of it, “between
four and six" was strange, if all the gentlemen were to be there.
Would they wait for me? I was in low spirits, to be sure, but did in
dulge in the possibility that an agreement was impending.
I had to wait for a few minutes in the reception room. There
were no drafts on the table. Then Sch. came out and immediately
informed me that the situation was “not favorable.” I instantly had
my complete composure and self-control. Rebus in arduis [in ad
verse circumstances] I always manage to keep my equilibrium. I
listened to his remarks very amiably, the upshot of which was that
I was to bring an offer for the purchase of the Neue Frété Presse and
that they would then see how the necessary funds could be raised.
This I declined to do. He then talked back and forth about a num
ber of other things which I tried to argue down even-temperedly.
The most important things are mentioned in my letter above: he
thought that the industrialists’ refusal to fall in line with his sug
gestions boded no good for the new paper.
Only now did I begin to have a more discriminating view of this
young man. There is a great deal of intelligence in his ponderous
ness. He is like an elephant. He will yet play a big role in Austria.
He evidently wants to be in the Reichsrat. He will become a Minis
ter, perhaps the head of a government.
Only in the end, when I was already taking my leave, did he get
to the financial question: “You are asking such a loti Two to three
hundred thousand guilders.”
“You will get plenty of people who will do it more cheaply,” I
said with a shrug and bade him a friendly good-bye. He said he
would let me hear from him again in a few days. I replied that I
would probably go to Paris at the beginning of February. He
smiled, apparently taking it for another pressure manoeuvre, like
my mention of Bacher’s departure, although the latter actually did
leave last night.
As for me, without getting excited about it further, I think the
whole thing has broken down. When I got home I immediately
wrote and sent off the letter to Koerber.
But I again slept rather badly in my chains. Had I let my libera
tion slip away?
Yesterday evening I had agreed with my parents that I would
write Auersperg today and ask that my original draft of a contract
be returned to me. I slept on it and changed my mind. I mustn’t
cut the line so sharply. I must continue to carry on negotiations,
even though I no longer expect anything. There may still be turn
ing points. I can still have a saving idea. Maybe Koerber will save
the situation by his intervention. Perhaps I shall find an honorable
way of moderating my demands.
In short, I didn’t write to Auersperg, but to Schôller.
January 17
Calm, but not the halcyon kind.
No reaction from either Koerber or Schôller so far.
The project really seems to have been abandoned. I am re
proaching myself greatly because of my excessive demands which
may have wrecked the plan. I would now be satisfied with much
less. I am softened up— et je suis rentré dans la domesticité [and I
am back in harness].
Yesterday afternoon Marmorek and I inspected his Nestroy-Hof.
The house would make a wonderful building for a newspaper
office. While I was taking the negotiations seriously, I didn’t dare
to inspect the house out of superstition. Now I no longer cared. At
some later date, when the matter is definitely over, I shall tell
Marmorek what I had in mind with him.
Again I slept miserably. In the dark morning hours, when
my brain works best, it occurred to me that I can use this build
ing to resume negotiations. At the same time, as a test of the
seriousness of their present intentions. If I haven’t heard any
thing by Monday, I shall then telephone Schôller, tell him that
I have discovered a splendidly suited house which could be had
for 5000 less than we tentatively budgeted, and ask him whether
I should get a few days’ option from the owner.
I had also figured out what I would tell them about Zionism
which would have to come up in some fashion, because they must
have informed themselves about me.
I intended to say: “Zionism is the Danube-Oder canal of the
Jewish Question, which Benedikt also kept silent about because
of the rich Jews. It is a big thing, a world-historic solution to
which I have even persuaded the German Kaiser. And Benedikt
kept silent about it. And yet, if you don’t want me to, I would not
even report Zionism in the objective form in which the Kôlnische
Zeitung and the Times or Temps have done it. My friends could
not even hold it against me, for this would show them once again
that my livelihood is independent of Zionism; that I do make
sacrifices for it, but derive no profit from it. It is true that I
could have the movement pay me a big salary, as has been offered
me. I could also become the manager of the Bank which I have
established. But I don’t want to. I earn my living only with my
pen.”
But at the same time I think to myself that through the great
connections that I would then have I could be of infinitely
greater service to Zionism than through a few partisan articles.
* * #
For consolation I tell myself, finally, that if Messieurs Sch.

and K. rejected my demands which aimed at safeguarding my
future—their ulterior motive might have been to exploit me,
to have me set up the machinery for them, and then push me
out.
January 17
Letter to Vâmbéry:
The deadline has expired, and the project of the £800,000 loan
is finished. The firm of Lissa & Kann withdraws from the trans
action, and this also cancels all promises of commission which it
has made. Misled by C. and his associates in Constantinople, I
have disgraced myself a bit in front of these financiers. The
agents down there are really not to be taken seriously. Imagine,
at the eleventh hour they put in a claim with me for much
higher baksheesh than was originally agreed upon. Naturally this
was the last straw.
However, in this matter, which fortunately constituted only
an incident sans conséquence [incident with no consequences],
I must be covered completely and in every direction. Of course,
I don’t want to be the dupe of the financers either, nor to have
my dear Schlesinger-hocst taken in. I hope you haven’t mentioned
the name of the firm to anyone, for otherwise it would be possible
that it will be approached directly now or later. But should you
have been incautious enough despite my warning, I beg you
immediately to inform the same man to whom you mentioned
the firm that it pays no commissions. Caution urges me to notify
you of this, and I beg you to confirm receipt of this cancellation.
You probably remember my having written you that, prudently
enough, the firm of L. & K. had been brought in by the president
of the Colonial Trust only for the single and specific purpose of
this small loan.
Our great project would of course be managed by a different
and larger financial power. But I believe that we will first have to
give Cohn trouble in order to make him amenable.
My departure has been delayed by my indisposition during the
last few days. Before starting out I want to be quite fit again, and
this will probably be the case in eight or ten days.
Your loyal
Dori.
January 18
Sleepless nights.
If I think of freedom, which seemed so close, at night, it costs
me my sleep.*
This morning, however, I received a letter from Auersperg:
why didn’t I call on him “sometime.” But so as not to appear over
anxious, I am answering him that I have no time before Mon
day the 2 ist and will come then.
* * *
Meanwhile I want to write a political feuilleton for my duelling

opponents sans en avoir Vair [without making it look like one].
As a thread on which to string my glass beads I chose the sub
ject of the population question. Benedikt, whom I informed of
this yesterday, couldn’t see that as material for a feuilleton. But
I stuck to it. Thereupon he himself supplied me with material on
political economics, a book by Molinari, etc. Comedy hasn’t dis
appeared yet.
• Translator's Note: A paraphrase of a line from Heine's poem Nachtgedanken
(4iDenk* ich an Deutschland in der Nacht/So bin ich um den Schlaf gebracht").
January si
Yesterday evening I played cards with my wife’s relatives. I
wanted to keep on playing and then sleep through the abbreviated
night, so that I wouldn’t have such a muzzy head today as I did
after the previous sleepless nights.
But I lost a lot and was greatly put out. Now this shall be a
lesson to me to play cautiously in today’s conference and to lose
en beau joueur [be a good loser].
January 22
Yesterday evening I went to see Auersperg. He was very amiable;
I, reserved.
He said the Prime Minister had shown him my letter (that is
what I had written it for), but that it was by no means all over.
The industrialists only wanted to make the foundation secure.
I would probably be invited to a conference this very week.
I told him that I would like to attend this conference only on
condition that my emolument wasn’t discussed any more. I said I
didn’t like the idea of talking about my salary and my abilities
like a tutor or a female cook. The financial question had been
discussed sufficiently. Let the gentleman make a definite offer.
I would accept it or decline it, and come to the conference only
if I had accepted it.
For I am determined to accept any proposition whatever, be
cause the financial opportunity is not remotely so important to
me as the freedom, the fealty to the Emperor alone, which beck
ons to me in case an agreement is reached I
Then, too, I want no more nervous strain from this conference.
All right either way.
January 22
Vâmbéry writes under date of the 18th inst. that I can set my
mind at rest, he hadn’t mentioned Kann’s name to anyone.
January 24
Jours d'attente [days of waiting]. After Auersperg’s words I
certainly can’t assume that the project has been abandoned. Or
have we plunged back into the indecision ’twixt the cup and the
lip?
The day before yesterday, when I was on my way to the Neue
Freie Presse, it suddenly occurred to me that my situation bears
a resemblance to the one of 22 years ago when I was sighing my
way through the last weeks of secondary school. Before me lay
graduation, and beyond that, the freedom of the university.
I expect the invitation to the conference for tomorrow, because
Krupp said that Friday was his lucky day. I ’ve been kept on the
string for two weeks now.
* * *
It would be the greatest of all miracles if my Zionism did not

harm me with these financiers of the Christian faith. Don’t they
know about it yet? Can it be that they will not find out before the
agreement? It is very improbable that they won’t, for they will
undoubtedly make inquiries in advance about me at an informa
tion bureau, and the first item must surely be: Zionist. And will
this then be grounds for a break? “I don’t like the nose”?
But one gets used to waiting for decisions, too, and so I am
facing the coming events* with more composure than I had last
week.
January 24
Up to this evening nothing has come. I am consoling myself
also for the eventuality that nothing may come of it. It would have
great disadvantages, too. I would surely be unable to produce any
thing more and would be sniped at by all the world every day.
THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF TH EO D O R HERZL 1059
January 25, in the evening
Nothing.*
If nothing comes tomorrow too, it will be all over, pour de bon
[for good and all].
I have already consoled myself.
To be sure, my draft of a contract said that the paper must be
run honestly and respectably in every way—but perhaps later they
would have exerted pressure on me anyway, in the spirit of capital
istic exploitation and squeezing the people dry by industrial mag
nates. I would have had to put up with it or get out—despite all
independence, even as my own editor-in-chief.
Actually, I lost no more in these negotiations than the free
hours of the last few days which I ordinarily use for my own
work. And all it cost me was a few cab fares.
Of course, it would have been the most ingenious arrangement
of my life to have Christian big capitalists found a newspaper for
me, under the benevolent eye of the Austrian government, in
which I could have worked dynamically for very lofty ideas.
It would just be interesting to know what wrecked the proj
ect. Was it the discovery that I am a Zionist?
After I have entered this additional item, the episode will be
finished for me and my diary.
Who knows what it was good for?
January 26, evening

Niente [nothing] !
January 26
A fatuous letter from Crespi: I am to guarantee that no tollé
général [general outcry) would result in Europe if the Sultan
received me.
I am answering: Get me the audience, pocket the audience
baksheesh, and leave the rest to Allah.
January 27
This morning between dark and light was fruitful. I drew up
my plan of action for the next two weeks. The day after tomorrow
I shall inform Koerber and Auersperg of my departure for Paris
on February 2, asking Koerber to receive me before that date,
if possible. I even know everything that I am going to tell him.
In any case, I want to put a stop to this waiting and baiting.*
If the paper project has a negative outcome, I will speak with
Reitlinger and Edmond Rothschild in Paris.
I am already having a dinner with Lord Rothschild arranged
at Seligmann’s house in London. There I shall sketch the out
line of a Jewish financial policy entre la poire et le fromage [over
the dessert].
Further, I am having a banquet with the Zionist M.P.’s arranged
by Cowen and Greenberg.
I shall also put things in order at the Bank, and perhaps take
the occasion of a mass meeting** to announce the start of the
Bank’s operations.
January 28
Today the hilarious “Consul-General” Fischl “von Dirsztay”
came to see me and brought me letters from Crespi, who now wants
a monthly salary of 1000-2000 francs. I told Dirsztay that Crespi
had better not make a fool of himself. Before he had obtained
that audience with the Sultan for me I wasn’t interested in having
any further dealings with him. After the audience it would prob
ably be no trouble to employ Crespi as a correspondent at 1000 to
1500 francs a month.
• Translator's Note: Herzl's play on words is Warterei und Marterei.
January 29
After what jactatio in alto [tossing about on the sea]* day after
day, from morning till night, I am finally writing these two letters:
ToKoerber:
Your Excellency:
I am planning to be out of town for about two weeks early in
February. My next address will be Hôtel Chatham, rue Daunou,
Paris. I would postpone my departure from Vienna only if some
thing important came up. However, this does not seem to be the
case at present.
Tr Your Excellency’s very obedient servant,

T h. H.
ToAuersperg:
My Dear Count Auersperg:
Early in February I plan to take a trip of about two weeks,
going to Paris first. Should the gentlemen with whom we have
talked wish to see me before my departure, it would have to be
this week.
With deep respect, I am

T h .H .
January 30
Three months tom out of my life, bit by bit, in great expec
tations.**
• Translator’s Note: Reference to Virgil’s Aeneid, Bk. I, l.g: " multum ille et terris
iactatus et a lto ”
•• Editor's Note: In English in the original. Reference to the title of Dickens’
novel.
First that fellow Crespi, who led me a merry chase, then the
big-business boys with their newspaper. In the meantime I
have neglected my novel which becomes worse and worse and more
and more insipid the longer it lies there.
Now I have to go to London and won’t be able to get back to
my desk again for three weeks.
The wind blows through the stubble. I feel the autumn of my
life approaching. I am in danger of leaving no work to the world
and no property to my children.
It would be ridiculous to take up the novel again two days before
my departure. But I am giving myself my word of honor that I
will do so right after I return.
January 31, evening.

Until now I actually still believed that something would come
of the newspaper project. But since I have had no sign of life up to
now—Thursday evening—and I had placed myself at their dis
posal only until the end of the week, there can no longer be any
doubt of the negative conclusion.
It has left me with an uneasy feeling.
February 4, Paris
Until the last moment before my departure I hoped to get
some word on the paper project.
Nothing. Mort et enteré [dead and buried].*
February 4, Paris
Through the greatest of all coincidences I got onto a new track
on the Orient Express yesterday. A nice Parisian woman, who
made a party of all fellow travelers with her chatter, was respon
sible for my getting better acquainted with a good talker. It was
•Translator's Note: A phrase from the famous French song “Malbrouck s’en
va-t-en guerre
a former inspector of the Ottoman Bank who is now going to
California as manager of a gold mine. I had him tell me all he
knew about Turkey and her finances. I learned that the dette
publique [public debt], like the Ottoman Bank, was in the hands
of the Protestant Parisian (as well as London) haute banque
[bigbankers]: Mallet, Hottinguer,Pillet-Will,etc.
On the basis of this I constructed a new plan in the sleepless
hours between night and morning.
If Lord Rothschild, as Cowen informs me, refuses to meet with
me, I shall try to get from the Ottoman group, through Reitlinger,
an option on its Turkish assets. This group will perhaps be glad
to get out of Turkey with a profit of 50-60 million francs and to
leave us its bonds as a fair exchange for the Charter.
I am now going to see Reitlinger.
February 5, Paris
Spoke with Reitlinger. He thought the idea of buying out the
Ottoman group very good.
I explained to him my plan of acquiring from the Ottoman
group an option on their holdings of Turkish bonds. W ith this
option in our hands we could demand the Charter from the Sultan
in return for surrendering the dette publique.
Reitlinger thinks, however, that we would have to give the
Ottoman group a guarantee of at least 50 million francs, and this
would require the formation of a big syndicate.
February 9, London
Arrived last night.
Cowen, Greenberg met me at the station; Wolffsohn, Katzenel-
sohn, Rosenbaum at the hotel.
I requested Seligmann to come to see me. He did. Zangwill
came of his own accord.
At first I drew Seligmann aside and explained the dette publique
plan to him. He laughed at me for believing that I could get
Rothschild for it; incidentally, the two have had a (ailing out.
Lord Rothschild’s fortune, he said, didn’t amount to five million
pounds. The South Africans W emher, Breit, and people like
that were wealthier.
Then I discussed the other way to R. with Zangwill and Cowen.
Zangwill would like to bring R ’s cousin, Lady Battersea, into the
picture, and I gave my consent to this.
February 9
Zangwill is bending every effort to build social bridges to Lord
Rothschild for me.
I am supposed to go to dinners, etc. Greenberg wanted to try it,
without my approval, through Asher Myers, the editor* of the
Jewish Chronicle and Lord R ’s adviser in communal matters.*
But when I found out about this, I rejected this method, because
Asher Myers is a wretched fellow.
Then it occurred to me this morning that a snobbish way to
R. would be the one via the King of England.
I therefore decided on the following telegram to the Grand
Duke:
To His Royal Highness Grand Duke Friedrich of Baden.

I am addressing a very great request to the tried-and-true benev
olence of Your Royal Highness. It would be of the greatest
value to the cause in whose service I have placed my feeble powers
if I were received by His Majesty the King of England, even though
for but a quarter of an hour. I should like briefly to expound to
His Majesty the unaltered basic features of the plan with which
Your Royal Highness is acquainted.
My whole desire consists in being allowed to inform His
Majesty the King of the matter, and I wish to request his Most
High Benevolence for it—no more and no less. In the English
Parliament some thirty deputies of all parties are favorably dis-
posed toward our cause and intend to bring it up for discussion
when the opportunity arises. We have had the good fortune to
gain valuable sympathizers in English church circles. This and
no more I would like to tell His Majesty.
My respectful request is that Your Royal Highness may be
pleased if possible to introduce me to His Majesty telegraphically
in such a way that I shall be granted an audience in the next few
days. I can stay here only until Thursday or Friday. With deepest
respect and most heart-felt gratitude,
Your Royal Highness’ devoted servant

Dr. Th. H., Hotel Cecil.
London, February 13
A few listless days, with sporadic hours of dejection. I omitted
noting these moods.
The following wire came from Karlsruhe:
Grand Duke instructs me to inform you that His Highness
regrets being unable to give you requested recommendation in
desired way, considering political significance of your business.
Babo.
* * #
Actually, I hadn’t even had a strong desire to be received by

the King.
More than by this refusal I was worried by the feuilleton about
“M’amour [My Love] in the Palais Royal” which I have intended
to write every day since leaving Paris and haven’t been able to
finish because of constant disturbances. This feuilleton was sup
posed to be an excuse for my absence from the N. Fr. Pr., for my
staying away is irregular, and, after all, some day I could lose my
job on such a trip.
Until I got the idea to ask my good father—two days ago—to see
Benedikt and ask him how much the N. Fr. Pr. costs. The question
coming from here will throw them off the scent.
This evening the reply came from my father, saying that B.
wanted to discuss the matter with Bâcher.
He will obviously say no, but no longer dare to reproach me
because of my absence.
# # #
The conference with Rothschild has been refused by him.

Zangwill, who has become very nice now and is all Zionist, had
me meet Lord Rothschild’s cousin, Lady Battersea, yesterday. She
was waiting for me in Zangwill’s apartment. A charming old
woman, kind, amiable, refined. I explained everything to her,
made my old Address to the Rothschilds to her. She was won over
and immediately contacted Lady R. T heir meeting was to take
place today at Lady Battersea’s house.
However, this noon a telegram came from Zangwill: *
She (Lady Battersea) wires following three words: “Quite un

successful, alas.”
Zangwill.
At the same time a letter came from Alex Marmorek, saying that
Edmond Rothschild didn’t wish to see me.
Maintenant c’est bien fini des Rothschild [now I am completely
finished with the Rothschilds].
I just saw cross-eyed Meyersohn of the I.C.A.—I think it was
he—at the hotel. It is not impossible that he is here in order to
thwart me if I should undertake something.
Je suis leur bête noire [I am their bogeyman].
The Jews are a wrangling, divided people. In the East End I
made peace between such factions. I was able to do it, because they
consider me above them.
Wrangling in the West End, too.
Lady Battersea complained about Sir Francis’ Congress speeches.
So the Rothschild family has remembered these speeches. Sir
# Original text.
Francis Montefiore, on his part, today sent me a derogatory book
about the Rothschilds by Reeves, in which a passage about their
quarrel with the Péreire family was especially marked. Yesterday,
when he had luncheon with me, he already recommended that I
form a coalition against the R ’s with the aid of the Péreires’s, be
cause there was an old family feud there.
# # #
I am writing to Lady Battersea:
My dear Lady Battersea:

Permit me to say to you before my departure a word of the
most cordial thanks for your kindness. You were not able to help
me further, but I was nevertheless delighted with you. Surely I
may say this to a lady of your age. For the sake of Lady Battersea the
House of Rothschild will one day be forgiven a great deal. Tout
cela, c’est de Vhistoire [All this is for history].
Your cousin and I are two eras that do not understand each
other. I understand him better than he understands me. Thus I
consider it quite loyal that he does not even want to see me, since
he is determined not to participate. It would be less nice if he used
excuses. But it is a mistake on his part to believe that he does not
commit himself by keeping away entirely. There are ideas which
one cannot escape. One commits oneself by saying yes, by saying no,
and by saying nothing at all.
Your cousin could have expedited a great work which he is too
weak and too poor to prevent. Now many hundreds of thousands
of people will continue to sigh, continue to weep. Among these are
men and women who are in despair, children who are going to seed.
We must simply go on working as best we can and do our recog
nized duty. As for me, I shall always remember you, Milady, with
pleasure and gratitude.
With sincere admiration,

Th. Herzl.
February 20, Vienna
After mature consideration I didn’t mail this letter after all.
Zangwill wrote me that Lady Battersea had also won Lady Roths
child to our cause. This has to suffice for the time being.
Letters and telegrams, London, February 1901.
February 20, Vienna.

Yesterday a wire came from Crespi which he sent from Pera and
which has thus come to the attention of the Turkish government;
in it he asks me to renew last November’s offer of a loan, since the
Turkish government needs money again.
I am answering him immediately:
“Je ne ferai absolument rien, avant d ’être appelé [I shall do ab
solutely nothing before I am summoned].”
February 20
Today Bresse, a teacher of French, brought Don Diego Lastras,
a Spanish abbot attached to the local Spanish Embassy, to see me.
Lastras needs 3000 guilders as security for the congrua [emolument
for prospective priests]. I promised him to think about how I could
get this amount for him.
I think I shall be able to use him in Rome at some time or other.
I would have given him the money immediately if I had had it. But
I’ll try to get it for him.
Lastras used to be a Dominican and then became a diocesan
priest. I should very much like to have a Catholic helper too.
February 25
Another communiqué from the Politische Korrespondenz about
the prohibition of immigration, but with the interesting statement
that Italy is against it.
According to my old principle, this new difficulty must again be
used for getting ahead. I am writing Nordau to try to inspire parlia
mentary intervention in France and Italy; Cowen is to do likewise
in England, Gottheil in America. Once these voices are heard, I
shall have Vâmbéry call the Sultan’s attention to the fact that he
would do better to come to an understanding with us and our
money than with the Powers which will demand the same thing
from him gratis.
This will possibly be the theme of the 5th Congress; we shall call
upon the Powers to get us permission to immigrate—all the Pow-
ersl A tremendous appeal 1
February 26
Between night and morning it occurred to me who must make
the interpellation in the French Chamber of Deputies: Rouanet,
who, as Leven told me at Salzburg in 1895, received money for
his speech about Jews.
Today I am sending instructions to Alex Marmorek, without
telling him Rouanet’s secret.
February 26
Letter to Leopold Auersperg announcing my return.
March 1
Yesterday evening Prof. Kellner was at our house. He brought
up a subject en passant [in passing] which has frequently occupied
me and which I haven’t explored further only on account of my
family: my moving to London. My wife didn’t seem to have any
objections to it. If I can also persuade my parents, I shall go through
with it.
The suggestion continued working in me all night. I could al
ready see everything in London: my house in Regent’s Park, my
parents’ apartment nearby, the Congress Office, the office of the
two editions of the Welt, my communication with the East End in
weekly articles in the Yiddish edition (letters to the East End: “My
Dear East End. . . . Your Friend T h. H .”), my visits of inspec
tion to the Colonial Trust which will flourish because of my pres
ence—a whole full life.
This would presuppose the N. Fr. Pr.’s giving me the position of
London correspondent with a minimum of £1000 a year and a 5-
or 10-year contract. But perhaps my leaving Vienna would be
worth that much to them. Situation à creuser [A situation to ex
plore]!
March 5
This morning I read to my surprise that Parliament wants to go
back to work after a strike of almost four years. T o Koerber’s very
remarkable credit.
I immediately wrote him:
Your Excellency:
My congratulations on the tremendous success which, to be sure,
as is customary here in Austria, people will spoil, belittle, and later
deny, but which, nevertheless, no one but you has accomplished. I
would recommend starting a collection of newspaper opinions
from the past half-year, especially the past month, where what is an
actuality today was called a fantastic impossibility, and to submit
the most characteristic expressions of opinion to the Emperor. Sa
Majesté s’amusera [His Majesty will be amused].
With deep respect,
Your Excellency’s most obedient servant

T h .H .
March 6
Koerber writes a card with “warmest thanks for your very kind
words” and “hopes for a personal meeting soon.” Thus the thread
is not completely broken yet.
March 14
Yesterday I was called to Police Headquarters to give informa

tion about the deceased Russian Georg Taubin who visited me
quite some time ago in order to bequeath his property—I believe
he once mentioned 200,000 guilders and another time 140,000
rubles—to me for the use of the Zionist movement. I can still see
him in my mind’s eye and described him to the police inspector
the way I see him: How he came to see me the first time in the Cot
tage section in company with Dr. Brod’s brother and spoke sensi
bly, even nobly. How some time later, at the request of my friends,
I returned his visit and found him in a strange get-up, drunk or de
mented. On this visit, too, he declared that he wanted to donate
some money to me for Jewish purposes. I no longer remember
whether he mentioned the 200,000 guilders on that second occa
sion or on the first one. The figure has stayed with me; it cannot
have been crowns at that time. (The police attorney spoke of an
estate of 600,000 crowns). I also told them how I had then left,
promising Taubin to call on him again and let him know. Which
I didn’t do, however, because I didn’t want to accept any money
from a madman. I also told my friends that I was dropping the mat
ter because I didn’t want such money.
I saw Taubin on one subsequent occasion, at a students’ party
at the Bayrischer Hof, where he sneaked past me with the look of a
whipped dog, but didn’t dare to come close to me, obviously be
cause he was ashamed of having been drunk that time.
The banker Vogl—from a wealthy anti-Zionist family!—has
cheated his way into possession of the inheritance I scorned.
March 14
I am now industriously working on A Itneuland.

My hopes for practical success have now disintegrated. My life is
no novel now. So the novel is my life.
March 16
Letter from Crespi who wants to have me for some financial in
trigue. Refused.
March 18
The Taubin affair—the Russian T aubin who wanted to be
queath his money to me—has risen from the dead again and is now
in the papers, because Vogl the banker has committed inheritance
fraud.
Some people admire me because I didn’t let myself be dazzled
by the 200,000 guilders. Others explain the matter to themselves
by saying that I didn’t take Taubin to be so rich. This is the rascally
point of view taken by the Neues Wiener Tagblatt (W. Singer).
Yesterday I wrote Singer an indignant letter.
It is curious the way the pares [peers] always get together. The
moneyed Jews, as whose representative Vogl must be regarded, are
secretly furious at me 1) because I have given an example of re
straint when confronted by money, 2) because it is becoming ap
parent that I am different from them.
Logically enough, in the polemics greater emphasis is placed on
the insane character of Zionism, while for a time it had been custo
mary to mark me, in connection with the Colonial Trust, as a confi
dence man and cutpurse.
March 18
Two evenings ago I went to see Kremenezky and found Seidener
there. What did we discuss, of course? Palestine Exploration*
Seidener said that one of the first things he was going to make in
Palestine some day was a limestone sand brickworks, using the sys
tem known only for the past two years.
“How much money will this require?” I asked.
"200,000 francsl”
“I will get that for you. On the 29th of this month there will be a
board meeting* here. I will bring up the matter. The brickworks
shall come into being at the same time as the branch bank at Jaffa.”
This gave me a second idea. We shall establish this brickworks as
an Austrian or German anonymous joint-stock company. That way
we shall have the protection of these powers. In the meantime the
shares will be put in our Bank’s portfolio.
I believe this moment was another turning point in the move
ment. We are moving out into the practical.
The Turkish government can prohibit the immigration of set
tlers, but not a German, French, or Austrian industrial establish
ment.
Perhaps I shall call Beer the sculptor in on this.
March 19
Letter from Nordau about negative result with Deputy Bérard
who was supposed to make an interpellation regarding the Turkish
difficulties about immigration into Palestine. However, Bérard
offered to bring Nordau together with Foreign Minister Delcassé,
which Nordau declined as pointless.
I am writing Nordau to go back to Rouanet and keep Delcassé in
reserve.
* * *
Letter from C., who talks drivel about a loan of three million
pounds which Krupp is flirting with.
He says that he has written to the Sultan, warning him not to
make such a bad deal, but to summon me instead.
March 21
Beginning of Spring.
Yesterday was a curious day and an important one, I believe.
Levontin, the bank director whom I had sent for from Russia, pre
sented to me, Wolffsohn, Kremenezky, Marmorek, and Kokesch his
plan to buy up the shares of the Jaffa-Jerusalem railroad plus all
that goes with it. I thought this a splendid idea. In Levontin I may
have found the long-sought banker.
I accepted this plan and today am sending it to Paris, where the
Palestinian Navon, the agent for the railroad shares, lives.
Levontin will be here again next week. Then he will go to Lon
don as assistant manager of the Trust. He will stay there till au
tumn in order to put the Colonial Trust in order. Then we shall
send him to Jaffa as manager of our branch.
However, it is not to appear as a branch but as an independent
bank with its home office in Cologne, Germany.
Yesterday I had Marmorek write to Bodenheimer to draw up the
by-laws etc. of the bank for Jerusalem and Jaffa immediately. Share
capital 500,000 Marks with assets of 50%. The Trust will take over
the shares and put them in the portfolio, in order to give up the
minority holdings when revenue comes in later.
The controlling shares of the Jaffa railroad as well as of all enter
prises will always have to remain in the possession of the Trust.
Next week I shall call Beer, who is to go to Palestine to set up a
cement and brick factory.
Yesterday another idea came to me in a flash: to buy a Mediter
ranean shipping company, that is, one that is not doing well, whose
control can be had cheaply, and which we shall then reorganize.
The “Adria” of Fiume would be suitable for this, as a cursory
glance into the commercial register tells me.
Levontin also has the idea of making our Jaffa bank the collector
of taxes and customs in Palestine for the Turkish government.
March 21
A letter from Crespi with the enclosure of a Turkish letter which
he claims to have written the Sultan in our interest.
I am sending this Turkish swindle to Vâmbéry for translation,
asking him at the same time whether he is ready to go to Constanti
nople.
March 24
Before day-break yesterday I decided to speak with Benedikt
about my transfer to London.
During the day I wrote a feuilleton entitled “ Über- und Unter-
brettl,”* though greatly distracted by the thought of being an ad
venturer.**
In the evening I sent the manuscript to the office by my gardener.
Then I called Benedikt to the telephone and asked for an appoint
ment for today or tomorrow morning, to discuss something.
Right away I heard the excitement in his voice over the tele
phone. Why didn’t I say immediately what it was all about. I re
fused. He became more pressing, like someone who is afraid he
won’t be able to sleep till he knows. I had to laugh into the tele
phone, but stuck to my refusal. However, we won’t be able to talk
until the day after tomorrow, Tuesday afternoon.
March 25
The “ability of the Bank to operate” has been the unsolved prob
lemfor a long time.
I have had the following idea which I had already touched upon
several times and finally made Wolffsohn and Rosenbaum under
stand yesterday. There are now 317,000 shares which have been
subscribed and on which a down-payment has been made, but only
£200,000 has been paid in cash on them. Now I think that one
ought to find a banker or a group who would pay in cash the re
maining 60% on the shares on which a down-payment of 40% has
been made, and in return for this we would give them the full
shares as security as well as a guarantee and a commission. Wolff-
sohn was immediately for it, Rosenbaum thought it would be im
possible to find such a banker.
•Translator’s Note: The Überbrettl was a famous literary café and cabaret in
Berlin, founded and run by Ernst von Wolzogen. Brettl means something like
“cabaret,” and Herzl’s punning title might be rendered as “Supercabaret and Sub
cabaret.”
•• In English in the original.
March 25
I am writing to Crespi that Vàmbéry is ready to go to the Sultan
if he is summoned. This is what Vàmbéry had written me the day
before yesterdav. He thinks Taptschi Crespi’s Turkish letter to the
Sultan might be a fraud.
March 27
When I got to the office yesterday, Benedikt had already left. It
seemed to me that he had evaded me. And this was indeed so. For
when we met today, he looked embarrassed, and when I told him
that I wanted to speak with him now, he really recoiled. “No, no,”
he resisted, “not with me alone. If you have some editorial matter
to tell us about, tell it to me in Bacher’s presence. We always have
differences of opinion afterwards; you claim to have heard some
thing different. So it is best if Bâcher is a witness."
But I still wouldn’t be put off and told it to him: It is possible
that I shall go to London.
He took it with mixed emotions: joy and regret. He said that
they couldn’t do without me here, couldn’t spare the literary editor
and still less the Vienna feuilletonist. He saw absolutely no possible
replacement. But if I insisted on it—they would simply let me have
my way, just as they did when I wanted to come back here from
Paris. If they had to make a choice between losing me entirely or
sending me to London, they would naturally do the latter, for the
Herzl brand must not be lost to the Neue Freie Presse. In short, the
most extreme compliments. He said that the two of us—he and I—
in that room were the best that Viennese journalism had produced.
There was no substitute for us. And actually, I was too good for a
correspondent, et autres balivernes [and other nonsense]. But if I
insist on it, it will be done.
There obviously remains the question of money. This may be
the stumbling-block.
We parted friends. He was really charming.
March 27
A bluffing letter from Crespi. I am supposed to write him that
the Zionists would fight a usurious loan which the Sultan plans to
take from Krupp. Pas si bête [Not so stupid]. Of course, I am not
taken in by him and won’t even answer him. For he would commit
blackmail and fraud with my letter.
March 28
Forgot to enter from the conversation with Benedikt: He asked
me how long I wanted to stay in London. I said: “For goodl Unless
you called me back to Vienna to be co-publisher of the Neue Freie
Presse.”
This he rejected with his hands and his eyes.
But he said he expected one good thing from my London so
journ: that I would give up Zionism and return a different person
after a few years.
I answered: “Why, the very ideal I shall never abandon Zion-
ism.
* „ ft
That I am going to London precisely because of Zionism he

didn’t guess and I didn't tell him.
April 2
The whole London project collapsed the next day, because I told
my parents about it and they got terribly excited. They won’t
come along at any price. If I don’t manage to persuade them in a
shrewder way, I shall have to abandon the entire plan.
April 2
Yesterday with Alex Marmorek.
He wants to turn over his remedy for tuberculosis to Reitlinger
in Paris and will settle for 50% of the net profits, because Reit
linger will make the 200,000 francs available.
I told him that the Colonial Trust could handle this instead of
Reitlinger. If Alex presents Reitlinger’s draft contract, both we
and he will be covered against recriminations. I consider it a splen
did acquisition for our Bank. The shares will at once rise greatly in
value, and because I am firmly convinced of it and must accord
ingly persuade Alex to leave the matter to us, I shall sell my 2000
shares. Then it will be documented that I am not asking Alex for
this donation to the Bank in my interest. For I am letting my shares
go the way I bought them, minus loss of interest. It is, of course,
something exaggerated on my part, but it is necessary, because only
this will give me the authority—in Alex’ eyes as well as those of
outsiders—to support this arrangement effectively.
Something that Alex will probably not do at Reitlinger’s: He
could stipulate a year’s monopoly on his remedy for the benefit of
the Jewish people. After one year he can announce the remedy to
the public. However, the prospect of this one year will put the
Bank on its feet, because all the shares will be subscribed if the
J.C.T. has such a business in its hands.
Preliminary question, of course: is the remedy any good?
* * *
April 3
Yesterday Alex, Oscar and Isidor Marmorek came to see me.
They gave quite the correct reasons why it wasn’t feasible to tum
Alex’ tuberculin over to the J.C.T. The physicians hit in their
livelihood would seize the chance and call it a put-up swindle on
the part of the Zionist Bank.
I was convinced by this argument.
* * *
Meanwhile an expedient occurred to me overnight. Alex could

tell Reitlinger that he has an offer from me, but that he is declining
it, so as not to incur suspicion that he is using his position on the
A.C. to make a business deal. However, he did want to let the
movement get some benefit, and therefore he was stipulating that
Reitlinger give the J.C.T. an option to buy his share for a million
francs when the gross receipts had reached 1,200,000 francs.
# # #
April 4
Vâmbéry writes me who his friends around Cohn are (Crespi’s
request), and calls me to Pest.
April 11
Yesterday I was in Pest to see Vâmbéry.
He himself offered to go to the Sultan now, because according to
the latest reports he was high in favor at present. The Sultan would
probably want Vâmbéry to establish a good relationship with Ed
ward VII with whom V. is friends. V. intends to use this oppor
tunity to tell the Sultan that he should send for me, because I could
be of use to him in a variety of ways. V. plans to say to the Sultan:
“After all, you can hoodwink Herzl. Be friendly toward him; that
won’t commit you in the least.”
I mentioned to V. that I might be able to work out an arrange
ment involving the redemption of the Turkish debt, etc.
In short, V. is leaving next week. As traveling expenses he asked
for 600 guilders, but I offered him a thousand guilders—more cor
rectly, 2000 francs. Which he accepted, remarking: ‘T shall return
to you any part that I don’t use.”
I am also prepared for his returning without any result—but
this expenditure must be risked. Now the treasury of the A.C. is so
empty that we have to raise these 2000 francs in the form of a
forced loan from the Viennese members of the A.C., because we
don’t want to use the deposit of £3000 in the Unionbank which
is available to us by the Board’s decision until I get the summons to
Constantinople.
April 11
Just received a most curious letter from Crespi: I am to ask
Vàmbéry what was in the letter-package which he received recently
from Yildiz Kiosk via the Foreign Minister. And whether there was
anything in it that concerned our pending negotiations. The word
ing of Crespi’s letter is strange: as if he knew that there was some
thing of interest to me in the package. If that is correct, something
more serious than I had thought and he told me might be behind
Vâmbéry’s decision to go to Constantinople. Then his bonhomie
[joviality] would have a false bottom; he knows already that the
Sultan wishes to see me and is just playing a trick on me. C’est ce
que nous verrons [That is what we shall see].
• # #
April 13
The day before yesterday Alex Marmorek came to see me before
his departure for London and suggested that I take over one-tenth
of the amount which Reitlinger is to give for the T.B. serum. I
immediately declined, because I want no financial benefits from
him—which are probable in this case. He said that he was thinking
of my children; still, I didn’t want to. Now my wife reproaches me
with it; perhaps my children, too, whom I have also deprived of so
much earning power, would some day reproach me if Alex’ remedy
yields the participants a big profit. For this reason I am writing him
the following letter, not without a certain repulsion:
Mailed on April 15
Dear Alex:
I was incautious enough to tell my wife—without any details—
that you wanted to give me an opportunity to participate in an
enterprise I consider splendid, and that I rejected your proposal
because we are friends. Now she gives me no peace with her re
proaches.
The nagging wouldn’t bother me, but she is right about one
criticism, because it is one I am making myself. For years I haven’t
thought of the advantage of my children; in fact, I have even done
them grave material harm through my Zionist activity. Now, if
your remedy were, God forbid, good—je suis gentil, quoi? [I am
nice, eh?]—and your hopes and mine were fulfilled, I would have
to listen to reproaches forever. In short, I accept your proposal
after all.
But I like clean situations and want you to give me the following
confirmation in writing:
1) that you remit to me the amount of 20,000 francs not out of
your half as the inventor but out of the purely commercial half of
the financier Mr. Reitlinger of which it represents a one-tenth
share and which I shall send to you at Paris as soon as you wish.
2) that you regard me in this matter not as a friend, but as just
such a backer (on a reduced scale) as Mr. Reitlinger.
Finally and chiefly, that your offer and my present acceptance
are null and void if you should succeed in inducing Mr. Reitlinger
to grant an option to the Jewish Colonial Trust. The substance of
this option is to be as follows: After a gross yield of 1,200,000
francs has been achieved, the Jewish Colonial Trust will have the
right to pay Mr. Reitlinger 1 million francs for his share. You will,
of course, send the draft of the contract here before you sign it, so
that Isidor and I may examine it for legal validity. If you manage
to get this option from Reitlinger, which would be a great windfall
for the Bank (not so much on account of the profit but because of
the “multiplication of strength” which I explained to you here), I
shall naturally not participate, because as the president of the
Council I must not carry on any business transactions with it.
In that case I would not be reproached with being a heartless
father either, because if I didn’t it would be “turpis causa [a dis
graceful act],” as the jurists say.
I hope to hear soon what you have achieved in London.
Your devoted
Benjamin.
April 14
Letter to Count Leopold Auersperg:
My dear Count Auersperg:
May I ask another great favor of you? Some time ago I gave you a
hand-written draft of a contract which they have forgotten to re
turn to me. I would be extremely grateful to you if you were kind
enough to send me this document.
Th. H.
April 14
Vàmbéry acknowledges receipt of the 2,000 francs and writes
that he is going to Constantinople today or on Tuesday.
I am writing him:
My good Vdmbéry bâcsi:

Just a few words, since you may already have left. Should Cohn
be inclined to withdraw the restrictions that we spoke about, this
would have to be done cautiously. Otherwise the consequence
would be a rush* that I wouldn’t want to be responsible for. But I
will assume the responsibility if the matter is not publicized and
the choice of those to be admitted is left to me or to my men.
With best wishes for your trip,
Your faithful
Dori
Have changed my mind. This letter could do harm and only call
attention to the rush* If it comes to it, I shall have time to tell it to
the Sultan.
• * *
In English in the original.

April 15
The organization of the Bank, which the “experts” have been
dozing over for the past two years, is occupying me now. Gam zu
letauvo [May this too be for the good] I It was necessary for this time
to elapse. In the meantime I have learned to administer and to di
rect. In Levontin I hope finally to have found the suitable instru
ment for the organization of the Bank. I am writing him:
Dear Mr. Levontin:

Your news that business is brisker gratifies me. Be sure to exert
all your acumen and your energy so that we may have the Colonial
Trust all finished and ready for action by the middle of July, the
time of the Congress.
Then I have even bigger things in mind for you than we dis
cussed here. You see, I would entrust an even more important post
to you, one in Russia, if you not only stand the test until July, but
distinguish yourself.
It is my plan to create an international credit organization, with
headquarters in Russia. Here is this plan, in brief outline.
The “International Credit Bank” (unless such a firm already
exists) will be founded with a share capital of one million rubles in
Moscow, St. Petersburg, or Odessa (I should like Odessa best,
if that place is suitable from a financial-technical point of view).
The majority of the shares will be taken by the Jewish Colonial
Trust—that is, for example, 550,000 or 600,000.
The rest of the capital we shall either leave to financiers whose
names we need on the board of directors, e.g., Polyakov, Brodsky,
Poznansky, or we shall put it up for public subscription.
The International Credit Bank will set up branches in all im
portant Russian cities, but also in Berlin, Vienna, Constantinople,
New York, etc., wherever we have interests and a potential clien
tele. The main thing will be the business in foreign currency,
especially with London where our Colonial Trust will be made
use of. The safety of credit grants could perhaps be assured every-
where according to (my Dad’s) Columbia System which you have
studied.
I would entrust the management of the International Credit
Bank to you.
If you have understood me, you will as soon as possible work
up a complete founding program for me, which I would then
submit to the Council and the Board of Directors and put through.
The International Credit Bank ought to come into being as
early as this autumn.
Don’t discuss this matter with anyone for the time being, and
send me word.
(I am also asking him whether he has a sufficient quantity
[100,000] of bearer-share forms in stock, in case of sudden mass
orders; I have Constantinople in mind for this).
Yours,
Herzl.
April 15
Crespi informs me that the lettre-paquet [letter-package] to
Vâmbéry contained a decoration for the wife of the editor of the
Pester Lloyd.
April 17
Wrote to Koerber again today (in order to pick up the thread)
and told him that I would like to see him. He sent me word that
I should come tomorrow morning.
* * *
April 17
Oskar Marmorek is offended again, because he is not being sent
into the Allianz. Yesterday, during the meeting of the A.C., he
wrote me a letter of resignation, and today another one.
I don’t have enough annoyances and have to deal with personal
sensibilities on top of that.
# # #
Have been to see Koerber today. He had the opening session
of Parliament today; therefore I only rode a short, sharp attack.
I told him what I had heard from a contributor to the Neues
Wiener Tagblatt two days ago: that a middle-class, sharp opposi
tion paper was being planned for autumn. Then the N. Fr. Pr.
too would probably change its attitude, which is now friendly
to the government, so as not to have the opposition wind taken
out of its sails. If, therefore, our friends of January still had the
paper in mind, it would have to be started now, otherwise it
couldn’t be done at all in the foreseeable future. One doesn’t
build a sugar refinery either when another one is just going up.
And it was possible that he would face a rather disagreeable journ
alistic situation in the autumn.
He didn’t say a word, a shadowy figure, but I think that he
understood me perfectly. Then he told me that I should see Count
Auersperg, which I declined to do, giving as the reason that Count
A. hadn’t answered my last letter. I preferred his sending for his
Ministerial Councillor to my having to ask the latter for any
thing. He did immediately instruct the doorman to call the Count,
and, as I noticed later, this order rushed through the Ministry
with increasing urgency.
We then spoke about Archduke Ferdinand’s encounter with
the Catholic School Association. I permitted myself to call this
archducal notoriety rather incautious and superfluous. He was
quite of my opinion. He also agreed with me when I said that this
affair had obviously been arranged before the opening of Parlia
ment, so as to cause him, Koerber, embarrassment in the House of
Deputies.
Then I took my leave. When I came into the ante-chamber, the
servants were already calling out to one another: ‘‘Count Auer
sperg is to come to His Excellency immediately.”
Eh bien, nous verrons [All right, we shall see].
April 22
The day before yesterday, Saturday, I telephoned to the National
Casino in Budapest to ask if Vâmbéry was there. T he servant told
me he had last been there on Thursday and had said he was going
to Constantinople.
After this information I wasn’t even sure that he had left at all.
Then, this afternoon, I was called to the telephone at the office.
Dirsztay told me he had just received a letter from Crespi dated
the 19th (Friday, then) informing him that he had just spoken
with my bdcsi and that things were going well. Vâmbéry was on
his way to the Sultan, and if I received a telegram, I should im
mediately notify Dirsztay who in turn would wire it to Crespi.
Crespi's letter presented my summons as so certain that he already
recommended the Hôtel Luxembourg or the Hôtel Khédivial for
me to stay at, because one was more undisturbed there. But of
course these are hotels where Crespi has his spies.
At the same time Dirsztay asked me if I knew for what purpose
Director Taussig of the Bodenkreditanstalt had gone to Constanti
nople. I have no idea; but it is disagreeable in any case, because
only recently Taussig made a speech against me before the Jewish
Community and therefore will do me as much harm as he can in
Constantinople if he has only the slightest opportunity for it.
My first impression of Dirsztay’s disclosure was favorable, be
cause this is how Crespi’s letter presents the situation. But now I
have figured it out: the situation evidently is not favorable. A
telegram could have reached us ahead of Crespi’s letter mailed on
the 19th, that is three days ago, but up to now no telegram has ar
rived. I immediately went to Kremenezky to whom the telegram
was to be addressed—nothing had come.
Vâmbéry intends to spend only a week in all in Constantinople,
and three days of that have already passed. This means ice and
snow on our hopes. And if Taussig gets there with loans in his
pocket and bad information about me, we shall be frozen stiff.
The Vâmbéry attempt is the most serious we have made to date;
therefore its failure would be the most severe diplomatic defeat
since October, 1898, when the German Kaiser was forced to blow a
retreat.
The next few days will again have historic value. Aequam me
mento rebus in arduis servare mentem [Remember to keep an un
ruffled mind in adverse circumstances] 1*
April 24
The “next few days” had no value whatever. I am not even a
48-hour prophet. Nothing has come from the Emperor of Turkey,
and nothing from the Grand Vizier of Austria.
These are days of which it may be said: I don't like them.
A good remedy for it is not to expect anything any more. Car
rien n’arrive [For nothing happens] etc.
In this connection it must be stated that it is better for my per
sonal well-being if nothing comes from either quarter. My present
personal situation is quite pleasant; at my well-paid literary post on
the N. Fr. Pr. I have reasonable peace, respect, lickspittles, flatter
ers, etc.
A trip to Turkey could expose me to serious danger, even mortal
danger; there is no doubt about that.
And yet it is a disappointment to me—to which I resign myself
aequa mente [with an even mind]—that nothing comes.
April 25
Now finis has been written to the new paper. Auersperg has re
turned my draft of a contract to me. Requiescat [Let it rest]!
Our life consists of miscarried attempts.
* * #
Nothing from Constantinople, nothing from Vâmbéry.

* * *
Yesterday I attended the five o’clock** of Bertha Suttner, in

honor of d’Estoumelles.
• Translator's Note: A line from Horace’s Odes, II, 3.
D’Estournelles is a pleasant Frenchman who, le plus agréable
ment du monde [in the most pleasant way in the world] makes fun
of his own dream of creating a United States of Europe. Since he
wants favors from the N. Fr. Pr. we immediately got on a footing of
pleasant familiarity.
Among those present was the Italian ambassador, Nigra, who
not only knew me by name, but even confessed—which is a lot for
these people—to having seen me at T he Hague two years ago. We
chatted a parte [apart] from the others; he seemed to prefer me, he
reminisced about Paris at the time of the Empire. Among other
things, he said that he had been at the meeting of the Corps légis
latif [legislative body] at which Minister Ollivier had declared
d’un coeur léger [light-heartedly] that he was going to war.
Someone else who was present was Province Marshal Baron
Gudenus of Lower Austria. When he arrived, the Suttners said:
“It’s Pepi [Joe]!”
Pepi, a lean, elderly cavalier who looked like an officer and not
intelligent, greeted me with a friendly smile before he knew my
name. Then he became brusque and cool. So he too knew me—
namely, from the opposition side. I was no less gruff and cool than
he was.
April 25
Ussishkin, Bemstein-Kohan, etc., whom I invited here for May

5th to convince them of the necessity of holding the Congress in
London in July, don’t plan to get here until May 16th and don’t
want to have the Congress at that time and not in London, but
only in October and somewhere else. These troubles exhaust me. I
am complaining bitterly about this to Mandelstamm today. This
is the old “practical” Hovevei Zion spirit which always leads them
to defeats. Now they are frittering their time away with the I.C.A.
meeting and the Palestinian labor question, instead of working
for the Congress and the Bank.
May 2
Today I am forty-one years old.
Der Wind saust durch die Stoppeln,
Ich muss meinen Schritt verdoppeln. . . .
[The wind blows through the stubble,
I must redouble my pace. . . .]
It is almost six years since I started this movement which has
made me old, tired, and poor.
* * *
Last Sunday, April 28, since no news of any sort had come from
Vâmbéry who according to my calculations must have been al
ready departing, I decided to force my luck superstitiously. I
wanted to be absent when Vàmbéry’s telegraphic summons came.
Therefore I decided to start the long-due trip to the Salzkammer-
gut to rent a summer residence on Monday. However, Wolffsohn,
who was here, advised me first to ask Vâmbéry by telegram whether
I could absent myself for two days.
I sent the wire Sunday night.
Monday morning Kremenezky, the agreed-upon addressee, came
fairly beaming with joy, since he knew nothing about my inquiry,
and brought me the following telegram from Pera:
“Pouvez vous partir? Venez jeudi a Budapest pour me voir [Can

you get away? Come to Budapest on Thursday to see me]. Schle-
singer.”
His misconception that the pouvoir partir [ability to get away]

meant to Constantinople was soon cleared up.
However, that same day a second wire came.
“Empêché de partir. Ne venez pas jeudi a Budapest [Prevented

from leaving. Don’t come to Budapest Thursday].”
Therefore I went to Aussee on Tuesday âxaxiquevoç ij-cop [trou-

bled at heart], took a summer residence, and returned again yester
day. The 19 hours of this round-trip were whiled away for me by
Hess with his Rome and Jerusalem, which I had first started to read
in 1898 in Jerusalem, but had never been able to finish properly in
the pressure and rush of these years. Now I was enraptured and up
lifted by him. What an exalted, noble spirit! Everything that we
have tried is already in his book. T he only bothersome thing is his
Hegelian terminology. Wonderful the Spinozistic-Jewish and na
tionalist elements. Since Spinoza Jewry has brought forth no
greater spirit than this forgotten, faded Moses Hess!
Fiducit [A toast]!*
When I got home, I found two letters from Crespi waiting for
me.
In the first, dated April 27, he writes, supposedly on instructions
from Vâmbéry, that the latter was asked by the Sultan not to leave
until Monday, and that it had already been decided that the Sultan
would receive me. But this was not to happen until after Vàmbéry's
departure, and as soon as he got to Pest, Vâmbéry would give me
the details of the arrangements. At the same time Crespi inquires
whether my previous promises regarding an audience still stood.
In addition to this letter there was another, dated April 29, in
which Crespi asks who Mr. Mayer is, who is in Constantinople now
carrying on the Jewish colonization of Palestine and also planning
to appoint someone Rothschild’s representative.
I don’t know if this is Mayer, the secretary of the London Roth
schild, or Mayerson of the I.C. A. . . .
At the same time Crespi reports in his second letter that Vâmbéry
has been detained by the Sultan until the end of this week—that is,
until today or tomorrow.
I don’t understand the whole thing yet. Why am I to be received
only after V.’s departure when V. was supposed to serve as the
best interpreter? Is it a case of some Levantine swindle? But what
kind? After all, I am not giving gratuities for an audience until
after the audience. Naturally I wrote Crespi yesterday that all my
• Translator's Note: A Latin term used as a response to a toast at German students’
drinking parties, expressing acceptance and loyalty.
promises are still in force. Last year I did it mea sponte [of my
own accord] when I tried to operate with V. first. I probably should
have done it this year, too.
The situation is corroborated somewhat by V.’s invitation to
come to Pest. Well, we shall soon see whether it is hokum or not,
as soon as V. is back. That ought to be tomorrow or the day after.
May 5
Today I am having a bad day of défaillance [discouragement].
From East and West come crisis reports from my lieutenants.
The Russians are grumbling and don’t want to have such an
other trifling London Congress as last year’s. They don’t want to
go to London in July. A Congress in late autumn at Basel would
have 80 participants at the most and would be proof of the decline
of the movement. Without a Congress, however, no shekel, no
operating funds.
De Haas also gives a critical picture of the situation in England.
The Bank is not getting ready.
In today’s N. Fr. Pr., a despatch from Rome, interpellation in
the Chamber by de Balzo about the prohibition of Jewish im
migration into Palestine. It appears from it that in 1900 the
Turkish government twice turned to the Powers for prevention
of Jewish immigration. The Powers gave no answer.
However, the worst thing today is—the rising of the Turkish
bonds at the stock exchanges. Apparently the coup [stroke] for
whose execution Taussig, that cheat, went to Constantinople. And
1 am powerless! If today I at least had the paper which I lost in
January through indescribable stupidity!
May 7
This morning Kokesch sent me the following wire which had
arrived last night:
ppd. Pera.
Dites Théodore se trouver Budapest demain soir [Tell Theodor
to be in Budapest tomorrow evening].
Crespi
Consequently I am leaving for Pest in the afternoon.
May 8, on the Budapest-Vienna train
When I reached Vâmbéry’s apartment yesterday evening, he

had not yet arrived. His wife, his son, and his daughter-in-law
received me. The first they knew of his imminent arrival was
through my telegram of yesterday morning. In the afternoon a
wire came from him, saying that he would come on the Orient
Express.
According to the time-table we had three hours to wait. At the
station it grew to four—the train was an hour late.
He arrived at 12:45 a.m. With a volley of oaths this grand old
man of seventy stepped from the train. T he train-shed resounded
with his voice because no porter was at hand. His son and I carried
his bags to my carriage.
The son and daughter-in-law took their leave. He drove along
with me, since we only had these few minutes in which to talk.
Now he turned his abuse against the Sultan who had detained
him on and on.
But first, the upshot: The Sultan will receive me! Not as a
Zionist, but as Chief of the Jews and an influential journalist.
“When I arrived,” Vâmbéry related, “he received me with
suspicion: ‘Why did you come?’ I told him that I had been
invited to see the King of England; perhaps he had some message
to give him. Secondly, I thought it necessary to improve public
opinion on his behalf; that is why he ought to receive one of the
most respected and influential journalists (myself). Six times he
made me come before he yielded. The fellow is plumb crazy and
a robber.
“The latest is that he has confiscated all of the European mail.
He figures that they won’t go to war against him for that.
“You mustn’t talk to him about Zionism. T hat is a phantasma
goria. Jerusalem is as holy to these people as Mecca. But Zionism is
good nevertheless—against Christendom.
“I want the continued existence of Zionism—and that is why
I have procured the audience for you, because otherwise you
wouldn’t have been able to face your Congress. You must gain
time and keep Zionism alive somehow.
“As long as I was there he simply refused to receive you. It might
give rise to complications that could turn out to be bothersome
to him. Ibrahim Bey, the introducteur des ambassadeurs [official
greeter of ambassadors], will serve as interpreter.
“I will give you letters to Tahsin Bey, the ist Secretary, who is
completely devoted to me, and to my trusty Wellisch, a fine Jew.
“But you must be patient. It may be a week or two before you
are admitted.”
When we reached Vâmbéry’s door, we again kissed each other
several times, and I promised to call on him again the day after
tomorrow, that is, Thursday evening at eight, so that he may give
me instructions and letters of recommendation.
I forgot the most important thing. I asked V. whether the Sultan
had made any remark about me personally.
“He doesn’t even know your name,” V. replied.
But maybe he was only annoyed at me for having helped me into
the saddle, or jumpy from the trip.
For how could this square with V.’s earlier statement that the
“Basel Conferences” had done me harm with the Sultan? Either
it did me some damage in his eyes, or he doesn’t know mel
Actually, I am highly satisfied with this result, provided that I
can have at least an hour’s talk with the Sultan. Then I shall
promise to cure his ills and inspire his confidence.
If he should want to sell me Palestine right now, I would
be extremely embarrassed.
After all, I must raise the money first.
Right now I need the bag he will leave me holding. This bag
I will then fill.*
Naturally I didn’t sleep much after that talk in the cab. I was
up again as early as five o’clock and planned my program for the
next few days.
My first errand after leaving Vàmbéry was to the telegraph
office, where I wired Wolffsohn that he must be in Vienna tomor
row, Thursday, because we were going to Cohn.
If he doesn’t come, I shall take only Oskar Marmorek along.
May 8, in the evening

I was met at the Staatsbahnhof [State Railroad Terminal] by
Kokesch and Marmorek.
I drove into town with Kokesch. On the way I told him every
thing, and he raised the question whether it was all right for us to
use the £3,000 which the Bank has placed at our disposal to secure
an audience on such vague prospects. I replied that the A.C. would
have to make a decision on it this very day, and that I would drop
the whole matter if there was no unanimous vote.
When I got to the office, neither Bâcher nor Benedikt was there
any more. I took care of my duties, put my manuscripts in order,
and continually had the feeling of the “last day”—as though I were
never again to occupy the shabby little despot’s chair of the
literary editor.
I have decided not to ask for a leave of absence, since I have
to go away in any case, and take my leave by letter. This way I
shall at least save myself the nervous strain of the last clash.
In the evening the gentlemen of the A.C. met at my house which
right now exhibits the awful confusion of moving. We are to
move into the new place in three days, and I have to go away and
leave these big little worries to my wife.
At the A.C. meeting in the attic I made all the arrangements
• Translator's Note: Herzl uses the idiom “jemandem einen Korb geben,” “to
turn someone down,” literally, “ to give someone a basket” (from the ancient German
practice of fixing a basket on the house of a rejected lover).
with the gentlemen which I have been pondering for many months.
Sealed orders will be deposited with Alex, Cowen, and Katzenel-
sohn to be opened only upon a telegraphic signal from Kokesch.
Bemstein-Kohan will be called here from Paris without further
information.
A telegraphic code and instructions were drawn up.
Then came Secretary Reich whom we partially took into our
confidence after swearing him to secrecy.
Wolffsohn wired that he would have a hard time getting away;
was it absolutely necessary? I would have liked best to answer him
to stay where he was. But his coming along may be good for
promoting the Bank, and therefore he must go with me. I once
more asked him urgently by telegram.
I then helped to put my dear children to bed. In golden in
nocence, untouched by the troubles of moving or the long, hard
journey ahead of their father, they made their usual bedtime
jokes and blissfully fell asleep.
Then I went to see my parents who are also moving now. May
my old folks never know sorrow in this new home of theirs—only
happiness and joy.
I am not telling anyone, of course, that this journey is not
without danger. I am not so much worried about the plague in
Constantinople as about putting myself into the power of a half-
demented Sultan who has just robbed the European post offices.
* * *
Letter to Benedikt:
Dear Friend:
A month ago, when I discussed my future with you, you advised
me to take a short trip in order to think about these things at
leisure and with detachment. This prescription, you said, had
always worked in your case. It gave one a clearer insight into one
self and into situations. I am now taking your friendly advice and
plan to get away for ten days to two weeks. Naturally you may
definitely count on my contribution to the Pentecost number, even
if I shouldn’t send in anything before that. I am enclosing the
key to my desk. Everything is in the customary order.
With kindest regards to you and Dr. Bâcher,

Herzl.
May 9.
Awoke before daybreak, thought everything over with refreshed
senses.
The main thing, of course, is to arrange to mute the explosive
echo which the audience will have in Europe if it materializes.
This is why the sealed orders contain instructions for Nordau to
see Delcassé, Katzenelsohn to go to Shipyagin, Cowen—Francis
Montefiore to Earl Lansdowne, and Hechler will be sent to see
the Grand Duke. Only for Rome I didn’t know what to do.
Overnight it occurred to me: Gleichen-Russwurm, who has just
threatened me with a novel and a feuilleton. I am now writing
him:
My dear Baron:
I received your kind letter shortly before my departure. I am
going to Constantinople for a few days. I don’t recommend that
you send a manuscript during my absence; it could easily be lost.
Please send it only after I am back.
You could now do me a great favor, my dear Baron. I have long
had the desire to give to His Holiness the Pope and Cardinal
Rampolla exact information about the Zionist movement which
they are perhaps not accurately acquainted with and may even
judge unfavorably. I am convinced that they would bestow their
favor on the cause if they had detailed information. I would be
infinitely grateful to you if you were good enough to ask the
Pope and the Cardinal, with whom you are certainly in touch,
if I could count on being received in audience as soon as I came
to Rome.
Please do not address your kind response to the office, but to my
private address: Haizingergasse 29, Wâhring, Vienna.
And in any event, the whole thing will remain strictly between
us, won’t it?
With the kindest regards,

T h. Herzl.
# * #
I shall end this book here, because I cannot take it with me to
the land of the mail-robber.
I shall start a new book en route.
What will it contain?
On Pentecost it will be six years—no, sixty years—since I en
tered the Zionist movement.
Book Nine
B e g u n on
M a y 9, 1901
May 10,1901
On the Orient Express, somewhere in Serbia.
Yesterday I went from Vienna to Pest, alone. My Wolff-
sohn, well-behaved again, had listened to reason after all and wired
me that he would arrive in Vienna punctually. So I made the
final arrangements in the A.C., said good-bye to my parents, wife,
and children amidst the awful confusion of house-moving, and de
parted. My dear children didn’t like the idea, and especially sad
was our good Trude, whose birthday is on the 20th of May and
who fears that I may not be here.
It was only when I was sitting in the train on my way to
Budapest that the whole fatigue and strain following the nervous
shock of Schlesinger’s announcement made itself felt. While at
the N. Fr. Pr. a storm was probably raging over my brusque and
unauthorized departure and they were perhaps making the de
cision to dismiss and replace me, I was traveling Pestward in a
complete abrutissement [daze].
Only my old saying que rien n’arrive, ni comme on le craint, ni
comme on l’espère must serve as consolation and assuagement.
I didn’t rouse myself from my stupor until just before Pest. It is
one of the curious things that I should be passing the same stations
two days later, like a railroad conductor. There is Bànhida; to the
left on the mountain, the magnificent monument: a bronze eagle
alighting on the Hungarian land with outspread wings. There
is Kelenfôld, from where the electric street car hastens toward the
city as it did two days ago. The ordinary people continue on their
dull, sullen, comfortable trot without any presentiment of world
history. And there is the cemetery with already forgotten graves
no longer the object of any living piety, and there again it makes no
difference whether one was a man of the day or of eternity.
Schlesinger gave me a less friendly reception than usual. He
seemed to regret the service he had done me. He gave me in
structions and a letter for Cohn which was enclosed in an envelope
addressed to TB. In addition, he gave me Dr. W.'s card, who, he
said, would accompany me to Yildiz and bring me to TB. W. is
1101
his confidential agent. However, I should be on my guard against
C. and Moi. Je serai partout sur mes gardes [I shall be on my guard
in every direction].
But my telling him that I would of course honor the promise
I had given Moi aroused a storm. He screamed, cursing and swear
ing, that I was being cheated; he had done everything, and those
people didn’t deserve a thing. I insisted that I would have to honor
my word like a promissory note, although I had given it but orally
and without witnesses. He was furious. For three weeks he had
toiled and slaved, and now others were to reap the fruits.
I understood, but wanted to keep him coming. His son was
in the adjoining room. I made the proposal to let the son decide
whether my sentiment was the right one. T he son came in and
listened to the story with a wry face, for he seemed to understand
that I wanted to give something only to the Moi-C. group. Perhaps
the whole thing was only an excuse on my part and I had posé un
lapin [broken a promise].
However, by now I was shrewd enough not to let myself be
carried away by the prevailing ill humor to make a fresh promise. I
merely submitted it to Schlesinger’s judgment to decide how I
was to distribute the 30. Naturally he would have wanted the
whole thing for himself, but he didn’t come out with such a
proposal. With difficulty he conceded that I give TB one-third
and gave me a card for him. I mustn’t give the others anything.
His son shared this opinion: no pay-off without production.
We parted without having reached an agreement. I promised
to come to him directly from Cohn and give him a report. The
leave-taking was cool.
His son and daughter-in-law accompanied me to the restaurant
and then to the station. While we were listening to gypsy music
and chatting about futilités [trivia], I thought about what word
I could send him by his son so as to wipe out the unfavorable
impression at parting.
“What do you think?” I asked, as if I hadn’t been sure that he
would accept an offer of this kind. “If I gave TB, Schlesinger, and
the Moi group one-third each, would that be all right with your
Dad?’'
“CertainlyI” said the young man, whereupon I asked him to be
myadvocate with his father. He promised me this. Then we parted
friends.
I forgot something interesting in the conversation at Schles-
inger’s. He said: “You won’t get the Charter now. T hat will take
a few years and will cost up to a hundred thousand guilders.”
“Done!” I replied. “It’s all right if it costs even more.”
* * *
On the whole, however, the after-effects of our difference of

opinion at Schlesinger’s must be good, even though he is annoyed
that others will get something for his “work.” For he sees that
I am keeping my word and am not breaking any promises. He and
all interested parties must regard me as miché sérieux [a whore-
chaser], as they say in the Jardin de Paris.
Wolffsohn and Oscar were already on the Orient Express. An
evening conversation, then I had a swell night’s rest. In the fresh
ness of morning I got my plan ready and drafted the following
letter to V.
On the train, May 10

My good V. bdcsi:
It was very difficult for me to get across to you yesterday, al
though we usually communicate so well with each other. Since
I know so well that your aid is given from the noblest motives in
general and from personal friendship for me— which makes me
very proud—in particular, I was a bit embarrassed about coming
right out with my intentions. Yesterday I repeatedly put the words
into your mouth, but you wouldn’t understand me. Fortunately I
later spoke with your clever and charming son, and he encouraged
me to present to you what I have in mind. If I make a mistake in
this, you mustn’t rake me over the coals, bdcsikdm [my little uncle],
but Rustem. But I hope you won’t be angry at him either, for our
idea is that of approximate justice. The “group” probably doesn’t
deserve anything; but I have pledged my word that after I have
had a conference with Cohn I will distribute the familiar amount.
I shall redeem my pledge as a matter of honor, even if I have been
taken in. But I want to do it sensibly. Rustem shares my opinion
that the following is the right way. I shall give one-third to you,
one-third to the man for whom you have given me your card,
inscribed in Turkish, and one-third to the “group.” If you don’t
give me your consent, I shall have to give two-thirds to the “group,”
otherwise I shan’t have kept my word. I hope, my dear, rude bàcsi,
that you will give me the pleasure of accepting. If you do, then send
me a wire at the Hotel Royal saying “quite right.” And sign it
with your nom convenu [code name].
If you are not willing, then just telegraph me “No.”
However, I expect you to wire me “quite right,” which certainly
doesn’t mean that I consider the debt of gratitude of my friend
ship as paid off by it.
You said yesterday that the Charter would cost 100. Get it
for me for three hundred, and in addition to my gratitude you
will have the everlasting gratitude of Kol Israel [the entire Jewish
people].
With cordial regards to your dear family and an embrace for you,
my good, growling bâcsi, I am
Your devoted
Dori.
# # #
However, it is my plan to give the group the full 2/ s after all, and
TB i/3. But I want to raise a fourth third for Schlesinger.
But I shall ask C. and Moi to give me the list, and I shall have
Wolffsohn hand the amounts to the individuals.
I shall demand the list in particular. This way I shall get the
chiefs. Then it will be up to C. and Mot to persuade the people,
who evidently don’t know anything yet, to accept and thus incline
them in our favor.
# # *
May 13, Constantinople.

Here I am, after five years, sitting in the same Hotel Royal, even
in the same suite, where I stayed with Newlinski at the beginning
of the project. I look out the windows, a changed man, and see the
unchanged Golden Horn. Beauty no longer moves me. For me the
world is no longer Representation but Will.* Strange how one’s
whole Weltanschauung involuntarily and unwittingly assumes
another character when one gets into such an engrenage [chain
of circumstances] as I have done.
* * *
Dr. Wellisch, a Hungarian Jew who has become a Turkish

official, is truly useful to us. He came right after our arrival two
days ago and placed himself entirely at our. disposal.
Afterwards came the Levantine “scissors-grinder” Crespi, timid
and crafty, prepared to be thrown out. But I gave him a friendly
reception and only asked him to come back the next morning.
Yesterday morning there came a wire from V :
“Quite right. Schlesinger.”
So I have guessed his innermost thoughts. He is accepting. Je
n’y attendais un peu [I rather thought he would].
Then Crespi showed up. First of all I had him give me the
list of those to be given a share. Naturally I consider his list to
be de pure fantaisie [made up out of whole cloth]. But let him be
forced to have them really paid off by Wolffsohn. This way I shall
really get these influential people.
At 10:30 in the morning I drove out to Yildiz Kiosk with
Wellisch. The familiar route on which Newlinski once hood
winked me. The army of doormen and loafers.
Then we entered Tahsin Bey’s quarters and waited in a salon
• Translator's Note: An allusion to A rthur Schopenhauer's work Die Welt als
Wille und Vorstellung ( The World as W ill and Representation).
with a pretty view. We sent our cards in to Tahsin Bey. After a
while an attendant came with the information that Tahsin Bey
was too busy now.
Wellisch sent him the forceful message that I had a letter from
Vâmbéry to deliver. In response to this there came an official and
inquired what my profession was! I gave as an answer: “A writer,
homme de lettres [man of letters].”
He asked me whether I was the head of the N. Fr. Pr. I told
Wellisch that I wished to be announced only as a writer, not as a
representative of the N. Fr. Pr.
After another few minutes the official came back and invited
us in to see Tahsin.
We now went to his office.
A delicate little man, with a waxen, pallid, immobile face, half-
closed eyelids, black beard. He got up, gave me his hand, asked me
to sit down opposite him at his writing desk without a raised rim,
and said some ceremonious Turkish words of greeting to Wellisch,
which were translated into German for me and to which I replied
with similar cold phrases of politeness. I said I was grateful to him
for the kind reception, was delighted with Constantinople, which
I wasn’t seeing for the first time—I had been here with the Kaiser
in 1898—and was completely loyal to the Sultan. Then, after
replying to a question from Tahsin by saying that I intended to
stay here for 3-4 days, we took our leave.
# * #
Now we are waiting for my summons. Yesterday afternoon an

excursion to the Sweet Waters. I ruminated on what I should tell
the Sultan so that the fabulous moment of my desire might not
go by unused.
May 14, Constantinople

Yesterday Wellisch drove to Yildiz in our carriage to see Tahsin
and brought word that our matter didn’t seem to stand badly. He
had been invited to state the highest decoration that I possessed.
When I mentioned my Commander of the Mejidie, Wellisch
turned up his nose: he had that one himself. I had also inquired
whether I was to come in a full-dress suit or in a frock coat. He had
not been given a decision on this yet. However, Tahsin had invited
me to attend the selamlik on Friday. Then I would learn whether
or not I would get to see the Sultan. Apparently the Sultan—pro
vided he wants to—wishes to receive me under the powerful im
pression of his assembled warriors, as a mighty lord.
* # #
In the afternoon we went to the Bazar and to the Church of Saint

Sofia. Impressive spatial effect of this dome which has weathered
all tempests of history. In the evening I went alone to see the
beautiful view from the Taxim Gardens. T he view over the
Bosporus! In these years I have gone through the development
from “life is a dream”* to “life is a struggle.” Nevertheless, this
sight made something of old dreams well up in me.
But I had to think of the more immediate things. T hat business
of a decoration with the impending ludicrousness of a 2nd-class
order came into my mind. At noon I had sent Oskar to Crespi in
order to arrange a meeting with Nuri in Crespi’s apartment for
that evening. Nuri declared he definitely couldn’t come now, for
he was under surveillance. So I went to the Anatolie Han in the
evening by myself. Wolffsohn, my faithful companion, was and
still is sick. He was very worried when I went off by myself. I joked:
if I wasn’t back by morning, they should look for me in Crespi's
den.
Crespi was waiting for me at the Anatolie Han passage. As I
walked past him I told him that I wished to speak with him at his
house. He followed me. A shabby house in a dark back alley
behind the Han. Shabbily furnished, too. In the study of the
valiant spirit, who put on such aristocratic airs in Vienna, framed
newspaper illustrations adorned the walls.
In conversation he proceeded from timidity to boldness, spoke
of five francs and millions of pounds. He timorously inquired
• Translator's Note: A reference to the title of Calderôn's play La vida es sueüo.
about the bad things that I might have been told about him. II s’en
doutait un peu [he could more or less imagine them]. The hotel
manager had told me that only a few weeks ago Crespi had had his
face slapped by a swindled Frenchman at the Hôtel Royal.
Vâmbéry had thrown him out, etc.
I acted as if I knew nothing. I would, of course, redeem my
promise—although Vâmbéry had told me that the group had done
nothing, nor could do anything. But I wanted services in future.
At this he got cocky and showed me a letter from Dirsztay prom
ising Crespi a monthly salary of 1,500 francs de ma part [from
me] if the audience materialized. I said: “Yes, if I were allowed
to submit the entire plan to the Sultan and he appointed a com
mittee.”
But soon I sensed threats and counter-intrigues in the tramp’s
words, and quickly came round: “Je ne lésinerai pas avec vous,
si vendredi je suis content [I won’t be stingy with you if I’m
satisfied on Friday].”
I slept on it too: it will be well if I give him this gratuity for the
first few months until the Congress is over, otherwise he will play
tricks on me. For the beginning I shall promise him 1000 fr., and
when the Committee for the Study of Zionism has been appointed,
1,500 fr. per month.
Incidentally, I managed to stipulate that Nuri will give me a
receipt for the money, like that time in Vienna. For the time
being I didn’t mention Tahsin’s “third,” and I also slept on that.
It will perhaps be worth 10,000 fr. to keep the Nuri people, who
belong to the Izzet faction, from knowing about the donation to
Tahsin. Otherwise they could use it against him. All I have to do
is to get my companions’ consent to this increase in the expenses.
For the rest, Crespi declared—and this was probably the only
true word he said—that he couldn’t do anything for me prior to
the audience. Nuri must not even show himself in the matter. He
couldn’t come forward until later. Consequently he couldn’t inter
vene for a higher decoration. But why didn’t I refuse the 2nd class.
Actually, then, I left the coupe-gorge [cut-throat] plundered all
over again. But his advice to refuse the 2nd class was also worth
somemoney.
This morning I asked Wellisch to tell Tahsin that I was no
friend of decorations. Five years ago they had sent this 3rd class
one, which I hadn’t asked for either, to my house. I hadn’t refused
it, out of courtesy; but if they wished to give me a decoration now,
I couldn’t accept less than 1st class without making myself ridicu
lous.
• * *
Wellisch is useful to us.

An idle day yesterday. Excursion to the Bosporus whose beauty
finally did stir even my hardened heart. In the evening, in the
coupe-gorge [squeeze] again at Crespi’s, who tried to have me turn
blue in the face. I let him tell me his bourdes [fibs].
Day and night I ponder the words which I intend to say to the
Sultan in the moment of my desire.
May 16
Today another empty day of expectations. I am considering
every turn which the conversation with the Sultan might take.
Details of the day: In the evening we went to the Taxim
Gardens. Nuri Bey sat there with a European and as I approached
held his handkerchief in front of his rogue’s face which was
covered by his red beard and blue glasses anyway. I got the point—
and didn’t see him. However, I recommended to Wolffsohn and
Marmorek that they take a look at him when we went out, so
that they might know him when the gratuities were passed out.
Another detail, this one from Offenbach’s La Vie Parisienne.
With Dr. Wellisch, our table companion, we talk de omni re scibili
[about everything under the sun]. He is very much interested in fi
nancial matters. The president of the Colonial Trust, my good
Daade, betrayed a funny weak spot yesterday. He wasn’t able to
figure right off how much 4% of 5 billions in French war in
demnities came to. Wellisch was surprised.

This will perhaps be a big day, perhaps a very small one—
perhaps no day at all, i.e. I shall not even be received.
In the latter case I would immediately wire to Vâmbéry in such
a way that they will have to read the telegram here as well.
At any rate, I didn’t sleep badly—from ten till six.
Was rather alert in the morning. I thought out my Pentecost
story for the N. Fr. Pr.: sunset, a diplomat’s last love, told by
himself on the Petala stone terrace at Therapia, with the waters
of the Bosporus at his feet. T he Countess in the garden, etc.
Then I thought about the Sultan. Perhaps he is “the Master” as
I imagine him.
While sitting in my hip-bath, in front of a mirror, I rehearsed
the conference as it may possibly unfold.
"Est-ce que Sa Majesté permet que je parle simplement, ouverte
ment, sérieusement . . . [Will His Majesty permit me to speak
plainly, frankly, seriously]?”
“Je ne suis pas venu pour de petits services mais pour les grands
services [I have not come to render small services, but great ones].’’
“Les articles des journaux se payent de 50 à 500 louis. Moi, on
ne peut pas m’acheter—je me donne [Newspaper articles cost
50 to 500 louis. As for me, I cannot be bought—I give myself].”
L ’histoire d’Androclus et du lion [The story of Androcles and
the lion], etc.
How much of all this shall I be able to get in?

I got everything in.
I wasn’t able to make any entries yesterday, because I was called
to the palace in the morning and had to stay there till evening, wait-
ingabout to the point of exhaustion. After that, writing was out of
the question, and so my account of this first memorable conversa
tion with the Sultan has probably lost its freshness already.
On Friday morning at ten o’clock, then, after a careful toilet—
frock coat and Mejidiye rosette—I drove with Wellisch in my
coupé to Yildiz Kiosk. It was already warm, but nevertheless I sat
there in my overcoat (which I had had custom-tailored for this very
purpose two years ago, on the occasion of Newlinski’s last expedi
tion, and had taken very good care of since then), and kept the
windows closed, so as not to get a speck of dust on my suit. Troops
were marching to the selamlik, sturdy fellows on foot and magni
ficent horsemen.
There are strict rules for keeping certain areas blocked off dur
ing the selamlik, but comme par enchantement [as if by magic] all
barriers opened before me. I was immediately escorted to the First
Secretary, Tahsin Bey, with whom I found Fuad Pasha. Tahsin
was more amiable than hitherto and introduced me to Fuad. Next
I was called to the Grand Master of Ceremonies, R. Ibrahim Bey. A
suave, smooth gentleman, round-shouldered, and with a full grey-
streaked beard. Here, too, the most splendid reception. Then I was
taken to the spectators’ section where I had been with Newlinski
fiveyears ago. This time there were only a small number of people,
because lately admission has been granted very sparingly. Even so,
I didn’t find the prospect of standing there till one o’clock very
pleasing.
Again as if par enchantement, my wish to sit down in the shade
was fulfilled. An adjutant came up to me and asked me to step into
the ambassadors’ reception-room. There I found the diplomatic
corps assembled who seemed much more ordinary and stupid at
close range than from a distance. Even the women who, as seen
from the lawn, stood by the windows and looked the pictures of
elegance, were much less so when I had a closer view of them. The
time passed quickly for me as I watched that beautiful Osmanli
opera they call the selamlik. Every Friday the same thing. Troops
start marching and form walls more impenetrable than stone. The
court, eunuchs, princesses in closed landaus, pashas, dignitaries,
flunkeys and lackeys de toutes les couleurs [of every sort]. All moves
past to the accompaniment of music. Over yonder, the Bosporus
gleams wondrously blue. Then the muezzin calls from the minaret,
and the Padishah drives in his partly closed carriage to the mosque.
Another brief half hour of sitting quietly and amusing myself by
watching the vacuous, ugly diplomats.
Then H.M.’s chamberlains entered in order to welcome the
guests. I was told to wait there for the ist Secretary. Then Ibrahim
appeared with a large case containing the Grand Cordon for a Rus
sian admiral who is here with his escadre [squadron]. The admiral
turned quite red with joy and vanity, and accepted the congratula
tions of the assembled company. I stood in a comer by the window
and watched quietly. Presently Ibrahim Bey came up to me, too,
and informed me that the Sultan had conferred upon me the order
of the Mejidiye, 2nd class. I thanked him most kindly and said I
didn’t want any decoration. The 3rd class had been given me five
years ago by mistake. At that time I had accepted it only out of
courtesy, but now I would forgo the honor entirely. The least I
could accept was the 1st class. Ibrahim repressed his rage beneath
great politeness, saying that he would inform the Sultan of this.
Finally, the whole company withdrew. I remained alone in the
room, looked over to the floating blue islands and would have pre
ferred to remain sitting there. But after five or ten minutes servants
came. They passed me from one to the other. We walked down
gravel paths to another kiosk. There I was first taken to Ibrahim
Bey who, with a beaming face and a happy titter, informed me that
H.M. had bestowed on me the Grand Cordon of the Mejidiye—as
in the Grande Duchesse de Gerolstein*
And another few minutes later I was conducted back through
the ante-room to the audience chamber, which was located to the
right of the entrance.
“The Master” stood before me, exactly as I had pictured him:
short, skinny, with a large hooked nose, a full dyed beard, a small,
tremulous voice. He wore his grand selamlik uniform, a cloak over
his tunic, diamond-studded decorations, gloves. He gave me his
• Translator's Note: A comic opera by Jacques Offenbach.
hand, and we were seated. W ithout further ado I sank deeply and
comfortably into my chair. He sat on a divan, his sword between
his knees. Ibrahim sat and stood; he kept jumping forward, so as
tocatch H.M.’s words, and translated them for me—and, vice versa,
my words to him. As he did so he continually beamed with happi
ness, smiled blissfully, and reproduced everything in a tone of in
finite importance. Whenever the Sultan spoke to Ibrahim I ob
served the Master carefully, and he did likewise when I spoke in
French.
He began with salaams, and so did I. He said he always read the
N.Fr.Pr. I am just wondering how he does it, since he doesn’t know
any German. It was the paper through which he informed himself
about the Transvaal, China, etc. Next I thanked him for the high
decoration. Then he spoke of the friendly relations between our
countries (meaning Turkey and Austria). He rejoiced to hear that
Emperor Franz Joseph was well, and more of the same.
But I didn’t want to stay on that subject. I told him (through
Ibrahim) that I was devoted to him because he was good to the Jews.
Jews all over the world were grateful for this. I in particular was
ready to render him any service, naturally not minor ones—there
were plenty of other people for those—but great services. I empha
sized that I didn’t intend to publish anything about our present
conference. He could speak with me in all confidence. He thanked
me, took two cigarettes out of a small silver box, gave one to me and
kept the other for himself. Ibrahim, who was not permitted to
smoke, lit first his, then mine.
Then the Sultan said: “I am and always have been a friend of
the Jews. In fact, I rely only on the Moslems and the Jews. I haven’t
the same amount of confidence in my other subjects.”
I thereupon lamented the injustices we experience throughout
the world, and he said he had always kept his Empire open to Jew
ish refugees as a place of refuge.
At which I said: “When Prof. Vâmbéry informed me that His
Majesty would receive me, I had to think of the beautiful old story
about Androcles and the lion. His Majesty is the lion, perhaps I am
Androcles, and maybe there is a thorn that has to be pulled out.”
He acknowledged the compliment with a smile.
Might I continue to speak openly and plainly? He begged me to
do so.
“The thorn, as I see it, is your dette publique [public debt]. If
that could be removed, Turkey would be able to unfold afresh its
vitality, in which I have faith.”
He sighed, and smiled, sighing. Ibrahim translated: Ever since
the beginning of his glorious reign His Majesty has striven in vain
to remove this thorn. This thorn was acquired under His Imperial
Majesty’s exalted predecessors, and it seems impossible to get rid of.
If I could be of help in this, it would be ever so nice.
“Well then,” I said, “I believe I can. But the first and funda
mental condition is absolute secrecy.”
The Master raised his eyes to heaven, placed his hand upon his
breast, and murmured, “Secret, secret!”
I gave him the reason for my insistence. T he Powers who wanted
Turkey weak would try as hard as they could to prevent its recov
ery. They would make every effort to frustrate this operation. He
understood.
I continued—and from that point on I took the lead generally in
the conversation—that I would have this operation carried out by
my friends on all the stock exchanges of Europe, provided I had
His Majesty’s support. However, when the time came, this support
would have to take the form of some measure particularly friendly
to the Jews, and it must be proclaimed in an appropriate manner.
Ibrahim drank in his master’s words with an astonished air and
translated them with a happy face: “His Majesty has a court jewel
ler, who is a Jew. He might say to him something favorable about
the Jews and instruct him to put it in the papers. He also has a Chief
Rabbi for his Jews here, the Hakham Bashi. He could say some
thing to him also.”
This I rejected. It occurred to me that Dr. Marcus once told me
that the Hakham Bashi spat at the mention of my name.
“No,” I said, “that would not serve the purpose. It wouldn’t get
out into the world in a way that might be useful to us. I shall per
mit myself later to indicate to His Majesty the moment at which we
can use it for our great ends. I should like to put the active sympa
thies of Jewry to work for the Turkish Empire. Therefore the proc
lamation would have to have an imposing character. Words spoken
to the Hakham Bashi would only remain in Turkey.”
The Master nodded his agreement to everything I said. I con
tinued:
“All this beautiful country needs is the industrial skill of our
people. The Europeans who usually come here enrich themselves
quickly and then rush off again with their spoils. An entrepreneur
should certainly make a respectable and honest profit, but after
that he ought to remain in the country where he has acquired his
wealth.”
Again the Master nodded contentedly and said to Ibrahim, who
repeated it to me, beaming with joy:
“Unexploited treasures still exist in our country. Only today
His Majesty received a telegram from Bagdad, saying that oil fields
have been discovered there, richer than those of the Caucasus.” If I
remained here long enough, H.M. would ask me to take a look at
the areas served by the Anatolian railroad. T o the right and left of
the line, the land was like a garden. There were ores, too, and gold
and silver mines. During the reigns of H.I.M.’s exalted predeces
sors the gold had been mined, made into ingots, and then coined;
this is how the soldiers had been paid.
I had in fact noticed that during his last speech the Master had
measured off a length in the air with both hands: evidently these
were the little bars of gold.
Then something surprising happened. The Master asked me, via
Ibrahim, to recommend to him a capable financier who could
create new resources for the country: for example, taxes that would
not be too onerous, similar to the match-tax.
I felt extremely flattered by this display of confidence, but said
that this involved a great responsibility for me, because, after all, for
such an assignment I could recommend only a man of whose in
tegrity I had just as firm a conviction as I had of his efficiency. But
I said that I would look into the matter and let H.I.M. know as
soon as I had found the right man. Incidentally, I thought that the
man should only study the financial situation in secrecy and give j
me his results; on the basis of this information I would then work i
out a program for economic recovery.
But the Master was of a different opinion. He imparted it to Ib
rahim, who was all ears and then repeated it to me with a blissful
smile: “His Imperial Majesty thinks it would be fairer if the man
were given an official position, because that would attract less at
tention. He should be attached to the Ministry of Finance—osten
sibly as an under-secretary—and give you regular reports. The Mas
ter can then correspond with you through this confidential agent.”
I recognized the superior soundness of this idea, and went on to
ask in what way I could get my letters into H.I.M.’s hands; did I
need a special mark or seal for this?
The Master told me, through Ibrahim, that my own seal would
suffice. Letters sealed by me would be handed directly to H.I.M. by
Tahsin Bey.
Then the Master turned to the pending project of consolidating
the national debt. I asked what that meant. The Master explained
it to the very intent Ibrahim for my benefit. Consolidation con
sisted in contracting a new debt in place of the old one, thereby ef
fecting a total saving of one to 11/2 million pounds, to meet the
previous year’s deficit.
“What? So little?” I exclaimed with a regretful shrug, and the
Master also regretted and also shrugged his shoulders, with a sad
smile.
I now requested that I be informed about the whole consolida
tion project, so that I could judge whether it was advisable to pro
ceed with it at all if one had bigger things to be accomplished. Per
haps consolidation would be good, perhaps bad. First I would have
to know the entire plan. H.I.M. declared that my wish would be
fulfilled. Someone would be instructed to give me all the necessary
information.
We then continued our conversation, meandering from subject
to subject. I held his interest. In broad outlines I sketched a pro
gram for the future, all that could be done in this naturally magni
ficent city and in the Empire. With a view to getting decorations
for them, I mentioned my companions Wolffsohn and Marmorek
who might possibly be available. New sources of revenue could be
opened up, for example, a monopoly on electric power.
H.I.M. informed me, through the delighted Ibrahim, that the
palace had an electric-light plant and that H.I.M. was pleased with
the light. It was better than the other kind.
Then I spoke about possible improvements in the city: for in
stance a new Stamboul bridge, high enough for the biggest ships
to pass under (Marmorek’s idea) into the harbor of the Golden
Horn.
However, H.I.M. requested me through Ibrahim to drop these
plans for the time being and to occupy myself first with the removal
of the dette publique.
By that time I was exhausted; the conversation must have lasted
over two hours. I had spun the threads the way I had wanted to. I
was fairly certain now that he would wish to hear further details
from me. So I let the conversation flag. T he Master, too, found
nothing more to say, and after a brief pause he arose. He gave me
his hand. However, I stayed a little while longer and recapitulated:
above all, profound secrecy as to our intentions and understanding.
The Master repeated: “Secret, secret!”
Further, I desired a pro-Jewish proclamation at a moment to be
designated by me (I had the Congress in mind). Finally, I requested
a detailed presentation of the financial situation and the consolida
tion project. All this was promised me.
Then the Master took a few sideways steps toward the door. Ib
rahim and I withdrew—Ibrahim bending low and à reculons [back
wards], I with a half-tum and three bows, each of which the Master
returned.
I forgot before that at one time during the conversation I com
pletely rose from my seat and bowed—when the Sultan described
himself as a friend of the Jews and promised them his permanent
protection if they sought refuge in his lands.
Then Ibrahim conducted me back again to his salon and handed
me the red case with the Grand Cordon, exactly like the one which
the Russian admiral Kriger had received during the selamlik a
while ago.
I left the salon. In the ante-room a lot of baksheesh hands
stretched out toward me. I passed out gold pieces. My top coat,
which I had checked with attendants several times, has already
cost me a fortune.
When I emerged from the Sultan’s kiosk, who should be waiting
for me outside? Crespil It was extremely embarrassing for me to
have Ibrahim see me in his company. But Crespi was not to be
brushed aside. He tagged along with me right up to the gate.
There another scuffle for baksheesh broke loose. A crowd of fel
lows pressed about my carriage. I handed out louis as long as my
supply lasted, and sent Crespi to get Wellisch. But I had hardly
seated myself in the carriage, and had seen Wellisch coming, when
someone called me back into the palace. We thought it was Ibra
him; but it was Izzet, whom I hadn’t seen in five years. He stood
among the shrubbery in front of the audience-kiosk, apparently
talking to some one. He looked at me with an expectant grin as I
went past. I was conducted to his office.
There sat an unknown person, and with him the chamberlain
who had told me earlier in the day, in the ambassador’s room, to
wait there for the ist Secretary. What was the meaning of this?
Again I had to wait awhile. The one good thing about all these
tortures of waiting is the view of the pink and bluish landscape. At
last Izzet came, with the evil eyes of a beast of prey and a friendly
grin. He offered me a cigarette, which I courageously puffed, lit
one himself, and treated me like a dear old friend.
“Quand pourrais-je causer avec vous [When could I have a chat
with you]?” I asked, as though this were my most ardent desire.
"Mais— tout de suite [Why, right now] !” he said.
I remarked that I was too tired. The long conversation with the
Sultan had greatly taxed my strength. I said I would wait upon him
tomorrow, and then we could chat about everything.
He continued to probe. “Il est question de l’unification de la
dette [It is a matter of consolidating the debt],” he said, as if he al
ready knew everything and were only continuing the Sultan’s con
versation.
I looked past him out the window, with tired eyes. I told him that
after the mental strain of the audience I was incapable of thinking
or talking. I asked him kindly to give me a hearing tomorrow (i.e.,
yesterday). We made an appointment for 12 o’clock alia franca
[western style], and I took my leave.
Wellisch, who drove with me, was all stirred up about the high
decoration and the long audience. I was calm, as always in success.
Wolffsohn and Marmorek were waiting, like Soeur Anne * at the
look-out of the hotel window. While still at a distance I waved to
them from the carriage. We embraced. Marmorek, who even in
normal times is jumpy enough to give a stone nervous fits, was of
course beside himself. Wolffsohn wanted to hear details. But I had
already been through enough, even on this journey, from the in
cautious remarks of my otherwise dear companions, and therefore
said:
“I shall tell you nothing. Not a word. Only when we are sitting in
the train will you hear something. T hat will save you the agony of
keeping a secret.”
Being good fellows, they submitted, too.
I had hardly got home when Crespi showed up. He and his part
ner in crime Nuri now demand the reward for what Vàmbéry has
accomplished. Il faut s'exécuter [I must comply]. He wanted to go
to Nuri with me, but I declined his company, saying that we must
now be careful and henceforth not show ourselves together. Half an
hour later I drove to Nuri, who of course acted very important, as
though he had done it all. I left him the illusion. “C’est un art de
grand seigneur de se laisser voler [One of the arts of a great lord is to
let himself be robbed]”;** just let him rejoice like a thief—which
he is.
•Translator's Note: Sister Anne, in Charles Perrault's Bluebeard story. Anne’s
sister, Bluebeard’s seventh wife, asks her to keep a look-out at the window for the
arrival of their brothers who are to save her from her husband’s homicidal desires.
•• Translator’s Note: A line from the comedy Le Gendre de Af. Poirier (Mr.
Poirier’s Son-in-Law), by Emile Augier and Jules Sandeau.
I asked him whether my interpreter, the Grand Master of Cere
monies Ibrahim, was on his list.
“No, not he!” replied His Excellency Nuri (I’d like to know who
is.) Some time I ought to send Ibrahim a fine carriage and a span of
horses, preferably through Crespi. (The very idea!) I let him give
me this and other counsels, and acted as though I believed every
word. However, I asked how much he intended to give Izzet.
“Between 7,000 and 8,000 francs,” he lied, with a wavering
glance behind his pince-nez. “Izzet is my closest friend.”
But when I told him that I had seen Izzet and would see him
again tomorrow, he earnestly warned me against him.
“How’s this? But he is your closest friend! ”
“Bah—he is one of my good friends all right. But in the interest
of our cause you musn’t see him again, otherwise you’ll make an
enemy of Tahsin.”
"And how much do you propose to give Tahsin?” I asked inno
cently.
“About the same amount,” he lied on. “Tahsin is all-powerful.
But beware of Izzet. He’s a squeezed-out lemon. You may believe
me, for I am fairly friendly with him. His calling you into his office
was a trap. He wanted it bruited about all over the palace. He will
claim that you made disclosures to him about the audience—and
everything will be ruined.”

Interpolated letter to Tahsin: *
(I shall enter the happenings of May 18 and 19 en route).
Your Excellency:
Before awaiting H.I.M.’s orders here yesterday, I had instructed
my friend, Mr. Wolffsohn, to deliver to Your Exc. a communica
tion which had been forwarded to me by Prof. Vamb.
Mr. Wolffsohn did not have the honor to be received by Your
Exc., and I fear that he had some deplorable misunderstanding
there, caused by his ignorance of the language. Under these circum
stances I must transmit to Y. Exc. the communication from Prof.
Vamb., whom I am going to visit when I leave here today.
At the same time I shall ask the prof, to explain to Y. Exc. certain
incidents of these last few days.
But I do not want to wait until then to assure Y. Exc. of my deep
and lasting gratitude. You may at all times and in all circumstances
count on my absolute and very sincere devotion. The prof, will tell
you whether I may be believed.
Assuring Your Exc. of my deepest respect,
D r.T h .H .

I have the events of the 18th and 19th to note down.
On the morning of the 18th I was just about to write the Sultan
that I desired another audience, when a letter was handed me from
Ibrahim Bey who asked me to come to the palace at 10:30. Wolff-
sohn and Oskar had gone out to get the 40,000 francs from the
bank. I left word for them that Wolffsohn should wait at the hotel
until I came back, but that Marmorek should go to Nuri and tell
him that Wolffsohn had to wait for my return from the palace.
Only after my return would he come and pay the 50,000 francs.
I felt a bit uneasy. This is a country of quick changes. Yesterday
still Grand Cordon du Medjidié, today perhaps foutu [on the scrap
heap] already.
So I arrived at Yildiz with anxiety and called on Ibrahim, who
smiled amiably but gave me a penetrating look.
We seated ourselves in his office, and he questioned me, with a
casual air, about things he knew perfectly well. They had wanted,
as early as yesterday, to send me the invitation to come to the pal
ace, but hadn’t been able to locate me. Then it had occurred to
them to ask my address from the gentleman who had accosted me
yesterday outside the audience-kiosk and had walked along with
me—what was his name, anyway?
"Crespi,” I said calmly.
"Oh yes, of course, Crespi. And afterwards you were with Izzet?”
"Yes sir, he sent for me. I hadn’t seen him in five years and had
been quite out of touch with him. He wanted to talk with me about
matters connected with the audience. But I told him that I was too
tired. I intend to give information only as far as I am authorized
by His Majesty.”
Ibrahim nodded his gratified approval. I don’t know to this hour
whether he belongs to the Tahsin party or to the Izzet party.
"As a matter of fact, I have sent my excuses to Izzet Bey for being
unable to keep this noon’s appointment, as I have been com
manded to keep myself at His Majesty’s disposal.”
Ibrahim again was pleased.
From time to time reports were delivered, and he wrote letters.
Two of them were addressed to the Sultan, as I inferred from the
reverence and special care with which he sealed them. Several gos
sips dropped in from other offices. At times Turkish was spoken in
very, very low tones. This, of course, was due to my presence—as
though they weren’t quite certain that I didn’t understand
Turkish.
Noon came. Ibrahim invited me to eat with him. A luncheon
table had been improvised, army style, in the ante-chamber. In
numerable dishes were served up, each one worse and more
Turkish than the last.
We were sitting over the second course when the door was
flung open and in walked Izzet, en maître [like the owner of the
place] and with a friendliness that boded ill. He immediately sat
down with us and started eating greedily. We had gone through
several courses when another mysterious something made its ap
pearance.
A blue envelope, which Ibrahim handed me: from H.I.M.
I thanked him with emotion and opened it. It was a stick-pin, a
token of friendship. A golden-yellow diamond.
I was the only one drinking wine, the others having water.
I rose, raised my glass, and drained it to the Master’s health. The
others drained their water-glasses, standing.
After our meal, over coffee, Izzet identified himself as the man
charged with explaining to me the plan for the consolidation of the
public debt.
Obviously a thieves’ plan. A syndicate was to supply 30 million
pounds, with which the debt could be bought up on the stock
exchanges. Sheer nonsense. I listened calmly, and finally I said that
I would think it over and then give them my opinion.
Izzet went off with his wild-animal’s grin; then I asked Ibrahim
to announce my presence to the Sultan. This had best be done
through Izzet, said Ibrahim; and from that moment on I was con
vinced that he belonged to the Izzet party. Izzet was overtaken
before he had left the ante-chamber and undertook the assignment,
although I foresaw a negative result.
I stayed for a while longer with Ibrahim, who questioned me
about my position on the N. Fr. Pr. I had repeatedly emphasized
that I was only the editor of the literary section. But they con
sistently treated me as directeur [the editor].
His attention attracted by my corrections, he asked me with
ironic penetration: “Il y a donc un directeur général [There is a
managing editor, isn’t there]?”
“Oui, M. Bâcher [Yes, Mr. Bâcher]!” And as I said this and
felt a certain embarrassment about my grand-cordon, the usually
harmless Ibrahim’s expression became malicious.
Presently the Sultan’s reply came: he was too busy and regretted
being unable to see me now.
The yellow diamond was the only result of the day.
Later, Nuri called on us at the hotel, accompanied by his lascar
Crespi.
Wolffsohn had made difficulties about the receipt, and there
ensued an angry scene at the writing table when Nuri refused to
give such a clear acknowledgment.
When Wolffsohn demanded a receipt on his visiting card, he
rose to his feet with an air of deeply offended innocence. I patched
things up by letting Nuri sign in any way he wanted to. Then he
got up, still offended, and refused to accept the thick wad of bank
notes himself: "Give that to Crespi!” And as he left, he coldly
extended his hand to Wolffsohn and said to me: "Ce monsieur ne
fera pas beaucoup d'affaires ici [That gentleman won’t do much
business around here]!”
I deferentially showed him to the door. At the staircase he said:
“Je rendrai ces 40,000 francs à cette banque. Et je compte sur
vous comme tel—[I’ll deliver those 40,000 francs to that bank. And
I rely on you as a—this]” (at which he gave my wrist the Free
masons’grip).
“Vous me connaissez [You know me],” I said, and returned the
sign in jest.
May 19, Sunday

A miserable day. In the morning I had sent Wolffsohn to the
palace, together with Wellisch. I gave Wolffsohn a note for
Ibrahim with an enclosed letter to the Sultan, as well as a letter
containing ten thousand francs for Tahsin.
They were away until 7 o'clock in the evening. We went through
great excitement. Oskar’s terrific agitation while waiting made me
terribly nervous as well. In the end I locked myself in my room, in
order to get away from him, and lay on the bed for hours, thinking.
The long absence of the two men was really mysterious and
alarming. Had Tahsin perhaps taken offence at the remittance of
money and raised a storm? Or what else was it?
At last they came back. Tahsin had refused to receive them at
any price and had rebuffed their repeated attempts. They had had
to wait at Ibrahim’s to the point of unconsciousness.
* * *
Interpolation of May 21, farewell:*

Sire:
In taking leave of Your Imperial Majesty I once more place at
the foot of the throne this acknowledgment of my unalterable
devotion and of my profound gratitude.
I shall only remain in Vienna the requisite period of time and
shall set out immediately in order to be able to submit the com
pleted project within one month.
During my travels it may become necessary for me to put myself
in immediate and very confidential touch with Y.I.M.’s orders. For
this reason, Y.I.M. in your exalted wisdom may perhaps deem it
useful to instruct your ambassadors in Vienna, Paris, Brussels, The
Hague, London, Berlin, St. Petersburg, and Rome immediately to
transmit to Y.I.M., by wire and in code, the communications
which I shall permit myself to make to you, or to have conveyed
by the Embassy courier the very respectful letters that I shall have
the honor to address to Y.I.M.
I humbly beg Y.I.M. to let me know through H.E. the Ambas
sador to Vienna if this easy, discreet, and rapid form of correspond
ence has met with your exalted approval.
The coming weeks will be filled with work. May it please God
that it be useful and serve the glorious reign of Y.I.M.
With complete devotion, I am Sire,
Y.I.M.’s very loyal and obedient servant,

D r.T h .H .
To Ibrahim:*
Your Excellency:
I have the honor to submit to you herewith my farewell letter
to H.I.M. It contains directions for the safety of the reports which
I am to make.
At the same time I beg Your Excellency kindly to take note of
my private address where all communications should be directed.
It is Haizingergasse 29, Wâhring, Vienna.
Begging you to accept the expression of my deepest respect and
my profound gratitude, I remain

T h .H .
# # #
May 21, on board the “Principessa Maria”

We have just left the Bosporus, the beauty of which made the
morning hours short, and only now is this part of my adventure
happily concluded, an adventure I considered not without its
dangers.
I got into the power of a despot whom I had every reason to
regard as half-demented, and whose government, as the debate in
the Italian Chamber of Deputies showed, had twice during the
past year demanded the intervention of the Powers against Jewish
immigration.
The situation was made hazardous in another direction by the
fact that I was obliged to introduce myself, at first, not in my real
and universally known capacity as head of the Zionists, but as an
editor of the Neue Freie Presse—they turned this into directeur
[the editor], and again I endeavored to modify this by adding
littéraire [literary].
As a matter of fact, I remained in constant fear that I would run
onto some rock and not only be shipwrecked but disgrace myself
forever. In addition, all that money would have been thrown
away, and I would rightly have been held responsible.
Well, things turned out better than that, but tremendous new
cares and troubles arose. Not the least of them is over my future
and that of my family, for this will probably cost me my position
on the N. Fr. Pr. and I shall run the risk of having to pursue literary
odd jobs.
Mais c’est un engrenage. Quand on y a mis le doigt, il faut passer
tout entier [But it’s a cog-wheel; once you’ve put in a finger, you’ve
got to go all the way in].
I have seen Yildiz Kiosk as it really is, and have gained one
particular impression from it which it may not be without interest
to history to record.
In this diary I am sometimes forced to distort my fresh impres
sions, for I record them right on the spot where a stroke of bad
luck or a trick of espionage might purloin the book from me as an
incriminating document. But here and now, on a Rumanian boat
in the Black Sea, I feel quite free, safe, and at liberty, like that
time on the “Dundee” after leaving Jaffa.
For this reason the favorable things which I say here about Sultan
Abdul Hamid for the benefit of posterity have the full value of
truthfulness.
Naturally, neither his red cordon nor his yellow diamond has
influenced me in the least. Such things leave me completely cold,
as they would any sensible person. For me they have only political
value, which I weigh calmly, neither overestimating nor under
estimating it. I believe that some capital can be made out of these
things for the benefit of the movement. This will make us stronger,
give us more authority, and this authority will in turn enable us
to make further progress.
My impression of the Sultan was that he is a weak, cowardly, but
thoroughly good-natured man. I regard him as neither crafty nor
cruel, but as a profoundly unhappy prisoner in whose name a
rapacious, infamous, seedy camarilla perpetrates the vilest abomi
nations.
If I didn’t have the Zionist movement to look after I would now
go and write an article that would give the poor prisoner his free
dom. Abdul Hamid Khan II is a collective name for the most de
praved pack of rogues that has ever made a country unsafe and
unhappy. I never even suspected that such a troupe de malfaiteurs
[gang of crooks] was possible. The shamelessness of this business
of tip-taking, which begins at the palace gate and ends only at the
foot of the throne, is probably not even the worst of it. Everything
is a business, and every official or functionary is a crook. At least,
this is what I heard from all sides, and what I have seen of the
goings-on makes me believe that it is no slander.
I can only compare this anonymous band of bums to a tangle of
venomous snakes. The weakest, sickest, and least noxious snake
wears a little crown. But this army of snakes has such a peculiar
structure that it looks as though its crowned head were the one
that bit and poisoned everything.
The rabble of Yildiz Kiosk is the real bande de malfaiteurs [band
of crooks]. They always scatter after committing some infamy;
and since there are always several of them, no one is responsible
except him, the Master, in whose name the deed was done.
And to this name attaches all the horror which only a shrewdly
cruel criminal on the throne could inspire, while in reality the
criminals surround the throne.
In my idea for a play, The Master, I had had in mind just such
a cowardly, unprincipled set of servants, enfeebled and enervated
by the horrors of slavery, as represented by dependence on modem
capitalism. The “Master,” however, played by a comedian, was to
be a stupid, weak, ludicrous figure, so that the absurdity of the lord
might make the tragedy of dependence appear even more shatter
ing. This ridiculous Sultan is almost the embodiment of my con
ception, and yet he is not, for I can’t help feeling sorry for him.
Perhaps I ought to add a new dimension to my idea for a play by
making the manufacturer, the “Master,” secretly a bankrupt.
I can still see him before me, this Sultan of the declining robber
empire. Small, shabby, with his badly dyed beard which is prob
ably freshly painted only once a week, for the selamlik. The hooked
nose of a Punchinello, the long yellow teeth with a big gap on the
upper right. The fez pulled low over his probably bald head; the
prominent ears “serving as a pants-protector,” as I used to say
about such fez-wearers to my friends’ amusement—that is, to keep
the fez from slipping down onto the pants. The feeble hands in
white, oversize gloves, and the ill-fitting, coarse, loud-colored cuffs.
The bleating voice, the constraint in every word, the timidity in
every glance. And this rules! Only on the surface, of course, and
nominally.
But who is the real blackguard behind the grotesque mask of
this poor Sultan?
Is it the ist Secretary Tahsin Bey? Is it the 2nd Secretary Izzet
Bey? Is it still others whom I don’t know yet, lurking in the swamps
and behind the bushes of that glorious Yildiz Kiosk?
Tahsin is a man of cold impassivity, Izzet is ready to pounce at
any moment like a tiger.
Probably my best piece of work this time was the way I tamed
the tiger Izzet. Surely he is ready to tear me to pieces at the first
opportunity, but for the present he had to slink off snarling and
craven, with his tail between his legs.
And this is what happened yesterday:
May 20, Trudel’s birthday.
We packed all our trunks and bags the first thing in the morn
ing, in order to be able to leave at noon. Oskar Mamorek was
assigned to get everything ready for our drive to the station, so
that we could still catch the Orient Express even if we got there
at the last moment. I wouldn’t let Wellisch accompany me this
time, for Wolffsohn had told me that on the previous day he had
fingered and sniffed the letter to Tahsin a bit conspicuously. I took
Wolffsohn with me to the palace, and he had on him the letter
with the 10,000 francs to give to Tahsin in case a circonstance
favorable [favorable occasion] could be arranged. I wanted to make
a friend of Tahsin, but didn’t wish to risk an éclat [scandal] or a
refusal of the money. The occasion would have to be taken accord
ingly.
Ibrahim Bey was already waiting for me when I arrived at the
palace at 9 o’clock. I left Wolffsohn in the ante-chamber and went
with Ibrahim into his office. First he gave me a message from the
Sultan. H.I.M. (an awestruck bow at each mention of this hallowed
pseudonym) was too busy to receive me at this time, but had asked
him, Ibrahim, to communicate to him without delay whatever I
had to say. H.I.M. had immediately read my yesterday’s letter, or
rather, had a translation of same made by the honest Ibrahim. His
Most Illustrious Highness had even deigned to take cognizance of
my missive on his afternoon walk. T he great lord was very curious
to leam my proposals, the more so as the finances at this particular
time were in an even sadder condition than at any time since the
beginning of his glorious reign. T he Sultan had also repeated a
number of times my saying about the lion’s thorn. Accordingly,
why didn’t I express my views to him, Ibrahim; it would almost
be as if I submitted them directly to His Supreme Highness, for
he would immediately write them down and send them over to the
Sultan.
So I started right in, and Ibrahim took notes.
I gave a sort of systematic presentation, calculated for the weak
brain of H.I.M. the Caliph. My oral outline broke down into two
parts, which I clearly expounded to poor Ibrahim and had him
write down in the following manner.
I. Negative Part.
a) Izzet’s consolidation plan is impracticable and even to at
tempt it would be harmful.
b) All loans are inadvisable at present, the main reason being
that in her present situation Turkey could only obtain money on
the most severely usurious terms— et encore [and then] !
II. Positive Part.

a) Buying up the dette on the stock exchanges should be carried
out in complete secrecy by a trustworthy syndicate, something that
under the most favorable circumstances could be accomplished
within three years.
b) Meanwhile, immediate requirements must be provided for,
and, in particular, steps taken to meet the deficit of 11/2 million
pounds by October ist.
c) During this time, however, tapping new sources of revenue
should be studied and implemented.
III. General Rationale.

We Jews need a protector in the world, and we would like this
protector (the aforementioned lion) to regain his full strength.
Ibrahim wrote and wrote, and made a clean copy of his notes—
everything on the palm of his hand and on his propped-up knee,
Turkish fashion. Meanwhile I asked him to have me announced
toTahsin, to whom I wanted to pay a farewell visit. Tahsin again
sent word that he was busy, and afterwards he was called to H.I.M.
At 11 o’clock Ibrahim had finished, sealed the report with re
verential care, and sent it to H.I.M.
After a short time he was summoned by the Sultan, which I
could tell from his slipping on his Turkish court-jacket. When he
returned after a little while, Tahsin Bey was with him, positively
amiable this time, something I couldn’t immediately account for.
He squeezed my hand, smiled, regretted he didn’t have more time
for me, and said with charming certainty that he counted on see
ing me again soon in Constantinople.
Again I had to wait a short while. Time was passing; it was
already unlikely that I could still catch my train. Suddenly the
door opened, and who should jump in but the lean and malignant
panther Izzet. He held in his hand a paper which I recognized im
mediately: it was the strictly confidential report which I had
dictated to Ibrahim and which was intended only for H.I.M. The
former American Ambassador, Straus, had told me in Vienna
long ago that H.I.M. was a. scoundrel.* Was this the “secret, secret”
that he had promised me with eyes solemnly upturned?
Izzet brandished the paper grimly and triumphantly, as if to
say: “What? You never guessed, did you, you Jewish dog, that
I would get my hands on your scheme and tear your intrigue to
bits!”
He cleared the decks for action. So did I.
“En quoi, Monsieur, le projet de l'unification de la dette est-il
nuisible [In what way, sir, is the plan for consolidating the debt
harmful]?” he asked harshly, and I recognized that my proposal
had thwarted his thievish designs.
At first I gave way before his onslaught. I tried to be polite.
"Je ne dis pas que l’idée n’est pas bonne [I am not saying that
the idea isn’t good],” I said.
"Ah, elle est donc bonne [Ah, then it is good]?” he said sarcastic
ally, and then he imperiously turned to Ibrahim: “Ecrivez
[Write]!”
So Ibrahim was supposed to take down a statement which would
evidently be submitted to the Sultan, garnished with lies.
But that “Ecrivez!” and Izzet’s furious glance drew my attention
to the full extent of the danger. He now intended to ruin me and
discredit me in the eyes of the Sultan. In a moment I had regained
my fighting spirit, and calmly said to Ibrahim:
“Oui, Excellence, écrivez! L ’idée est bonne et belle, comme il
serait beau aussi de voler [Yes, Your Excellency, write! The idea
is good and fine, just as it would be fine to voler*]. . . .”
A furtive look suddenly came into Izzet’s eyes. Did I mean steal
ing or flying?
I politely added:
“De voler dans l'air. Mais c’est impossible dans ces circonstances.
Et puisque vous pourriez, en tentant l’impossible vol aérien,
tomber et vous casser quelque chose, l’idée est nuisible. La tenta
tive n’aurait d’autre résultat que de faire monter le cours des titres
turques en Bourse, mais l’opération est infaisable. Vous ne trouv
erez jamais les trente millions de livres nécessaires pour commencer
le rachat. Et même si vous les trouviez, les cours monteraient par
suite de vos achats et 3o millions ne suffiraient plus du tout [Fly
in the air. But under the circumstances this is impossible. And
since in attempting the impossible aerial flight you might fall
and break something, the idea is harmful. T he only result of the
attempt would be to raise the price of Turkish bonds on the stock
market—but the operation is impracticable. You will never find
the thirty million pounds needed to begin the redemption. And
even if you found them, the price would go up as the result of
your purchases, and the 30 millions would no longer suffice by a
long shot].”
“Ce n’est pas ce que j’ai voulu dire [That isn’t what I meant],”
said the rogue, giving in. For that is what he had said yesterday.
I didn’t make it hard for him to come round. After all, I wanted
• Translator’s Note: Voler means both “ to steal” and “ to fly.”
to win him over. And after I had shown him my clenched fist, I
tried to make him tractable by glances.
As Ibrahim was present, I couldn’t say anything to him; I could
only look deep into his eyes and say: With our cooperation every
financial operation on behalf of H.I.M. will turn out well. With
our cooperation you will do well, etc. And many other tempting,
promising sous-entendus [hints], which I accompanied with a
wink.
I looked at my watch. We had missed the train. Then I made a
mistake, maybe a big one, but perhaps not one at all. I went outside
and handed Wolffsohn the letter for Tahsin which had been pre
pared in the hotel, for immediate delivery. In this letter I told him
that I would send him, through Vâmbéry, the message that he had
refused to accept from Wolffsohn yesterday.
When I returned to the office, Ibrahim and Izzet arose according
to Turkish custom and did not sit down until I had done so.
The conversation continued. Izzet was more gentle. We talked
about the ressources à créer [revenues to be created]. H.I.M. was
offering me the exploitation of five monopolies: mines, oil fields,
etc. Presumably this meant that we were to raise the money for the
purpose. They would like to clean us out. I looked friendly and
dense: that could be done all right.
Then Izzet blurted out:
“We need about four million pounds in the near future. We
have ordered warships, etc. In short, we need something like four
million. Could you get that for us?”
“I think it possible. I should have to consult my friends. Every
thing would depend on the attitude His Imperial Majesty would
adopt toward us Jews.”
“What is your idea,” asked Izzet, “for raising and covering such
a loan?”
I still didn’t want to come right out with the Charter, but wanted
to let them work up to it, and said I would send them word in three
or four weeks, after I had consulted with my friends.
It was at this point, I think, that Ismail Hakki Bey, Tahsin’s
confidential dragoman, came in, and with a veiy unfriendly air—
obviously on purpose, because of the presence of Ibrahim and the
mortal enemy Izzet—asked me what kind of message was men
tioned in my letter. Tahsin requested me to send him the message
through Ismail Hakki.
Izzet pricked up his ears, and I saw him give Ibrahim a knowing
wink. They guessed that money was involved. I couldn’t under
stand what was going on. Did Tahsin want to nail my attempted
bribery? Was he simply asking for money? Since I wasn’t sure about
the local set-up, but knew in any case that I was in the presence of
the enemy, I said as nonchalantly as possible that it was something
Prof. Vâmbéry had asked me to communicate to him and which
I would write him before I left.
Ismail Hakki went out angrily.
We, however, went on with our conversation, which now reached
an unexpected climax.
H.I.M. asked me, through Izzet and Ibrahim, what about the
citizenship of those Jews who wanted to do business, in one form
or another, with or inside Turkey.
“Ils peuvent venir chez nous, les Israélites,” said Izzet in his
barbarous French, “mais ils doivent accepter la sujétion ottomane.
Par exemple, si vous rachetez les titres de la dette publique, les
membres devront être des sujets de S.M.I. Ainsi de même ceux qui
viennent comme colons. Ils devraient non seulement devenir sujets
turques mais aussi renoncer à leur sujétion antérieure et se faire
attester leur sortie de la sujétion par le gouvernment respectif [The
Israelites can come here, but they must agree to become Ottoman
subjects. For instance, if you buy back the bonds of the Public
Debt, the participants will have to become subjects of H.I.M. The
same thing applies to those who come in as colonists. They must
not only become Turkish subjects, but must also renounce their
previous allegiance and must have this renunciation documented
by the government concerned].”
“Et faire le service militaire si S.M.I. les appelle sous les drap
eaux [And perform military service if H is Imperial Majesty calls
them to the colors],” said Ibrahim.
“Dans ces conditions-là on pourrait recevoir les Israélites de tous
les pays chez nous [Under these conditions we could let in the
Israelites of every land],” said Izzet with the friendliness of a
hyena.
I thought to myself: “Eine gute Kr'dnk, [You should live so
long]!” It would just suit Messieurs Izzet and Company for us to
bring in poor men and rich men for them to plunder. But that
wasn’t the moment to raise objections with blackguards from
whom, at a later date, the Charter will have to be bought section
by section anyway.
So 1 pretended to be delighted at the prospect of coming under
the old reliable and glorious sceptre of Abdul Hamid, and said
I was agreeable to entering into details.
“For another thing, colonization must not take place in masses.
Instead, let us say, five families here and five there—scattered,
without connection.”
"So you can plunder and slay them more easily?” I thought to
myself and made a friendly face expressing agreement.
“Even though I wouldn’t have the slightest objection to such
a dispersion, certain technical and economic difficulties neverthe
lessmilitate against it. Last year, as you know, His Imperial Majesty
was gracious enough to make some land in Anatolia available to
Rumanian Jewish refugees. W ith all gratitude for so much gen
erosity I still was not in favor of scattered settlements, because the
economic foundation was lacking. Such haphazard emigration
must not be encouraged. There is no point to it. What could be
done, however, is to organize a great land company to which un
cultivated territory could be assigned and which could then settle
people on it. Surely there is land enough in Palestine which could
be used for such a purpose. If this land company, which would no
doubt have to be an Ottoman corporation, were given a suitable
concession, it could make the land arable, settle people, and pay
taxes. And on the prospective income of this land company, money
could perhaps be borrowed in advance. You would have a ressource
[source of revenue] right there.”
In that inoffensive form I propounded the Charter to the Sul
tan’s representatives for the first time, and contented myself with
their listening to all these suggestions.
It will be time enough to elaborate on the matter in the sub
sequent negotiations, and gold will serve to sweep away all the
misgivings of doughty Izzet and his likes.
Izzet disappeared, ostensibly in order to inform H.I.M. of
everything I had said. After a while he returned with a farewell
greeting from H.I.M., who expects my definite proposals within a
month.
Thus we have actually entered upon negotiations for the
Charter. All it takes now to carry out everything that I have de
signed is luck, skill, and money.
At the present stage, I am giving the grant of a Charter more
the character of a favor rendered to us in order to awaken our
sympathies for the Turkish Empire.
Et nous verrons après [And after that we shall see] !
These were the noteworthy incidents of May 20, 1901, the ninth
birthday of my daughter Trudel.
So far there is not much that is tangible in these results, and yet
I already see in them the embryo of the whole.
May 24, Vienna

Returned home yesterday evening. There has only been a trickle
of news from Constantinople. T he N. Fr. Pr. has been silent, of
course. My Dad told me that the fellows had sent someone to my
house to get my address. My Dad went to the office last Saturday
and spoke with Benedikt, also showed him my telegram saying:
“Trip most satisfactory, homeward bound Monday.” Benedikt
said: “T hat’s terrific.” But they definitely counted on my supply
ing that essay promised for the Pentecost number.
I am now writing to Benedikt:
Dear Friend:
I returned home last night. I am planning to write the Pentecost
feuilleton. It is a simple love story entitled “Sunset.” Since I assume
that you want it for the main section and not the supplement, I
shall turn in the manuscript tomorrow evening.
I suggest that you run the enclosed item among the despatches.
Of course, I need have no fear that the matter will be taken up
further in the paper, but by way of precaution I would recom
mend awaiting my oral information.
Sincerely yours,
Herzl.
Enclosure. (Despatch):
Constantinople (Special). T he Sultan has bestowed the Grand
Cordon of the Mejidiye Order on Dr. Theodor Herzl of Vienna,
whom he had received in a two-hour audience last Friday after
the selamlik.
* * #
Addendum: The letter which I addressed to the Sultan on

Sunday, May 19th:*
Sire:
The gracious welcome with which Y.I.M. has deigned to honor
me has gone straight to my heart, and I beg Y.I.M. to count me
among his most devoted servants.
It is for this same reason that I request the honor of being
received again before my departure which must be effected tomor
row, Monday, on the Orient Express, because my duties recall me
to Vienna.
The information which H.E. Izzet Bey was good enough to
give me on orders from Y.I.M. has sufficiently enlightened me on
the project in question, and from now on I shall be able to express
my humble opinion if Y.I.M. does me the signal honor I am
requesting. It would be most useful if this could be done orally.
•Translator’s Note: At this point the original manuscript contains the rough
draft of the letter to the Sultan, in French.
I have another scheme to submit in the profoundest secrecy, to
the lofty wisdom of Y.I.M.,
[Instruction to Embassy:
I shall have another,
final talk with Izzet]*
and this very day, because Y.I.M. may wish to go into the details
and the explanations might take some hours.
The hour may have come in which the lion will be relieved of
his thorn. God the Almighty, who is above us, willing, Turkey
has arrived at a turning point in its history, and the glorious reign
of Sultan Abdul Hamid Khan II, so beloved by his Moslem and
Jewish subjects whom he makes happy, will cover it with new
splendor. I am very moved as I direct these words from a sincere
heart to the august person of Your I.M.
I have the honor to be, Sire, Your I.M.’s very faithful and
obedient servant,
Dr.Th.H.
Whit-Monday, May 27, Vienna

Yesterday or today it is six years since I visited Baron Hirsch
and, following his refusal, decided to create the Jewish State on
my own.
What travels, what travails 1
May 27, in Vienna

I am writing to Benedikt in order to avoid seeing him and letting
him get me excited, because I definitely have to leave tomorrow:
May 28,1901
Dear Friend:
It is better if I write you than if I talk with you about it. A few
weeks ago you told me that such altercations get you a bit excited,
• In German in the original.
and that certainly isn’t necessary. At that time I explained to you
that I don’t feel quite happy in my position with the N. Fr. Pr.,
because I am more dependent than is in keeping with my tempera
ment. No matter how amiable and amicable you and Dr. Bâcher
may always have been toward me, still, I didn’t feel the way I would
have wanted to.
The “editorship” of the feuilletons and of the literary section of
theiV. Fr. Pr. cannot satisfy me.
Now I have searched my mind and am making you a proposition.
The reason for my dissatisfaction and nervousness is the above-
mentioned “editorship” of the literary section, etc. This is a cob
web and a suit of mail. I am superfluous there, and yet tied down.
If at any time I want to get away for a week or two, it is a whole
project. To the extent that it isn’t mere pen-pusher’s work, Dr.
Ganz, for instance, could and would easily take care of it. That
you don’t give the literary editor his independence I understand
perfectly; a newspaper can be run only by a central will. Anyone
can draft a telegram to Dreyer or Brieux.
If I may be so immodest as to speak of the small value which I
may have to the N. Fr. Pr., it can be only that of my articles. But
I can also write them the way Wittmann does, that is, without
working at the office. If I am in Vienna, I can come to the office
every day, to hear what is going on, to keep in touch, and you com
mission a feuilleton. When I am in the country, the same thing can
be done by telephone or telegraph. If, finally, it should happen
that I take a trip for a week or two, I can send a feuilleton a week,
as I have been in the habit of doing from Paris or London in the
last few years. This expresses the essence of my relationship to the
N. Fr. Pr. Naturally, I could imagine this form of relationship to
the paper only under the condition that my emolument remain the
same. The fact that part of my income is put down for the “editor
ship” you called only a matter of bookkeeping at the time, and
I have never regarded it as anything different.
May I request you to address your kind reply to my father, Mr.
Jacob Herzl. He will forward it to me, for I should like to take
another trip of a few weeks; naturally, this will exhaust my vaca
tion. Then, from the end of June on, you can count on my
feuilletons each week even during the saison morte [dead season],
if you so desire.

T h. Herzl.
# * #
To Crespi, May 28,1901, Vienna: *

Dear Sir:
I am leaving today for several weeks, and this is why I am sending
you the enclosed check for a thousand francs, covering the month
of June, before June 1st.
Please address your letters to me in a double envelope to Dr.
O. Kokesch, Tuchlauben 17, Vienna I.
Expecting your useful information and begging you to convey
my kindest regards to our eminent friend, I am
Cordially yours,
Herzl.
May 28, Vienna.

To Ibrahim Bey:*
Your Excellency:
Permit me to send you a little souvenir of the fine hours during
which I had the honor and the pleasure of meeting with you in
your devotion to H.I.M. It is a snuff-box, which I am sending by
mail.
The kettle plates have been ordered and will be sent to you
next week.
By doing me the honor of accepting these trifles you will give
me evidence of your good will which I value so highly.
I am setting out today with the purpose you know about.
With the expression of my profound respect and gratitude,
Faithfully yours,
Th. Herzl.
May 29, on the express train to Franzensfeste,

to see Vàmbéry
Yesterday there was quite an uproar before my departure, until
I finally landed at the Südbahnhof [Southern Railroad Station]
four minutes before the express train left and was just able to have
my suitcase thrown into the baggage car, but didn’t have time to
register it.
In the morning I went to see Dirsztay, who read me vilifying and
threatening letters from that blackguard Crespi. This Dirsztay
seems to be a Jew as dirty as he is rich, of the apikorsim [free-think
ing] kind. For he evidently has Crespi do him favors in return for
promising this Levantine scamp to put in a good word for him with
me. For this intercession he probably wants some decoration, unless
he even uses it for speculation—he, who gets an annual stipend of
hundreds of thousands of guilders from his father-in-law.
Of course, I acted as though I didn’t think ill of him, but asked
him to write his friend Crespi that he shouldn't dare to write me
in an insolent tone, for otherwise I would immediately and with
out further ado break off relations with him. Naturally I wouldn’t
be taken in by Crespi’s lie that he hadn’t got anything of the
30,000 francs. I hadn’t even checked on whether I was being
cheated or not. But they shouldn’t take me for an idiot, even if I
acted generously. Dirsztay obsequiously promised me to write
quite in accordance with my wishes.
Then I drove to see Ambassador Mahmud Nedim Bey, who
greeted me with the words “Congratulations, effendi!”
And immediately he was off and told me all his worries and
stupidities. That a diplomat?! What am I, then?
He grumbled about all his secretaries, who were spying on him,
slandering him, and not doing any work. Nothing but liars, block
heads, and blackguards. The First Secretary of the Embassy, he
said, was writing reports to Constantinople in which he, the ambas
sador, was presented as a drunkard who staggered about plastered
all day et ne peut tenir sur ses quatre pieds [and can’t keep on his
four feet]. On my four feet! said the jackass. And to make it even
more graphic for me, he got up and with a serious expression per
formed the actions of a souse, babbling and reeling about. This
solo comedy-act took about half a minute. If I had hitherto been
able to take his inanities for a shrewd pretense at simple-minded
ness—it was that improbable that an ambassador could really be
so stupid—after his ridiculous behavior there could no longer be
any doubt that he really was an ass.
Then he vilified the Second Secretary, who, he said, came from
his mistress at 9:30 in the morning, smoked a few cigarettes, and
left again at 11, with which his work was done. Then he berated
the embassy councillor whom they had assigned to him, an ignor
ant Egyptian who couldn’t read or write, and the husband of a
Mohammedan woman who attended evening parties in low-cut
dresses. She is the Khedive’s sister, and had wanted him to in
troduce her to the Emperor. But her brother had flatly refused her
this, because it ran counter to Mohammedan custom. And the
way he tried to illustrate all this for me by examples from Judaism:
it was as if I wanted to serve pork to a Rabbi on Saturday, or offer
him a cigar.
Then he complained about conditions in Turkey—the misman
agement, the rascalities. They still owed him £4,500 in back pay,
and he had to pay 10% of his salary to usurers. Je fis la sourde oreille
[I turned a deaf ear]. If he should ever be able to be of use, I shall
get him the loan at 4 or 5%.
He also spoke critically of Izzet whom he called le mauvais génie
[the evil genius]. He had already fallen from favor once, it was
true, but the Sultan could not part with this sharer of secrets. If
he should disappear, however, the Sultan would surely offer four
candles “dans une église non catholique [in a non-Catholic
church].”
Tahsin, he said, was somewhat better. But Mahmud Nedim
can’t forgive him for his failure to have the £4,500 arriérés [arrears]
paid to him, although the Sultan had already issued two irades to
this effect. The secretaries Tahsin and Izzet did whatever they
wanted. But Tahsin was the more loyal one, and even though, for
example, he seemed to be the creature of Maximow, the Russian,
this was surely happening with the Sultan’s knowledge and ap
proval.
Mahmud Nedim was visibly impressed when I told him about
my long audience with the Sultan. I said that I had to keep silent
about its contents, but I was authorized to transmit my letters to
the Sultan directly through Ibrahim. In reply to my request to send
my letter through the courrier de l’ambassade [diplomatic pouch]
he told me that they had no such institution. Every ambassador, he
said, sends his letter by ordinary maill But he did place his code
key to Tahsin at my disposal, and we arranged that he would sign
his letters and telegrams to me “Dym.” I shall sign mine to him
“old man.”
Dirsztay had told me that permission to wear my Grand Cordon
would be granted by the Austrian government only upon the
request of the Turkish ambassador. This seemed improbable to
me, because surely an ambassador cannot do anything but what
his master wishes—in one of his stupid remarks Mahmud Nedim
had represented himself as the former’s “exécuteur testamentaire”
[executor of his testament]—but I requested him to do it anyway.
He refused, perhaps out of innate malevolence, but perhaps be
cause he really is unable to. Je n’insistais point [I didn’t insist at all]
and said I would take it up with Koerber as soon as the decree
arrived.
Then we parted friends.
In the afternoon the A.C. met at my home, and I gave instruc
tions for the period of my absence.
* # #
I shall write Nuri from Paris that he shouldn’t let Crespi bother
me.
May 29, evening

On the train, between Innsbruck and Munich.
Vâmbéry entered my compartment at Miihlbach, we rode to
Franzensfeste, and over lunch at the local inn I gave him my report.
He thought what I had achieved tremendous. I for my part told
him that he had accomplished a great deal more than he had
promised me. T o this he replied: “You are a noble person for not
minimizing this now.”
He thinks that we shall have the Charter this very year. He plans
to go to Constantinople again in September. Meanwhile he would
like me to make a draft of the Charter which he intends to present
to the Sultan and get it signed by him without any Secretary or
Minister finding out about it.
For this I promised him 300,000 guilders and a eulogy in world
history.
He showed himself receptive to both.
I also asked him to get Wolffsohn and Oskar Marmorek one
order second class each.
Moreover, he should write Tahsin that I was his friend, and to
the Sultan, that I am now traveling to various courts in order to
dispel the concern that my appearance in Constantinople on behalf
of Palestine may have given rise to. Also, that I was going to render
the Sultan journalistic assistance once I had straightened out his
finances for him.
May 31, morning, on the Orient Express, outside Paris

Yesterday, then, I visited the good Grand Duke. This time the
audience did not take place without difficulty. The train which
I took there from Munich was more than an hour late, because
earlier a train had been derailed at a Bavarian station. I arrived at
Karlsruhe at four instead of three. At the hotel I was told that the
Grand Duke had expected me two days ago and had twice sent
messengers there. Yesterday at three, too, a court lackey had been
there to tell me to come to the palace the minute I arrived from
the station. However, the train had been sectioned in Württem
berg, because they had not been able to straighten out the Bavarian
delay, and one section of the train had arrived in Karlsruhe at
three; when I wasn’t on it, the Grand Duke probably thought I
wasn’t coming at all, although I had sent him a telegram from
Munich.
When I had them telephone the palace right after my arrival
to say that I was here, the answer was “the Grand Duke has no more
time today” for me.
In giving me this message, the hotel clerk, who had treated me
submissively, made the face expressing ironic regret which one
shows to courtiers who have fallen from favor.
But his saying that the Grand Duke had probably gone to
Baden-Baden was worse. T hen the chances for an audience were
dim. I already resigned myself to the idea of losing a day in Karls
ruhe. But I personally telephoned the palace to say that I was
expecting H.R.M.’s orders.
I was now at liberty to be bored stiff for two hours and meditate
about the difficulties of dealing with princes.*
But at half-past six a telephone message came from the palace,
saying that the Grand Duke was expecting me at 8 o’clock. I was
to wear my overcoat. Not evening dress,** then.
I had them harness the hotel carriage for me, packed my suitcase
in such a way that I could depart at the last moment even if the
audience should take a long time, and made a careful toilet. Frock
coat, but without the Mejidiye rosette. I didn’t want to appear to
• Translator’s Note: Herzl’s phrase is über das Kirschenessen mit Fürsten, based
on the idiom mit ihm ist nicht gut Kirschen essen, “ beware of eating cherries with
him/’ i.e., he is hard to get along with.
••In English in the original.
be fishing for decorations.* At this particular time a German
decoration would be a great impediment to me. At five minutes
to eight I drove up to the palace courtyard in style. The guards
almost presented arms. When I didn’t return the half-salute, the
soldiers smiled.
At the gate ramp the lackeys helped me out of the carriage like
an old acquaintance. And so I stood once again in the flag room
with the war pictures. Waiting among these flags and pictures is
another recurring chapter in the novel of my life.
I had thought that the invitation for 8 o’clock meant a dinner
invitation and had not eaten. I hadn’t had anything since 11 o’clock
that morning. But one should always eat before going to see
princes; for they don’t know that ordinary mortals have stomachs
too.
At 8 o’clock the changing of the guard took place. The young
fellows marched across the palace yard at a goose-step. Then I had
no diversion until half-past eight and stood till I was fit to drop.
Finally, at half-past eight, the Grand Duke opened the door to
die red salon, so familiar to me by now, and gave me a very friendly
greeting. We seated ourselves in the red salon in armchairs, and he
began by saying that he had already learned the gratifying news
from the Welt, which he read regularly, and from Hechler. Hadn’t
he always told me that I must try to get to the Sultan directly?
Parbleu [My heaven]! I thought to myself.
He himself and the Kaiser must not dare to come out in behalf
of our cause, out of consideration for the German Jews, for people
might interpret it to mean that they wanted to be rid of their
Jews. Caution was required on account of the anti-Semites as well,
for they could support the movement in a compromising manner:
Out with the Jews! Anti-Semitism was altogether a dangerous and
detestable movement which ought to be opposed everywhere.
Très bien! mais ça ne faisait pas du tout mon affaire [Very well!
but that didn’t serve my purpose at all].
I said: “I too believe that at present the German government
cannot stand up for the Zionist movement in a tangible way, but
for a different reason. It will be possible, when the time comes, to
make the German Jews understand that precisely as German
patriots they can and should support our cause, even if they do
not emigrate. For there are German interests in Asia Minor which
would undoubtedly be served by it. T he Jews all over the world
are an element of German culture, which was shown conclusively
by the language in which our Congresses were conducted. I can
see another reason for the German government’s reserve: namely,
for Germany to set itself up as the patron of the Zionist movement
would arouse the utmost distrust and jealousy of the other Powers.
I understood this so well that I didn’t bat an eye-lash when the
protectorate promised in 1898 didn’t materialize. And yet that was
a frightful blow to me. Many who had already joined us dropped
off when the magnificently staged reception in Jerusalem didn’t
lead to anything.”
T hope these weren’t the most influential elements,” said the
Grand Duke regretfully.
“It took a great deal of steadfastness on my part to survive this
blow. But I told myself that the only way in which I could show
myself worthy of the trust placed in me would be to keep silent.
People said that all the assertions about German good will were
a fraud. I kept silent about that and let them snipe at me. It was
part of the adverse reaction that the funds for publicity became
scarce. On this occasion I should also like to rectify something that
our good Mr. Hechler has done. He asked Your Royal Highness
to donate money for the Zionist Bank. This happened without my
knowledge and intention. He meant well. But it would be terribly
painful to me if Your Royal Highness could believe for even a
second that I was interested in anything but moral support.”
He smiled amiably, every inch a king, and said:
“On this occasion, too, you are displaying the delicacy of feeling
that you have shown from the beginning.”
I said: “When I arrived in the city of the Sultan, my first impulse
was to send word, through Hechler, to Your Royal Highness as the
first patron of our cause.”
He replied modestly: “ ‘Patron’ is saying too much. Let us say
‘helper 1’ ”
After that I reported in brief and non-commital outline about
what I had accomplished at Constantinople. I said that I hadn’t
got beyond the initial steps. In general, negotiations were only in
an embryonic stage, and therefore I trembled greatly for this
embryo. My particular worry was Russia which might interfere
’twixt the cup and the lip.
“Russia,” said the Grand Duke, “is otherwise occupied. The
Far Eastern difficulties are greater than was thought. There Russia
has territorial complexes to defend which aren’t easy to hold. Most
of all, the popular principle of uniformity of language and faith
cannot be put into effect there. In the Balkan peninsula, too,
Russia has worries enough. It could happen that a crisis over the
Serbian succession will lead to an enlargement of Montenegro. In
any case, there are no interests in Palestine comparable to these
which would be of major importance to Russia, with the exception
of the religious ones. But surely you will take care not to infringe
upon these?”
“Of course!” I said. “Jerusalem will remain extra commercium
[untouched by business].”
“Incidentally, the present conditions there are rather a disgrace
to the Christian creeds,” said the Grand Duke. “But there is respect
for the Turks, otherwise there would constantly be the greatest
disorder. At any rate, a further expansion of the influence of the
Greek Church would be neither possible nor desirable. But what
do you want from Russia?”
“Nothing. Just an audience with the Czar.”
“That young gentleman,” said the Grand Duke, “despite all his
ability has a very introverted, reserved nature. He certainly cannot
be induced to make a decision. You would have to turn to other
persons of his circle: Grand Duke Constantine, whom he has just
made Inspector of Military Training, or to Minister Witte, to
Lambsdorff, or to the new Minister of Education. Grand Duke
Constantine seems to be a person of importance. He proceeds on
the assumption that in an army spirit is more than numbers. That
was our good fortune in 1870. It was the spirit that fought our
battles, even though we faced a ten-fold superiority. Constantine’s
wife, a German princess (I think he said the Princess of Anhalt),
was in Baden recently; she was the one who told me these things.
It will show you what kind of woman she is if I tell you that she
has remained a German and a Protestant in Russia. Through her
I could get the Grand Duke interested in your cause and in you
and get him to receive you.”
“Perhaps it could also be done via Denmark?”
“Through the Emperor’s mother? I don’t think so. It will be
hard to get the Czar anyway.”
“I want nothing from him but an hour’s conversation—a sym
bolic act of benevolence. As far as I am concerned, he can let me
tell him something about the theatre in Paris. I need this conver
sation so that the Sultan in his timidity won’t be afraid that he
will provoke Russia against him if he has dealings with us. I don’t
want any help from Russia—on the contrary! For then we would
get under its terrible thumb. Nor do I want a decision from the
Czar. Rather, I shall be very glad if, after hearing me, he is just
bored and dismisses the matter as uninteresting. My only desire in
this is to reassure the Sultan.”
“The Sultan is stronger than he thinks. You could and should
draw his attention to this—now that you are a Knight of his
Mejidiye Order!” he said teasingly. But he added: “This deco
ration has really caused a stir—the highest that he confers. That
has given many people food for thought.”
We spoke about many other things of no major importance. But
I think he liked the idea that I didn’t want any binding aid from
Russia, and he offered to write to Grand Duke Constantine and
recommend that he receive me. He promised me a prompt answer,
because I told him that I didn’t want to make the Sultan any
proposals before I had assured myself of Russia’s neutrality.
But he regarded the fact that the Sultan had permitted me to
make propositions to him as an enormous success.
It was ten. I gave him to understand that my train was leaving
soon, and he dismissed me, amiably and charmingly as always,
assuring me of his continuing favor.
He is the noblest person I know—cultivated, great-hearted, and
helpful. There have been times when I considered him intellec
tually insignificant, but yesterday he was altogether independent
and sagacious in his political remarks.
May 31, Paris

Immediately after my arrival I telephoned Reitlinger and asked
him to come to see me. I told him everything and requested him
to let me know by tomorrow whether he could raise at least £ii/£
million for the Charter; I told him that I wanted to try the I.C.A.,
to be sure, but was under no illusions about the envy and jealousy
of those people.
June 1, Paris
Yesterday, following an hour-and-a-half’s conversation with
Reitlinger whom I tried to entice a little as a Zionist and a lot as a
businessman, I went to see Alex Marmorek at the T averne Royale.
Alex was very pleased about the success in Constantinople. How
ever, he said that the Russian Hovevei Zion, who are at the same
time members of the A.C., had received the news very coolly. As a
matter of fact, Kokesch had already told me in Vienna that Tschle-
now, Ussishkin, Bernstein-Kohan, and Barbasch had reproached
us for having drawn upon Bank funds for such a purpose, though it
was only a loan and on our personal responsibility.
They were against the Congress because we had nothing to
“offer,” and they don’t consider the negotiations with the Sultan
worth all that money.
And this at the very time when their humiliating visits of
supplication to the I.C.A. and to Baron Edmond Rothschild have
netted them the most disgraceful of rebuffs.
These are the “helpers” I have to work with.
Once the Jewish State is in existence, everything will appear
small and obvious. Perhaps a fair-minded historian will find that
it was something after all if an impecunious Jewish journalist in
the midst of the deepest degradation of the Jewish people and at a
time of the most disgusting anti-Semitism made a flag out of a
rag and a people out of a decadent rabble, a people that rallied
erect around this flag.
But all this and my skill in negotiating with Powers and princes
are nothing.
No one can appreciate what I have done and what I have suffered
who doesn’t know
1) what I have endured these past six years with the N. Fr. Pr.
when I had to tremble for my children’s bread,
2) what toil and trouble procuring the funds for propaganda
has caused me,
3) who my helpers have been. Those with the best intentions are
either too poor or hamstrung or unsuited.
* * *
From the Taverne Royale we went to see Nordau. I made my

report, in the middle of which I was interrupted by Feldmann the
newspaper correspondent, an old comrade. He said in response
to my questions that he knew absolutely nothing about the Zionist
movement. He is a baptized Jew.
After he left I continued.
Then Nordau made a speech. My audience with the Sultan was
a world-historic fact, but I had committed the enormous mistake
of playing va banque [all or nothing]!
People were going to say later that I had forced my way to the
Sultan under false pretenses, etc.
Bref, il m'a écoeuré [In short, he nauseated me].
No help might be expected from I.C.A., just as little as from
Rothschild. When I interjected that I was considering requesting
an audience with the Czar, so that the wealthy Russian Jews might
be impressed and donate money, Nordau disposed of this by say
ing:
“That is a hallucination!”
Finally I proposed that the three of us should get together with
Zadoc Kahn and ask him if he was willing to intervene with the
I.C.A. and with Edmond Rothschild—provided that he expected
some success from this, and at least no harm.
We were supposed to sleep on this and make our decision today.
June 2, Paris
The Reitlinger arrangement must, I believe, already be regarded
as collapsed. Reitlinger despairs of getting rich Jews to cooperate
in the matter.
I am making him the following proposal:
Since I consider it a waste of time to attempt to make Zionism
intelligible to the rich Jews, he should try to set up a syndicate that
would first of all subscribe and make available the £50,000 needed
to enable the Bank to function. In return the syndicate will be
given the option on the remaining ii/2 million shares, to be ex
ercised after the Colonial Trust has obtained the Charter, which
it should be given.
Besides, the syndicate will get a share of 25 to 30% of all
business which the Colonial Trust transacts with the Turkish
government.
He is to think this over.
* * *
After the luncheon at Reitlinger’s I took Alex to see Nordau.

The phenomenon Nordau is interesting to watch right now.
He wishes me well—I am convinced of that—, but he has to make
some effort to put up with my successes. If it were the other way
around I would surely be no better, probably even much more
envious.
He feels that certain humiliation common among relatives, as
when a cousin’s enterprise is successful. It expresses itself in cold
criticism, putting a damper on my further hopes, and in an
unmistakable desire to view the matter as if I had made false
representations to the Sultan—which, by the way, Nordau is
prepared to forgive me, as a politician sans scrupule [without
scruples].
However, the situation is different and therefore all the more
splendid.
I made no definite offers in Constantinople, but only promised
my efforts. Therefore I can say in three weeks: My Jews are favor
ably inclined in principle, but they would like to have an assurance
first—the Charter, for example!
The upshot of the conversation at Nordau’s was that we agreed
to ask Zadoc Kahn for a conference. Alex immediately went to
see him and made an appointment with His Jewish Eminence for
today, 10:30 in the morning, at Nordau’s home.
# * *
However, the most noteworthy thing yesterday was a letter from

Moritz Benedikt which my Dad copied and sent to me.
Cruel Moritz writes with bewitching amiability. He appeals to
my heart: “Wittmann is ill, Speidel is old, and you are tired of
allegiance to the empire. Thus the whole burden lies on Bacher's
shoulders and on mine.” He wants to have a sensible heart-to-heart
talk with me as soon as I return from my leave, which means that
he recognizes the latter. I am not being treated as a deserter.
This means: he is afraid that I will raise the money for a new
paper now and wants to make up with me. He says I should not
start anything now. Therefore, when I come back he will either
have to excuse me from working in the office, make me co
publisher, or sell me the N. Fr. Pr.
The first alternative would suit me best right now, although it
is the least lucrative.
June 3, Paris
Yesterday, meeting with Zadoc Kahn at Nordau’s; Marmorek
present.
Afterwards the three of us took down a protocol and sent it to
Zadoc.
Zadoc advised against the I.C.A., which is still unattainable for
us now, but recommended us Edmond Rothschild. I said I was
willing to go to him if Edmond Rothschild invited me and pro
mised me discretion. However, it should be noted for the record
that the initiative was not mine, but Zadoc’s.
Nordau and Zadoc se chamaillaient [squabbled]; Nordau in
sulted Zadoc first. I succeeded in restoring the peace.
# * #
Result nil. Today Zadoc writes that Edmond is not willing.

# * #
Letter to Fr. Montefiore:
Strictly confidential!*
June 4,1901
Dear Sir Francis:
The latest infamy of the Rothschilds (the insulting denials in
the Financial News, etc.) were the last straw. My patience is at an
end and I intend to wage a campaign on the largest scale against
these people. But this cannot be done with speeches and propa
ganda alone. A financial group to oppose them must be created.
Now that I have returned from Constantinople with a tremendous
success in my pocket (which I must not make public as yet), the
time has come. I remember our last conversation in Green Park.
You said that I should win over the Péreires. All right, I shall do
my part. But for that I need you, Sir Francis! I know it is a sacrifice
for you to come over here, on account of your sea-sickness. But
I also know that you are just as ready to make sacrifices as I am. I
beg you, come here to Paris the day after tomorrow. Then we shall
go to see the Péreires together. I should like to have you, the head
of the first and foremost Jewish firm, by my side when I go on this
errand. Surely you have some connections with the Péreires, and
even if you don’t, you haven’t been the target of such attacks as I
have.
It is entirely possible that the Péreires think me a dangerous
person, if they have their information from the hostile press.
In short, this time I need you as I need no one else, Sir FrancisI
Please wire me tomorrow whether I may count on you.

T h. Herzl.
* * *
Reitlinger wants to try to bring in the speculator Michel

Ephrussi.
June 5, Paris
Yesterday evening, another attack of brain anemia. One day I

shall remain in such a condition. I was just taking a drive in the
Bois when I fainted in the carriage. At first I lay down on two
chairs in the bushes, then drove home with greatly diminished
consciousness. Today I feel better again. But my nerves are gone.
I can’t stand this flogging dead horses in the conferences at Nor-
dau’s every afternoon any more. Nordau paints a graphic picture
for me of all the disagreeable things in store for me. The hostile
press, he says, will say shortly that I am a new Baron Hirsch who
wants to make business deals with Turkey on the backs of the
Jewish people— et autres bonnes choses [and other nice things].
It’s enough to give a man a stroke.
Nordau is against my speaking in opposition to the Rothschilds
in London now. The speech would only cause a sensation, and we
ought to keep away from demagogic declamations. As for benefit,
Nordau foresees none from it.
June 6, Paris
My good English boys have immediately flocked to the colors.
Francis Montefiore—honor to himl—telegraphs that he plans
to be here today.
Zangwill has arranged a Maccabaean D inner* Cowen is making
the general arrangements.
* * *
In any case, the English Jews present a picture quite different

from that of the French. Yesterday I paid Zadoc Kahn a visit
for the sake of appearances He defended the mauvais vouloir [ill
will] of the Rothschilds, and said in his funny Alsatian French:
“Il vaut bourdant bleintre les riges [Yet ve haf to piddy de rish].”
Bleintre les riges! That sufficiently characterizes the pious man.
# # #
Francis Montefiore is here, but doesn’t know the Péreires. My

first move now is to find out which Péreire is the master mind and
what kind of a man he is. This afternoon Nordau is calling on a
Comte de Larmandie, who knows Péreire, in order to get the
necessary information from him. Then Sir Francis is to go to
Péreire first and ask him whether he is willing to meet with me.
Today Nordau criticized to Alex—in my absence—the way I
had acted up to now. He thinks me insincere and sneaky in my
dealings with princes and the Jewish people. I believe that one day
he will carry this censure of his into the open and disgrace himself,
myself, and all of us with it.
In any event, his behavior at this moment is discouraging.
Should things go wrong later, he will have covered himself. If
things keep going well and upward, he will simply, entre nous [be
tween us], have made a mistake—et n’en parlons plus [and let’s not
talk about it any more].
June 6, Paris.
Letter to the Sultan: *
Sire:
In accordance with Y.I.M.’s desire, I have set to work im
mediately.
I have the good fortune to be able to report today that matters
stand well. Among my friends I have found dispositions that
permit me to hope that I shall be able to submit definite proposals
to Your Imperial Majesty this very month. But I must not gloss
over the fact that there are also Jews who do not share my views.
Y.I.M. in your lofty wisdom will be able to make out easily whom
and what interests those people are serving. It has seemed op
portune to me first of all to create a current of opinion favorable
to the general project of coming to the aid of the Ottoman finances,
and to this end I shall make a speech in London next week, at a
Jewish club of which I am an honorary member and which is
tendering me a banquet. It is known in London as elsewhere that I
do not pursue personal interests, and for this simple reason I
believe that my words will produce a certain effect.
Perhaps the enemies, Jewish and non-Jewish, of the prosperity
of the Ottoman Empire will also use the occasion to pounce upon
me—but with the aid of God and the trust of Y.I.M. I shall proceed
with the task I have undertaken, and I hope to succeed within a
very short time.
The lion will be relieved of his thorn.
Begging Y.I.M. to continue to grant me your favor, which gives
me the necessary courage and makes me proud and happy, I re
main, Sire,
Y.I.M.’s very devoted and obedient servant,
Dr. Th. Herzl.
June 8, Paris
Yesterday I gave a luncheon at my hotel in honor of Francis
Montefiore, and utilized the table talk to draw Nordau’s attention
in a very delicate manner to the fact that I now need forbearance,
and not criticism, from my friends. A man on a tight-rope should
not be made dizzy.
At first he was piqued, but then he became pleasant and said:
“You are right; all we can do now is hurry along with the mattress.”
(That is, in case there is a fall.)
No answer so far from Péreire as to whether he is willing to see
us. Good Sir Francis has just gone there again. This goes to show
what assurance great social standing gives a man. I would have
thought that I would compromise my dignity terribly by it. Sir
Francis simply hasn’t received as many refusals in his life as I have.
• * *
The most elegant thing about yesterday’s luncheon, which was

very chic [smart] was Mr. Reitlinger’s mezummen bentshen [joint
after-dinner grace], in accordance with Nordau’s truly discriminat
ing suggestion. The yellow-damask-covered furniture of the Hotel
Chatham had never heard anything like that.
June 10th, Hans’s (tenth) eleventh birthday

On the train, between Folkestone and London.
I have now dozed and rested for 24 hours in Folkestone.
Before my departure from Paris, the Jerusalem Jew Navon Bey
called on me with projects—a badly Parisianized Oriental Jew,
type of red Oriental Jew, face of a bird of prey, furtive crook. He
once made intrigues against me and now offers me his services. I
let him come, in any case. He isn’t going to cheat me.
June 11, London

Considering the hopelessness of winning over wealthy Jews,
in Paris or anywhere, Alex Marmorek and Nordau suggested the
idea of touching Carnegie, the American Croesus-philanthropist,
for some money. Nordau expressed his willingness to go to see him,
introduced by the American Ambassador Porter. However, Porter
was not in Paris. During the night before my departure it occurred
to me that Hechler would be a better man for it.
I immediately sent him a telegram, and he is arriving here this
evening.
Vâmbéry is also here and will attend tonight’s dinner of the
Maccabean Club. Zangwill, who is very nice, sat up late into the
night translating my speech.
June 13, London
lam awfully dinnered*

On commence à me s’arracher [I’m beginning to be in great de
mand].
The day before yesterday the Maccabean Club Dinner* went
off the way I had intended it to. I said so little that a lot can be
conjectured.
The press* has been rather good so far. I had a telegraphic news-
agency wire a manifesto to America which Zangwill had to com
pose for me. I am asking £ 1 1/%million.
Yesterday noon I lunched at Lady Lewis’s with a few Jewish
ladies from among the uppers* got into a violent dispute with
them, made an impression, and got further invitations.
But a more important figure has turned up: Mr. Bramley
Moore, the bishop of the Irvingites, who once came to see me in
Vienna.
Hechler is staying with him. Bramley Moore, too, is an ardent
Zionist, and wanted to have me join him for luncheon yesterday.
I came, but didn’t eat anything, because I wanted to save my
appetite for Lady Lewis’s.
The bishop’s house is very elegant. But in the drawing room
a tabernacle is set up.
Then I decided, au même titre que [by the same token as]
Hechler, to include Mr. Bramley Moore in the Carnegie project.
He felt moved, it seemed, to be collaborating on the Jewish
restoration.* He is a charming, good-humored old man qui a la
religion gaie [whose religion is cheerful].
The bishop’s wife is a nice, friendly old soul, too.
Bramley Moore proposed that we approach the Duke of North
umberland as mediator with Carnegie. I accepted this idea, and
now I am waiting.
June 15, London
High society! Society* is curious about me. I am an object of

interest, a dish at the dinner-table; people come to meet Dr.
Herzl*
Yesterday at Sir Francis’s house with several ladies and gentle
men. Present: Princess Lôwenstein, Lady Jane Taylor, and others
whose names I didn’t retain. Also Gilbert Farquhar, both a Lord
and an actor.
I shall use Princess Lôwenstein to get to the King. For they all
invited me. Lady Jane was in the audience at the last Congress and
told me that her daughters had envied her for having lunch with
me.
Only the Jews of the Upper Tens* won’t hear of it.
June 17, Richmond
I have been here since yesterday, in order to have a rest and write
the Sultan.
In the meantime, I have a few irons in the fire. I am having
Zangwill pave the way to Carnegie for me. I sensed that he wanted
to get into the act when I told him about our agreement in Paris
that Nordau should obtain an introduction to Carnegie from Gen
eral Porter, the American Ambassador. Yesterday it occurred to
me that Rudyard Kipling could be the intermediary, since Zang-
will is on good terms with him. I wrote Zangwill from here to go
to Brighton to see Kipling. Don’t know if he’ll do it.
On Saturday I sent Hechler to the Bishop of Ripon, a friend of
the King’s, in order to get me an audience with the King. Good
Bishop Bramley Moore also thought this would raise my prestige.
I would ask the King to tell his big Jews that they could help me
without prejudice to their English patriotism.*
On this occasion Hechler told me that after the first time I had
called on Bramley Moore, the latter had immediately gone to the
nearby Irvingite church with him. There Bramley had put on his
bishop’s vestments and said: Now let us pray to God and ask him
what our duty is.
Good Hechler wept as he told me this, and I too was very
touched.
These simple Christian hearts are much better than our Jewish
clerics who think of their wedding fees from the rich Jews.
# # #
Alex Marmorek has been to London and had a breakdown when
the experiments on animals, made by English physicians, failed
completely. I cheered him up and told him that I had faith in
him nevertheless and would get him the necessary money, which
he can’t get from any other source now. The only condition I made
was that he must not leave his position at the Pasteur Institute
until he felt secure. I told him that he had to take a six months’
leave, but must not quit entirely.
# # #
Letter to the Sultan: * *

Sire:
I have the honor to place at the foot of Your Imperial Majesty's
Throne the result of my endeavors.
••In French in the original.
Following the line Y.I.M. saw fit to suggest to me, I believed it
urgent first of all, that is to say, up to the month of October, to
obtain a million and a half Turkish pounds to take the place, in a
less burdensome way, of the difficult, if not impossible, task of
consolidating the Debt.
The arrangement that my friends and I have worked out is as
follows.
The 1,500,000 Turk. pds. could be raised by the immediate
creation of a new source of revenue. But this source of revenue
must, at the same time, be of a sort to make the Jews aware of the
highly generous feelings toward them which Y.I.M. cherishes in
his fatherly heart. In this way we shall prepare the ground for all
future undertakings.
To this end my friends are willing to set up a joint-stock com
pany with a capital of five million Turk. pds. T he purpose of this
company would be to develop agriculture, industry, and com
merce—in short, the economic life of Asia Minor, Palestine, and
Syria. All the necessary concessions being granted by Y.I.M.'s grace,
the company would engage to pay an annual contribution of
60,000 Turkish pounds to Y.I.M.’s government; and on the basis
of this contribution, guaranteed by the company’s capital, a loan,
to be amortized in 81 years, could immediately be floated. This
loan would cost nothing, because the interest and amortization
service would be absorbed by the company, which itself would
take the bonds and then place them. T he govt, would simply draw
the 1,500,000 Turk. pds.
It is of course understood that the company must be incorp
orated in Turkey and that the Jewish immigrants it would bring
in must immediately become Turkish subjects, accepting military
service under the glorious banners of Y.I.M.
With the 1,500,000 pounds there would be time to study and
exploit other sources of income. Y.I.M. deigned to speak to me
about matches. Among my friends I have found some who will be
able to handle it. In this matter, too, they will make every effort
to offer the Imperial Govt, the most advantageous terms, so that
the revenue from matches may be used as the basis for a further
loan, while not charging the tax payers too much. T he procedure
will be the same for exploiting sources of oil and mines and also
electric power.
The proposals for these other projects will be worked out in
detail and estimated as soon as Y.I.M. commands. T he matter of
the matches can be settled right away, while the others will need
more time for study. And I take the liberty of adding that my
disinterested service for all these projects is at the disposition of
Y.I.M. even if Your Majesty should not believe it useful here and
now to enter upon the plan for the Great Ottoman-Jewish Com
pany for Asia Minor. Above everything I must prove that Y.I.M.
has in me a zealous and loyal servant. I work for Y.I.M., asking
only the honor and happiness of Your Majesty’s exalted trust, be
cause I am convinced that the time will not be long in coming
when it will be realized that it is to the interest of the Ottoman
Empire to attract the economic resources of the Jews and to protect
our unfortunate people. Besides, it is in the highest interest of the
Jews to see Turkey strong and flourishing. It is the idea of my life.
The plan for the Ottoman-Jewish Company, as well as giving
asignal to the entire Jewish people, would have another advantage,
namely, that taxable things—persons and property—would in
crease in all the provinces where the Company operated. T he Com
pany itself would pay more and more taxes with the growth of its
business. Jewish capital would flow in from every quarter to estab
lish itself there and to remain in the Empire. At the same time this
quiet work, which has been called “removing the lion’s thorn,” will
go on without the knowledge of those who wish harm to the
Empire.
There is only a word to be added. If Y.I.M. wishes the arrange
ment for the 1,500,000 pounds to be made by October, there is no
time to lose. We must not lose sight of the fact that businessmen
and financiers require definite agreements to pay over the necessary
sums. We must count on at least three months before the capital
is turned over. If Y.I.M. in your lofty wisdom decides that it is
opportune to enter upon these negotiations in order to have the
1,500,000 pounds at your disposal for the month of October, the
concessions for the Grand Company ought to be fixed at the
beginning of July. If I receive the order to come to Constantinople,
I shall come without delay. In that case, in my humble opinion, it
would be desirable to summon at the same time my excellent
friend, Professor Vâmbéry, who is such a profoundly devoted serv
ant of Y.I.M. and who, with his knowledge of the general situation
of the country, could be very useful.
I do not know if I am permitted to mention one other thing. I
do it very reluctantly, wishing above all not to displease Y.I.M. in
any way. Someone came looking for me to tell me that in Paris
there is a writer, M. Ahmed Riza, who has become known by his
attacks upon the Imp. Govt. I was told that there is a way to stop
these attacks. I simply took note of the statement without com
mitting myself in any way at all, for it is not my business to get
mixed up in matters of this kind, so anxious am I to serve Y.M.’s
august person on every occasion. I shall do nothing without an
order; I shall not even see this man without authorization. But if
Y.I.M. believes it useful, I will take up the matter, and it is of
course understood that for putting an end to the attacks I will
accept no recompense except Y.I.M.'s word of commendation,
which is for me the greatest recompense.
I have, Sire, the honor to be
Y.I.M.’s most humble and obedient servant.
June 18, London

Covering letter to Ibrahim.*
Your Excellency:
I have the honor to send you, enclosed herewith, a letter which, I
dare to hope, will please H.I.M.
I must remain in London until June 25; I shall go from here to
Altaussee to rest for several days with my family.
If H.I.M. has any commands to give me, until June 25 a telegram
will reach me at the Hotel Cecil, London, and after June 30 at
Altaussee, Styria, Austria.
This evening I am to have the pleasure of seeing your son.
Please accept, Your Excellency, my highest regards and
gratitude.
Your ever devoted,

T h .H .
June 19
Hechler returned from the Bishop of Ripon with the message
that the latter would first have to see me before recommending that
the King receive me.
Since I am endeavoring to organize a round-table conference*
with the big Jews* and to get to the elusive Carnegie, I shall wait
here for the Bishop till Monday and then urge him to take me to
Sandringham on Tuesday.
June 25, Tuesday

Aboard the Folkestone-Boulogne ferry.
In London I was overtired and irritable, but today there is fair
weather again. A calm sea.
Yesterday wasn’t bad. I had a conversation of no immediate
benefit with Claude Montefiore, the head of our opponents, at
Gaster’s home. At the moment Gaster is loyal to my empire again.
Claude is a stupid ass who affects English correctness. I needled
him with chivalrous opposition. He was afraid of me and fled; but
he promised to examine any proposals of mine that might come
before the I.C.A. without prejudice.
Then I drove to see Dr. Boyd Carpenter, the Bishop of Ripon.
He and his intelligent wife were very nice indeed.* The bishop
and I looked deeply into each other’s eyes, and we liked each other.
He put himself completely at my disposal for interceding with the
King. However, an audience couldn’t be arranged in 24 hours. But
wouldn’t it be worth a trip to me at some later date? It certainly
would.
In the evening I went to see the banker Seligmann who likewise
promised his bons offices [good offices] with the gros légumes [big-
shots] Montagu etc. as soon as I had the Charter. This promise
suffices me for the time being. Now the Sultan must give me an
answer.
Naturally I didn’t expect to be given money on the basis of my
vague disclosures. I went to Paris and London to make it appear to
the Sultan that I had been in Paris and London. Everything I wrote
him from London I could have told him right there in Constanti
nople.
July 10, Vienna

Letter to Councillor-of-State von Hauer, regarding the Vogel
trial:
My dear Sir:
Permit me most kindly to trouble you privatim [in private] with
the answer which I felt too embarrassed to give you in public
yesterday.
As it was, I already had the disagreeable feeling of striking a
braggart’s pose, although you do know that I had never volun
teered to testify. You asked me, honorable Mr. State’s Attorney,
whether Taubin’s very first offer had not given me pause. It
did not! For I myself had made great financial sacrifices for the
Zionist cause, considering my circumstances, and so had a number
of my friends. At bottom, Taubin intended to give his money away
without any personal sacrifice, because he couldn’t, after all, take
it with him. Despite this I thought that I could act no differently,
for the Zionist movement, which is and shall remain ethical, must
not accept any money of dubious purity. He did not want to give
it to his relatives; this is my conviction, although I don’t like the
avaricious Vogel and have no connection of any sort with him. I
am not even a Freemason.
Please don’t take this imposition amiss. I have such a high
opinion of the office which you exercise earnestly and strictly that
I believe myself entitled to send you this contribution to the truth
which you are seeking.
With deep respect, I am

T h.H .
July 20, Alt-Aussee

A charming letter has come from the Grand Duke. (Enel. 1 in
the envelope of Summer, 1901).
Grand Duke Constantine se heurtait à un refus du Czar [met
with a rebuff from the Czar],
On the other hand, Katzenelsohn, who came to Vienna to see
me, reports that Ssipyagin regarded the scheme as not impossible.
Ssipyagin referred him to the Adjutant-General—von Hess, I be
lieve—who declared he was willing, but desired, through his
brother-in-law, a reciprocation, about 10,000 rubles. Since we
have no money, I asked that the matter be postponed until autumn.
Then I may also get to Edward VII, through Lord Suffield, whom
Zangwill has got hold of. At the moment, until I have an answer
from the Sultan, I don’t want any audiences. Vàmbéry consoles me,
saying that things are always done that slowly down there. After
all, I shall still have time enough to move the lower world. Crespi
reports that Calice is intriguing against me, furious at my Grand
Cordon; further, that Constans wants to arrange the finances with
the aid of Rouvier, and of this I notified Vâmbéry in usum Angliae
[for use in England].

July 22
Most Gracious Prince and Lord!
Only today am I able to reply to Your Royal Highness’ kind
holograph letter, with my most respectful thanks, because I have
been out of town. Under the present circumstances, even H.M. the
Czar’s refusal does not discourage me, because I did not intend to
request any definite aid, but only benevolent inactive interest, as
I permitted myself to state at Karlsruhe.
I shall faithfully follow Your Royal Highness’ advice as soon as
the opportunity presents itself. Requesting the continuance of
this good will, which I count among the greatest rewards of my
modest activity, I remain with the deepest gratitude and my most
heart-felt respect
Your Royal Highness’ ever-loyal servant,

Dr. Th. H.
To Badenweiler Palace.
July 26, Alt-Aussee

On the 15th Vâmbéry wrote me that even before my arrival
Ambassador Constans had offered the Sultan four million francs
(so little?); but this financial arrangement had been wrecked by
intrigues, and he, Vâmbéry, had heard in authoritative circles in
London that they were in favor of our driving a Jewish wedge be
tween the Franco-Russian machinations. He intends to be with the
Sultan again in September and to give things a push.
Wellisch reports that now the financial distress is very acute
again.
Crespi reports that the Rothschild representative is agitating
against us.
July 28, Alt-Aussee
While in London I planted jalons [stakes] to enable me to meet

with Cecil Rhodes, who may be able to get me the money I need.
His South Africans could privately buy up the bonds of the T urk
ish debt, and then I would tell the Sultan: here is the liberation
from the debt in return for surrendering Palestine—and to the
Jews I would say: here you have Palestine in return for x plus y, x
being the amount it cost the South Africans to buy up the bonds,
ythe profit they stipulated.
On instructions from me, Joe Cowen asked Mr. Stead to inter
cede with Rhodes for a meeting. Today Joe sends me Stead’s reply
fromwhich I extract the following passage: *
I told him that Herzl would come and see him any day that was
convenient; that he wanted to discuss with the one founder of
States that modern times had produced. Rhodes said: “If he wants
any tip from me, I have only one word to say, and that is: let him
put money in his purse”—which was very characteristic of Rhodes.
Rhodes had further expressed the opinion that Asiatic Turkey

ought to be turned over to Germany, since England could not rule
the whole world and needed a buffer area between herself and
Russia. Rhodes is also said to be quite charmed with the German
Kaiser.
Thereupon I telegraphed Cowen: * *
Tell him my excellent relations to William.
•Original text.
** In English in the original.
1170 T H E COMPLETE DIARIES OF TH EO D O R HERZL
August 6, Alt-Aussee
I am now studying Turkish together with Hans.
August 6
Letter to Crespi: *
Dear Sir:
T o my great surprise you are not keeping me informed about
what goes on.
Every project and proposal interests me. W hat has happened
about the Debt? What is being done?
W ith kind regards,

Herzl.
In yesterday’s evening edition of the N . Fr. Pr. it says that the

Sultan has come out against the dette publique. Perhaps this is
already a manoeuvre to force the rates of exchange down.
August 7, Alt-Aussee.
The newspaper reports about Cohn are getting more and more
curious. Particularly the last one, what he has permitted himself
to say about the debt, makes a strange impression. It looks as if
there was some scoundrel near him who is base enough to steal
other people’s ideas, but too stupid to carry them out, too. The
story about the two housewives who chew the fat on their way home
from the market and one of whom has her beef stolen from her
shopping basket. The culprit: a dog. She follows the kopek [mutt]
with her eyes and consoles herself: He could steal it from me all
right, but he’ll never be able to cook it.
But joking aside: the man is riding toward the abyss at full tilt.
I believe that as his friend and mine as well you should write him
something like the following:
Cohn, you are ill advised. Your attack on the dette will have the
same result as that on the mails; you will have to come down off
your high horse and emerge from the conflict richer by a humi
liation, but poorer in power and credit. All these things that you
cannot accomplish in this thoughtless way, which is gross and
faithless at the same time, you could accomplish, or would have
accomplished, if you had made use of the man whom I sent down to
see you last May. T h at man, who didn’t ask anything for himself
—in contrast with the other creatures who offer you their serv
ices—that man would have represented your interests both finan
cially and journalistically. My sending such a completely disinter
ested and reliable helper your way was one of the greatest services
I have rendered you during my long and loyal career. But what do
you do? The man starts working on your behalf, takes trips, creates
a favorable climate of opinion for you all over the world, begins
to organize a campaign of assistance for you, and gives you a
report. You don’t even give him an answer. Naturally the man is
annoyed and almost hurt. He complains to me for having exposed
him needlessly. He doesn’t want to be made a laughing-stock, and
the sof [upshot] will be that you won’t be able to have him any
more when you seriously want him. He has offered to bring you
support within three months, with no risk at all to you. You let
the time pass, forefeiting a willingness which won’t return so
advantageously, and after three months you will have the same
difficulties you have now, if not greater ones. This is the opinion
of your worried old friend and servant Reshid.”
You will know better than I how to translate that into Oriental
terms in usum Cohni [for Cohn’s use]. You will concede to me
that it is true and correct. But I believe that this should be done
without even one day’s delay, for things down there are coming to a
head surprisingly fast.
Hoping for news from you soon, and with a cordial embrace,
Your devoted nephew by choice,

Dori.
P.S. Perhaps it is advisable not to write directly to Cohn, but to
the Chief Eunuch, to have it shown around. As though you had
wanted to pour out your heart; and the Eunuch is said to be
indiscreet.

If I weren’t going into battle with a wooden sword, I could have
given a different turn to the Turkish-French conflict, in which
Constans was going to mobilize the French fleet to force his finan
cial plan through. I wanted to slip into the papers—the Paris ones
through Alex Marmorek, the Berlin papers through Dr. Friede-
mann—a notice unmasking the ambassador as the agent d’affaires
[business agent] that he is. Neither man carried out my assign
ment. The upshot will be that Cohn will have to eat humble pie
and grant the French robber financiers whatever they want.
August 11, to Vâmbéry

My good Vdmbéry bdcsi:
At the moment I couldn’t even come to Graz to see you, because
I am up to my neck in work and must await visitors. But we can
communicate with each other by letter.
The French conflict is ending the way it was bound to. I could
have helped Cohn; he would have saved himself humiliation and
money. You see, I could have got a torpedo destroyer for him; tant
pis pour lui [so much the worse for him]. But I beg of you, rub it
into him, or have somebody else do so.
In fact, it is none too early for you to have the groundwork laid
for your activities with Cohn. The ground must be prepared when
you come—that is, as a savior. You know much better than I how
you have to do this. Permit me only to remind you that we shall
place three hundred thousand guilders at your disposal when you
have obtained for us the Charter that we need to settle Palestine.
What people you cut in on this in order to ensure our goal is
naturally left to your judgment. But I think you ought to make
preparations now, so as to achieve results this very autumn.
Your devoted
Herzl.

The promise of a commission has worked with Vàmbéry. He
writes me one of the strangest letters. He wants to overthrow Izzet
and take his place—or overthrow Abdul Hamid!
I am writing him:
August 21,1901
Mygood Vàmbéry bâcsi:
I have read your youthfully courageous letter with great joy.
You are truly a divinely favored person. May God keep you!
I am herewith returning to you Draft I, which met with your
approval, because I have a copy of it. Translating it into French is
pointless, because it probably will not be practicable in this form.
In particular, Cohn will not want to leave the administration of
Palestine to an English company any more than he would to a
company of any other nationality. That would also create frightful
diplomatic difficulties with the other Powers. And, after all, we
are concerned with completing the project.
That is why we shall have to look for another form. You see that
I am not a fantast or a fool; I myself made a proposal more agree
able to Cohn in my London memorandum, which has remained
unanswered. On June 18 I wrote him the following, among other
things, from London:
Insertion [pp. 116 iff.]
By toutes les concessions nécessaires [all the necessary conces
sions] I meant the Charter, of course, without, however, going
into detail at this first step. You will notice further that I treat the
whole thing only as an initial step. 1,500,000 Turkish pounds won’t
solve Cohn’s problems, as I well know, and I am actually in a posi
tion to obtain much more for him later, once he has given this first
proof of his good intentions.
But how is the plan to be carried out? First of all he must give
the Charter, specifically, to the Jewish Colonial Trust for the
formation of the Compagnie Ottomane-Juive pour l’Asie Mineure,
la Palestine et la Syrie [Ottoman-Jewish Company for Asia Minor,
Palestine, and Syria]. T o give the whole thing a financially sound
character, the Jewish Colonial T rust could deposit a security of,
say, one million francs as soon as the Charter is delivered to us, and
this earnest would be forfeited to the Turkish treasury if the Com
pany was not founded within a certain period of time. But please
do not talk about this proposal until a serious guarantee is de
manded, because I think down there they like to grab even the
smallest securities.
By what guarantees we, for our part, want to have Cohn’s serious
intentions backed is a matter still to be discussed.
Draft I would therefore have to serve only as a preamble, and
you will certainly know yourself the most appropriate manner in
which it can be used.
If Cohn agrees to it, I shall start reorganizing Cohn’s general
situation at the same time that the 5-million company is formed.
I shall carry out this reorganization within three years. You can
tell him that, and you may add that never again will he find a man
who will do this for him under such conditions. It is my pro-
foundest conviction that you are rendering him the greatest service
of your life, while at the same time you are putting our people
permanently in your debt. You see, it isn’t true that in any business
transaction only one party can profit. This would be a salvation for
both parties.
But why repeat what has been said so often? I await your good
news, particularly the announcement of your departure.
May God help usl
With a hearty embrace,

Your devoted Dori.
Postscript.
August 22
Missed closing of mails yesterday. Today I read about the turn
in the French conflict. Perhaps it is already too late and fate will
takeits course? I have long seen it coming.

On the 24th, the tramp Crespi was here, having come from
Ischl where he is staying with the Turkish “Consul-General.” He
tried to pump me, but I remained impenetrable and didn’t ask
any services from him either, although the scoundrel draws a
monthly salary of 1,000 francs from us.
# # #
Via London Trust I received a proposal from a certain Bekir

Sonhami in Galata to come to the aid of the Sultan. The “Pro
tovestiaire [Keeper of the Robes] S. Bey” was willing to arrange
for me to be sent for, but wanted to make something on it. I dis
creetly sounded Crespi out about this Protovestiaire and learned
that he was the Sultan’s foster brother. Thereupon I sent Sonhami’s
letter to Vâmbéry and sent the following wire without signature: *
Bekir Sonhami, Galata.
I have received your letter of August 16 via London. I can come
to aid, but will come only if he himself calls me.

Court Secretary Sonnenschein of the Ministry of Railroads was
here for an hour on Sunday and made me an offer to start a paper
for the industrialists. I didn’t refuse, but was very reserved. He
wants to speak with Koerber first.

Telegram to Ibrahim:*
To His Excellency Ibrahim Bey,

Grand Master of Ceremonies.
I beg Your Excellency to place at the foot of the throne my most
respectful congratulations on the occasion of H.I.M .’s birthday. I
sincerely hope that the clouds of the present hour will soon be dis
sipated, and I further beg Your Excellency to recall to H.I.M.’s
mind the story about the thorn which I told him. It is still true and
possible.

Dr. Th. H.
September 2, Alt-Aussee
Yesterday I received the following wire:*
Doctor Theodor Herzl, Alt-Aussee.

From Yildiz.
I have conveyed your felicitations to His Imperial Majesty, and
he has been pleased to instruct me to express to you his exalted
gratification.
Ibra.
* # #
Very important; so the thread is not broken. I am immediately
writing so to Vâmbéry.
At the same time, however, I read in the paper that this Ibra
him’s son, Said Ibrahim Bey, who had had dinner with me in
London, died at Karlsbad two days ago, at the age of 29!
He was a fine, handsome man.
To Vàmbéry:
First, a copy of the exchange of telegrams on the occasion of the
birthday.
Then:
As you see, the story about the thorn seems to be a magic formula.
But I feel that we ought to go right on striking the iron. It is a fact
that Cohn doesn’t have a radish ready for the Ramadan yet. He
will need about £200,000; I already know that. At the last moment
they will run to the usurers again. I can get the money for him, but
would have to get started well in advance. I think, therefore, that
on the very day you receive this letter—that is, tomorrow—you
should tell him the following in the west-eastern language of
figures:
“My friend can bring you, O Cohn, the money that you need
for the Ramadan, and—mark my words!—without usurers or
pawn-brokers. Moreover, from then on he can continue to take
care of your obligations that fall due according to a definite plan,
and il se fait fort [will act vigorously] to straighten out your entire
financial situation within 3 years with the help of his friends. But
the prerequisite is that you call him no later than the latter half of
September. For he does need some time for these arrangements.
But my friend would want you to summon me along with him, so
that I can conduct the negotiations between you and him.”
I am now asking myself whether the lack of an answer to your let
ters isn’t the consequence of Cohn’s having shown your letters to his
Second Secretary. I wouldn’t put it past him. And what should be
done now?

Vàmbéry advises me to write to Ibrahim.
Letter to Ibrahim:*
Your Excellency:
Together with your telegram in which you did me the honor
to express to me H.I.M.’s exalted gratification at my congratula
tions I have had the heart-rending news of the death of your fine
son. I have permitted myself to send you a telegram of condolence.
I met this charming young man in London and we had a long
discussion of ideas of the future; I saw in him a hope for your
beautiful country, and now—But I do not want to revive your
paternal grief. May God comfort you and give you strength.
In grief of this cruel kind it is good for a man to have ceaseless
occupation. That makes him forget. Also, after having pitied
Your Excellency for having to think of affairs of state during your
personal torments, I told myself that work is a form of distraction
that will do you good.
The news from your country is truly not comforting to your
friends. And yet there would have been ways of taking you out
of these financial difficulties which are also having political reper
cussions. I don’t want to insist on the services of this nature that
I can render to H.I.M. Let the Sultan only know that I am full of
gratitude for the kind sentiments which he has been pleased to
express with regard to myself and the Jews in general. Whenever
H.I.M. would have recourse to my disinterested services, all he has
to do is summon me. Since leaving Constantinople I have spoken
with my friends in various countries, and I am not saying too much
if I undertake to settle the situation after some time. I am always
dumbfounded to read what sacrifices the Imperial government
has to make for relatively insignificant sums. Onerous concessions
are prolonged, usurious conditions are agreed to, etc. It is as unbe
lievable as it is futile.
Now I am advised that there will again be requirements for the
Ramadan. I should be happy if on this occasion I could show my
devotion to H.I.M. by real services. T he only requirement would
be that I be called on several weeks before the Ramadan in order
tobe able to make the arrangements if there is an intention of using
my humble capabilities.
May I request Your Excellency to let H.I.M. know this.
With the expression of my high regard, I am
Your Excellency’s devoted servant

Dr. T h. H.
September 23, Alt-Aussee, Yom Kippur

For weeks I have made all sorts of efforts to put the wire to the
Sultan back in operation. Through Ibrahim, Nuri, Vâmbéry—in
umpteen ways.
During the past few days I have been mulling over a letter to the
Sultan, but can never make up my mind to write one, for it is a fact
that he owes me a reply.
Today I sat by the lake, which was beautiful. And I thought how
it would be if next Spring I could sit by the Lake of Gennesaret
like this, and I decided to write.
The figures in my chess game now are Cecil Rhodes (with whom
I am to meet after his return from Scotland); Roosevelt, the new
President (through Gottheil); the King of England (through the
Bishop of Ripon); the Czar (through General von Hesse), etc.
On top of this I am tormented by the chance of getting a news
paper in Vienna, although Court Secretary Sonnenschein, who
got me excited about it, hasn’t let me hear from him in almost 3
weeks, so that it was probably another dud. But with a big paper
I could work wonders.
The Bank’s capacity for action, which is supposed to be com
pleted by October, is another thing that worries me.
At the lake it occurred to me how I could bring Gottheil into
play as a knight on the chessboard. I shall tell the Sultan that 1
know a method of getting an ambassador as his permanent friend
in the concert of Powers; he should request or accept Gottheil.
Letter to the Sultan:*
Sire:
In again availing myself of the gracious permission to address
myself directly to Y.I.M., I wish to call to Y.I.M.’s attention, in
a few words, a rather serious situation.
The renowned Sovereign will judge the liberty I take to have
been dictated by my devotion.
Sire, grave days are approaching for the Ottoman Empire. I have
just learned some rather disagreeable facts. It is not a formal coali
tion that is being prepared, but a sort of agreement for non-inter
ference. At a given moment a certain power will go ahead. Y.I.M.
will get no help from where Y.I.M. expects it. Moreover, help will
seem to come from a much more formidable source
Advanced as things are, there is yet a way to remedy them.
I know a way in which discord could be caused between those
whose alliance would be disastrous. A man could be obtained who
would perform decisive services for Y.I.M., and to remove any
false impression I hasten to say that this would cost absolutely
nothing and would arouse no suspicion whatever. But the matter
is so delicate that I could confide it only orally to Y.I.M. in person
and alone.
The first effect of this plan would be to win time. Then sources
of income could be created and the resistance of the Imperial govt,
strengthened.
If I dare to speak thus, it is because I believe that a devoted man
is never useless, especially if it is well established that he asks
nothing and expects nothing for himself. I permit myself to explain
the motives which cause me to act.
The greatness and power of the Ottoman Empire are the only
hope of the Jewish nation, and it is as a faithful Jew that I wish to
earn, not for myself but for my brethren, the good will of the great
Caliph.
If Y.I.M. wishes to hear me, it would be easy for me to come to
Constantinople for several days.
Y.I.M.’s most humble and obedient servant,

D r.T h .H .
• • *
Your Excellency: *
I have the honor to send you, enclosed herewith, a very impor
tant letter for the Sultan, which it would be to H.I.M.’s interest
to take note of at once.
This week I am ending my summer vacation to return to Vienna.
To tell the truth, my vacation is only a change of desks, for my
work never lets up and I have to work here as I do in the city, but
at least here I have had mountain air, which has done me a lot of
good.
I am sincerely sorry to learn that Turkey’s affairs are not going
well.
God protect youl
Be assured, Your Excellency, of my highest consideration.
T h.H .
The man mentioned in the letter to the Sultan as to be obtained

is Gottheil.
October 8, Vienna
I have been to Pest to see Vâmbéry, induced him to write a
storm-and-stress letter to the Sultan and then go down there him
self.
I am writing to Nuri to make that scoundrel Izzet favorably
disposed tous:*
Your Excellency:
Our concerns are not progressing, and neither are those of
T urkey.
I believe it would be useful to seek out Izzet Bey and bring him
round to a more active attitude. Izzet Bey’s remarkable intelligence
would be very valuable to us. And since he already knows from you
that my gratitude can be relied upon, it seems to me that he will
listen to you again with pleasure.
You will need certain sums before Ramadan, won’t you?
If you will permit me to give you some advice: go to see Izzet
Bey as soon as possible, personally, and speak to him in the way you
know so well.
Anticipating the pleasure of hearing from you, I beg Your Ex
cellency to accept this expression of my friendship and high
esteem.
H.
P.S. I have seen Professor V. recently. He intends to go to Con
stantinople, having serious things in the offing in Europe to com
municate. The bearer of this letter knows nothing about its con
tents.
October 8,1901
October 23, Vienna

Nothing from Constantinople. Only a few financial agents are
approaching me with dubious loan offers.
The “October Conferences,” aimless babble, are over. I was so
disgusted that I made no entries in this book at all. With a doleful
outcry the Bank was made “capable of action,” but it is not sup
posed to undertake anything. Actually, it is best this way, for we
don’t have a single capable businessman.
With all these annoyances I am turning back to literature and
am now rewriting my Solon in Lydien as a drama.
* * *
Yesterday I saw Koerber about permission to accept my Meji-

diye. We took the occasion to chat for a brief hour. He again beefed
to me about being tired of office. He has to toil away while others
are “drawing the big salaries, eating like pigs, drinking like fish,
and despairing of the state. T h at’s the best job: Despairer of the
State—you really fatten up on it.”
He also beefed about Austria’s backwardness. All you have to
do to see it is to take a train trip. “If I take the Orient Express, it’s
packed in Germany. T he minute you cross the border, life stops.
Just look at those station namesl One of ’em’s called Grieskirchen.
Then you come to one called Ried, and there’s a dog sleepin’.”
In short, his beefing was amusing and typically Austrian. He
invited me to visit him often. A quoi bon? [What’s the good of it]?
He didn’t evince too much enthusiasm about giving permission
to wear the Mejidiye order, but didn’t say anything definite. It was
just curious that he already knew that I had been given the Grand
Cordon.
To think that he keeps that sort of thing in his head.
• * *
November 1, Vienna
Letter to that dastard Crespi, to whom I am tired of sending
l ,000 francs each month : *
Dear Sir:
Despite his incontestably high intelligence, 363 doesn’t realize
his situation, which is as bad as can be. Otherwise he would have
sent for me, because I am the only one who can be useful to him.
Under these circumstances it is truly not worthwhile to take any
further steps, and I assure you that I have a good mind to break off
all relations. All the same, and in view of the pleasant relations
I have had with you, I wish to send you starting now 500 francs
per month for your correspondence. However, I would ask you
to write me at least once a week and to bring to my attention any
thing that may be of interest to me.
I have written to 345 to speak with 125. You and 345 have told me
that 125 received a sum at the time of my visit down there, and I
don’t understand why I haven’t had any response.
Kindly remember me to our fine mutual friend. I am sure that
he regrets not having been able to do anything.
Very cordially yours,
Herzl.
Sire:
I have the honor to remind Y.I.M. of my respectful letter of
September 23, in which I had predicted exactly the painful events
which have just occurred during these last few days. This mis
fortune could have been avoided if Y.I.M. had done me the honor
of listening to my loyal advice. Other misfortunes are coming, and
the remedy for them lies only in the straightening out of the
financial situation.
May I be permitted to say that I am still ready to devote myself
to that task.
When it pleases Y.I.M. to appeal to my humble capabilities I
shall make haste to organize the necessary measures—be it today,
tomorrow, in six months. Y.I.M. may always count on my devotion.
Herzl.
Covering letter to Ibrahim: *
Your Excellency:
I have the honor to send you, enclosed herewith, a letter to
H.I.M. Unfortunately my predictions, based on reliable informa
tion, have been realized.
And it is not over. There is only one way of escaping from these
difficulties—I have indicated it to H.I.M.
Hoping that you are in good health, I offer Your Excellency my
high esteem and devotion.
Dr. Th. H.
November 8

When M. Constans was appointed ambassador to Constanti
nople, I permitted myself to write Your Royal Highness the follow
ing, under date of------ : [Insert]
The events have proved me right. Unless I am mistaken, the
Near Eastern question is now entering its final stage. The turn of
the day, however, is evidently against Germany’s interests; and yet
the German government will not easily decide to take a stronger
stand, because a world conflagration might result. T hat French
financier has rather accurately calculated this.
But the question is whether Germany would not nevertheless,
under cover and without committing herself perceptibly, like to
prevent a resuscitation of the dormant French protectorate over
Syria and Palestine with all its political and economic conse
quences.
The Zionist movement exists and can be used for this purpose.
When quite some time ago I was waved away after an entrée en
matière [beginning] which had aroused hopes in me, I understood
and did not make a sound. It was a heavy blow for us, for the
financiers whom our movement—alas!—needs withdraw when
no tangible results are forthcoming. T heir pledges were then and
are now contingent on the achievement of certainties, such as the
German protectorate, for instance, would have been.
Later I succeeded in approaching the Sultan directly. He re
ceived me well, as I had the honor to report to Your Royal High
ness in person at Karlsruhe last May. However, he is timid and irre
solute. He needs counsel and a push.
Someone would have to tell him: "Give the Zionists what they
need and they will raise the money for you with which you can
get rid of the French!”
The Jews, particularly the moneyed Jews, are a practical people.
I have them when I have something reliable in my hands.
If German policy is willing to help us with this, it will acquire,
together with our gratitude, a right for future times and will ex
clude the dangerous influence of a power that may become ex
pansionist. On the basis of past actions I may be permitted to point
out that I am loyal and discreet and do not disappoint confidence
placed in me. It is an old, steadfast thought of mine that, God
willing, we shall reach our goal with the aid of the rising Protestant
power.
Today it is practically forgotten that H.M. the German Kaiser
for a time favored our movement with his most gracious interest.
If due caution were exercised, any harmful stir could be avoided.
Details could be discussed later—provided that the German gov
ernment is minded to look further into the matter which I am
herewith respectfully submitting to Your Royal Highness. Should
I be ordered to go to H.M. the Kaiser, I can so arrange it that
absolutely no one will find out about it.
Respectfully commending myself to the oft-proven, most
gracious benevolence of Your Royal Highness, I remain, with
deepest gratitude and devotion,
D r.T h.H .
November 9
The picture in the Orient has changed so completely since yes
terday that I am not sending off the letter to the Grand Duke.
France has received satisfaction all along the line and is withdraw
ing, something that she had previously pledged the Powers to do.
Consequently neither Germany nor England is going to do any
thing for us. Hence any démarche [intervention] is superfluous.
Mais je songe [But I am a dreamer]. Since action on the part of
France would have an effect favorable for us because of the réper
cussion it would have, we should in future work toward having
French aspirations emerge in Syria and Palestine.
A creuser [To be explored] 1
December 19, Vienna

I have written my Congress speech—more of an egg dance than
ever before—and must now try to parry in advance the contrecoup
[counter-stroke] it may elicit from Constantinople. I must demand
some concession from the Sultan, so that, if worst comes to worst,
he will not grant it to me. Given his character, he isn't likely to
follow an amiable letter with a blunt refusal.
(Dated December 20 th).

Sire:*
I have the honor to recall myself once more to Y.I.M.’s gracious
memory. Since I had the signal honor of being received in
audience, I take the liberty of observing respectfully that there
might be some use, from a financial as well as a political point of
view, in making known to the Jews of all countries the good and
generous feelings that Y.I.M. cherishes in his fatherly heart for the
persecuted Jewish people. An opportunity to do so is now offered.
Toward the end of this month the annual Zionist Congress meets
at Basel to deliberate on the fate, alas! so sad, of the Jews of the
whole world. I shall preside at the gathering, and I hope to take
advantage of this opportunity to remark briefly upon the glorious
reigning Caliph’s kindness to the Jews. T he effect can only be
favorable. But how much greater would be the general impression
if Y.I.M. deigned to have a telegram of good wishes sent to me as
a reply to the telegram of respectful, loyal homage that I shall have
the honor to send at the opening of the Congress. This would be
the happiest preparation for that day when Y.I.M. in your lofty
wisdom shall see fit to call upon the grateful services of the Jews
of the whole world.
Sire, I have the honor to be
Y.I.M.'s most humble and obedient servant,

D r.T h .H .
Your Excellency:
I have the honor to send you, enclosed herewith, a letter for
H.I.M. the Sultan.
Permit me, at the same time, to ask your advice.
I wish to make a small gift to H.I.M., a surprise that I hope will
please him, for I believe that it doesn’t yet exist in Turkey. It is a
typewriter with Turkish characters. I have ordered it from Amer
ica, and a professor of Oriental languages at the University in New
York is supervising the accuracy of the production of the type.
The manufacture of it is very complicated. They have already been
working on it for some time. But according to the latest word the
job is approaching completion, and I expect the machine in two or
three weeks. The first Oriental typewriter shall be tried out
for the first time in Europe at His Excellency Mahmud Nedim
Bey’s. And after that? Should I send it through the Embassy—or
should I bring it to Yildiz Kiosk myself? T hat is the advice I am
askingfor.
I beg Y.E. to accept the assurance of my high consideration and
sincere devotion.
T h .H .
December 25, on the train, approaching Buchs

Telegram to Ibrahim: *
To His Excellency, etc.

At the opening moment of the Zionist Congress, which today
brings together in Basel representatives of the Jewish people from
all countries, I beg Y.E. to place at the foot of the Imperial throne
this acknowledgment of deep devotion and of the gratitude which
all Jews feel for the benevolence always shown them by H.I.M. the
Sultan.
With high esteem,
Dr. T h. H.
President of the Zionist Congress, Basel.
January 5,1902
On the train, past Venice, homeward bound for Vienna.
The fifth Congress.
The change in the years and in my own self is shown by the fact
that only today am I writing down my impressions of the Congress.
From the evening of my arrival, on December 25, to the moment
of my departure on New Year’s Eve, I got into one discussion after
another. Sessions from 10 o’clock in the morning until 4 o’clock
the next morning. In the interim, quarrels to be made up, insults
tobe smoothed over, etc.
On the morning of the first day I sent the wire to the Sultan, and
on the evening of the second the answer came. Until then I had
been trembling. Up to that time he could still have denied even
the beginning of our relationship. Mais il donnait dedans en plein
[But in it he put that right in plain sight]. W ith this wire, issued by
the Basel telegraph office, my situation is certified and regular
ized.
Once again, rode across Lake Constance.*
From then on I was calm.
Incidentally, my Congress bunch did not rate the wire at its full
value. Ils ne comprennent rien [They understand nothing]. They
overestimate small things and value big things lightly.
But it’s enough that I know it.
The official letter of welcome from the Basel city government
was worth less politically, but of incomparably greater value
morally.
This letter gave me the idea of trying to have the National Fund
set up a corporate body in Basel. I sent the good Basel A.C. member
Joel Weil to Dr. David, the head of the city government, to inquire
if this would be unwelcome to them. No, he had no objections.
The following day I called on him in order to thank him. Dr.
David, a fine, serious-minded man, was greatly interested in every
thing, listened to me for an hour, and said that Zionism was some
thing exalted. He was glad that this great, beautiful idea had
found a home in Basel.
In contrast, how shameful and petty was the attitude of the
Community Jews of Basel. It is true, this time they had permitted
donations to the National Fund, but when Wolffsohn, in accord
ance with a possibility regarding the Torah reading, wanted to
have 30 people called up, Dreyfus, the head of the congregation,
refused, saying:
“No special privileges!”
Therefore only myself, Moser, Montefiore, and Wolffsohn were
able to make a donation.
How the Fund fared in the Congress is a matter of record. From
time to time I was absent; then Tschlenow, egged on by Boden-
• See note on p. 1679.
heimer, messed up the whole thing. They accepted the draft “pro
visionally.” Then who would have made a donation? I came back,
listened to the nonsense, annulled the decision, and put the draft
through the way we need it.
The most important thing was the organization pro futuro [for
the future]. I particularly wanted to break the iron rings which are
already forming in some countries. T he first “leaders” monopolize
the national committees, and from this there results a certain dis
inclination to belong. However, we must keep positions of honor
open. I believe the new organization will do its duty and strengthen
the Inner A.C.
The Russians Bernstein-Kohan, Ussishkin, etc. immediately
sensed what was going on and put up resistance. But they can’t
make any objections if I want the federation from below, “from
the people,” as they always say.
I also put a stop, once and for all, to Bemstein-Kohan’s mail
headquarters.
Difficulties were also made by the gentlemen of the Greater A.C.
over the question of the baksheesh which I had always had paid out
by Wolffsohn, Kremenezky, Kokesch, etc. against a proper receipt.
Why, some of them acted as though I were inducing them to
commit fraud. The Bank directors, too, weren’t keen on approving
what we had spent on behalf of the Bank for the sake of acquiring
the Charter (receipt to Wolffsohn from N.) Of course, if I had in
sisted they would have given their consent; but then it would have
been something “secret” and would naturally have been blabbed
about promptly. In the face of this cowardice and asininity I had no
other choice but to throw the whole thing in the lap of the Con
gress. For this I used an opposition man, Farbstein, whose resolu
tion I used as the point of departure. See the protocol.
Naturally everything went through d’emblée [directly].
The members of the Board of Directors and of the Council
didn’t understand any of what was going on and then breathed a
sigh of relief.
It made the strongest impression on Kokesch, whose alarmingly
empty A.C. treasury I replenished at one stroke. He raises his eye
brows when, e.g., I want to have a propaganda issue printed, and
presents me with an accounting of every subvention given to an
agent. But now he was impressed by my getting money for propa
ganda again.
Few details.
Nordau made a speech that was brilliant, but imprudent in
places—his best to date.
The warning against early marriages and too much studying is
something truly valuable and will bear fruit.
Zangwill spoke wittily; but while Nordau was translating his
speech, the idea came to me in a flash not to have the Congress take
a vote on the I.C.A.
I believe this was a good thing. Otherwise people would have
said the next day that Zionism is only a raid on Hirsch’s millions.
In the same spirit I rejected a proposal made me by the Russian
exaltados [extreme enthusiasts] Syrkin and Buchmil: to put on mass
demonstrations against the I.C.A. in the big cities. I had Oskar
Marmorek and others take down a memorandum about my rejec
tion.
What else?
I was glad when the Congress was over, and escaped from the
demonstrations as soon as possible.
That sort of thing gives me less and less pleasure.
* • #
Oh yes, another thing, something that distressed and vexed me a

great deal.
When the Sultan’s answering telegram became known through
the papers, I received wires from Geneva and Lausanne from meet
ings of students of all nationalities, particularly Armenians, Bul
garians, Macedonians, Russians, Poles, etc., expressing their mépris
[contempt] and indignation on account of my telegram to the sul
tan rouge [blood-stained Sultan].
However, this will probably do me good with the Sultan.
January 9, Vienna
For once that scoundrel Crespi sends me some interesting infor
mation: The ambassador at Berlin—my “friend” Ahmed Tewfik
—has sent the Sultan an accusing wire about my Basel speech, as
well as another telegram asking for authorization to disclaim my
words officially.
I hope that my advance notice has done its work with Abdul
Hamid and will cause him to ignore the denunciation of his Berlin
servant.
The protest demonstration of the Armenian and other wild
students may stand me in good stead too.
January 11, Vienna

Cowen informs that he is again making efforts to get a meeting
with Cecil Rhodes for me. T he robber raider Dr. Jameson is acting
as the intermediary on the Rhodes side. However, on account of
my bread-givers, who might become angry, I cannot now risk a
trip that promises nothing certain. Therefore I wired that I could
come only if Rhodes were seriously interested in the matter. In
order to initiate this, I am sending the following memorandum to
London, to be translated by Zangwill and transmitted by Cowen:
Mr. Cecil Rhodes:

For some months mutual friends have been trying on my behalf
to arrange a meeting between us. At the moment, however, I am so
inordinately busy that it would hardly be possible for me to
come to London, unless I knew in advance that you took a serious
interest in the matter. This, to be sure, would be a sufficiently
strong reason to travel, for I need you. In fact, all things considered,
you are the only man who can help me now. Of course, I am not
concealing from myself the fact that you are not likely to do so. The
probability is perhaps one in a million, if this can be expressed in
figures at all.
But it is a big—some say, too big—thing. To me it does not seem
too big for Cecil Rhodes. This sounds like flattery; however, it
does not reside in the words, but in the offer. If you participate,
then you are the man. If you don’t, then I have simply made a mis
take.
You are being invited to help make history. That cannot
frighten you, nor will you laugh at it. It is not in your accustomed
line; it doesn’t involve Africa, but a piece of Asia Minor, not Eng
lishmen, but Jews.
But had this been on your path, you would have done it yourself
by now.
How, then, do I happen to turn to you, since this is an out-of-the-
way matter for you? How indeed? Because it is something colonial,
and because it presupposes understanding of a development which
will take twenty or thirty years. There are visionaries who look past
greater spaces of time, but they lack a practical sense. Then again
there are practical people, like the trust magnates in America, but
they lack political imagination. But you, Mr. Rhodes, are a vi
sionary politician or a practical visionary. You have already demon
strated this. And what I want you to do is not to give me or lend me
a few guineas, but to put the stamp of your authority on the Zion
ist plan and to make the following declaration to a few people who
swear by you: I, Rhodes, have examined this plan and found it
correct and practicable. It is a plan full of culture, excellent for the
group of people for whom it is directly designed, not detrimental
to the general progress of mankind, and quite good for England,
for Greater Britain. If you and your associates supply the requested
financial aid for this, you will, in addition to these satisfactions,
have the satisfaction of making a good profit. For what is being
asked for is money.
What is the plan? T o settle Palestine with the homecoming
Jewish people.
When I started it 6 years ago, I was brutally derided. I disdained
the scoffers and went ahead. In these 6 years the Jews in all parts
of the world have been shaken up. At five Congresses there has
been effected an organization with thousands of associations all
over the world. The Zionists obey a mot d’ordre [command] from
Manchuria to Argentina, from Canada to the Cape and New Zea
land. The greatest concentration of our adherents is in Eastern Eu
rope. Of the five million Jews in Russia, surely four million swear
by our program. We have party organs in all civilized languages.
Every single day there are mass meetings of our people in the most
diverse places. Yet our demands are so formulated that no govern
ment has proceeded against them as yet, not even the Russian gov
ernment. As early as 1898 I won the German Kaiser himself for the
cause. He received me in a lengthy audience at Yildiz Kiosk in Con
stantinople, in the presence of Biilow. Later he officially received
me in Jerusalem with four of my associates, as the representatives of
Zionism. I have transmitted a detailed memorandum to the Czar
through another ruler, and thereupon the Czar bestowed his
benevolent neutrality upon us. Last May I brought the matter be
fore the Sultan in a long conference, and he granted me his grace.
In England we have countless Christian friends, in the Church as
well as in the press, and in the House of Commons there are 37 (?)
members who have promised to support Zionism.
This cursory aperçu [survey] of our political situation may suf
fice.
And this movement, which has had such an unprecedented de
velopment in 6 years, vainly cries out for money. Why? Because the
big Jewish financiers are against us. They are afraid, they have no
imagination, they lend money only on dead pledges.
January 20, Vienna

This letter to Rhodes remains in the ink bottle for the time be
ing, because Cowen reports that Zangwill wants to organize a
financial group with the aid of Lord Suffield and is requesting in
structions. I am writing to Zangwill and Cowen:
Mydear friends Zangwill and Joe:

You ask for a presentation of the financial plan. Here it is. I
won’t even remind you again how prudently you must scrutinize
everyone you talk to. T he greatest harm can be caused by indiscre-
dons. I can’t give you a list of every fire that you should avoid. All
I say to you is: Don’t get bum edl
And now to the point.
It is a matter of a financial operation which is often talked about
in the papers, like the sea serpent. It was last seen in French waters.
The former Minister of Finance, Rouvier, is said to be hunting it,
or to have hunted it. T he operation is known by the name Unifica
tion de la Dette Ottomane [Consolidation of the Turkish Debt].
You will find enclosed a tabulation of the dette as of March,
1901. Since then there have been various changes in the rate of
exchange. We will go into this, as into all details, only when the
principle has been accepted.
Cohn (in our earlier code, E) has the most ardent desire to get
this dette into his power. For the administration de la dette [ad
ministration of the debt] is his greatest sorrow and his main mis
fortune. The administrative expenses are insanely high, and yet he
isn’t the master in his house. He promised me anything I want if
I liberate him from it.
The nominal amount of the dette is approximately 85 million
pounds sterling. Let us assume the exchange value as about 22 mil
lion pounds sterling. These figures may serve as a basis for discus
sion, although they actually change from day to day. Please point
out from the start that the detailed calculations will be supplied by
an expert (which, as you know, I am not) as soon as my plan has
been accepted in principle by the group which you are to create in
London.
I shall name this expert only to you now, my friends. It is M.
Benno Reitlinger of Paris, who is himself worth a few million
francs, is a good Zionist and completely devoted to me.
For the sake of clarity I will now divide the plan into three parts.
1) the acquisition of the dette, 2) the acquisition of the Charter,
3) the renumeration of the group.—
1) The Acquisition of the Dette.
This requires the formation of a financially strong group whose
credit is good for 22-25 million pounds sterling, but which by no
means needs to put up this amount. The poor two-bit investors
usually don’t understand the conditions of high finance.
One lets only a small amount of money ring on the table— large
amounts one doesn’t pay at all, one only remits them. Of course,
one has to have it, i.e., be good for it.
Now you will understand the remarks I made in my earlier
letters: that R. (C in our code) can actually handle the matter
sans coup férir et sans bourse délier [without stirring a finger or
paying a penny]. He probably owns part of the dette already
through the houses affiliated with him (and their clientele). The
second part, which is in the hands of an organized group (accord
ing to my reports, the Protestant Ottoman Bank group), he can
obtain through an option. He can have the third part bought up
on the stock-exchanges rather inconspicuously.
Cecil’s people could do it, too, although with greater difficulty,
i.e., more expensively, more conspicuously, and more slowly.
But the acquisition would be hardest of all for a group such as
you plan to organize. T he difficulty would be, in the first place, that
the larger the group, i.e., the smaller the share of an individual,
the more cash would have to be emphasized. Secondly, the trouble
would be that with the number of participants, the danger of peo
ple being indiscreet and spoiling things would grow in geometrical
progression. But if no other way were left to us, we would simply
have to follow this one.
According to the estimate of my expert, I figure the group’s cash
investment at about 10%, that is, 2.2 to 2.5 million pounds sterling.
Once this fund exists, purchases can be started. I won’t go into the
stock-exchange part of this operation now, although I have had
it explained to me in detail. I will only mention briefly that it is
possible to have the purchased items carried over until the end of
the entire operation, so that the group has cash responsibility only
for the difference between the proceeds from interest and the con
tango.* Another important facilitation is the fact that Cohn would
support the operation of the group in every way. In fact, I believe
• Translator’s Note: Contango: a premium paid by a buyer of stock to the seller
to postpone its delivery.
that he himself would take a share. It is common knowledge that
he has a huge private fortune; and considering the good terms I am
on with him, I could probably induce him to do so, once things
actually start rolling.
However, the operations of the group would take at least a year,
if not longer, because more rapid activity on the stock-exchanges
would make rates rise enormously. This is the one reason why even
a financial artist like Rouvier cannot easily manage the matter. The
second reason follows later.
Let us now span a period of time whose duration depends on the
circumstances, the interest rate, the political and financial situa
tion. Let us assume the operation has been carried through, i.e., the
dette is in the possession of the group, with the exception of a small
remainder, quantité négligeable [a negligible amount]. What
then?
Then we shall enter the second phase.
2) The Acquisition of the Charter.
We shall receive the Charter for the certified announcement that
our group is in possession of the dette. In saying this I am certainly
not basing myself on Cohn’s promise alone—I am not that naive—
but on his vital interests. He will have to give us the Charter then if
he does not want to remain in his present situation, i.e., going to
ruin.
The owners of the dette will appoint its administrators. Cohn’s
desire, which he spelled out for me, is to make this administration
an authority which will obey him, function inexpensively, and take
care of the administration of all of his resources. But in that case it
must not consist of enemies and foreigners, but of his people. We
shall hand the administration over to him (for a specified period)
in return for his giving us the Charter. We shall make use of the
Charter, and the utilization of the Charter—as Cohn knows before
hand—will serve to liberate him from the dette completely, not
just for the specified period.
How will the utilization of the Charter which is to be granted
to the Jewish Colonial Trust be accomplished? On the basis of the
Charter, the Trust will found a big Land Company* with a capital
of 5 million pounds sterling. I don’t want to rely on Seligmann’s
pledge, who promised to get together Montagu and others for the
Land Company with 5 mill. pd. stg. as soon as I have the Charter,
any more than I want to rely on the pledge, which I have in writ
ing, from the I.C.A. president Leven who promised us all the re
sources of the I.C.A. as soon as we have the Charter. I expect the 5
mill. pd. stg. for the Land Company from a public campaign on
the basis of the acquired Charter.
The Land Company, for its part will complete the operation of
the group. The Land Company will take the dette over from the
group.
3) The Remuneration of the Group.
You see, the group is not to buy up the dette in order to keep it,
but in order to re-sell it, and at a profit. But this profit must be fixed
beforehand, in an option given to the J.C.T. to take over the bonds
at such and such an amount in excess of the average purchase price.
Thus the group arranges for the buyer.
And here is the second reason why Rouvier, who has quite dif
ferent resources and assistants at his disposal, cannot easily handle
the operation. He has no buyer in view. For, once he has the dette,
who is to take it off his hands? Sure, the Turkish government. But
to enable it to buy anything, someone must go security for it. And
no one will do so unless it accepts the guardianship of the adminis
tration, as up to now. But then the situation of the Turks will be
the same as now.
Therefore only a few people around Cohn are interested in such
an arrangement; he himself isn’t.
But now the question arises for the group whether the Land
Company, which doesn’t exist yet, will really relieve it of the dette
again.
YesI You see, the Land Company will have to have the dette.
It will need it so badly that it would have to pay any price; and for
this reason the group’s profit shall be fixed in advance, even though
largement [generously], in keeping with the tremendous service.
The Land Company, with a capital of 5 mill, pd. stg., in posses
sion of the Charter (which will have to include the Crown Lands),
and as the entrepreneur of Palestine and Syria, which will rapidly
rise in value because of the mass settlement, will be strong enough
financially to take over the dette from the group. I have worked out
the financial plan for this, too, but don’t want to put it down here,
because this might make the whole plan more complicated than it
actually is. It will be evident to everyone that such a Company will
be strong enough to take over the dette.
But what if the Land Company doesn’t materialize in the first
place? What then?
Then the Group can either liquidate itself, and with gradual
selling the rates of exchange will again be brought to the present
level if, as may be expected, it has risen in the course of the opera
tion. In this eventuality, too, the Group will not lose anything, be
cause as a predominant power it will dictate the prices.
At worst, then, it will be a successful big stock-exchange opera
tion for the Group.
. . . Or! Or the Group can offer its entire bond holdings to a
Great Power for sale. I believe there would then be four buyers:
England, France, Germany, and Russia.
Therefore it isn’t likely that even a penny* will be lost. Instead,
the Group may make a big profit even in this case.—
This, my friends, is the plan in general outline.
I think that Zangwill should first of all give Lord Suffield the de
tailed plans and try with his aid to win over R. Possibly Suffield—
or the Bishop of Ripon?—ought to induce the King to influence R.
For it is undoubtedly in England’s interest to gain this important
sphere of influence in this way, without a war or expense. R. ought
to help not as a Jew, but as an Englishman!* If, incidentally, he un
derstands the signs of the British Brothers League,* he must realize
that it is high time to come to our aid. Every day lost will take its
toll.
I must leave it to your careful judgment to what extent it is ap
propriate to exert an influence on Cecil through James—not
through Maxim. Another related question is to what extent Engi
neer Kessler, our Transvaal member of the A.C., who is in London
now, should be brought into action. Kessler has offered to win over
the big South Africans, together with Sir Francis Montefiore.
In this case, as well as in the creation of a group including Lipton
and others, the very greatest caution is indicated. This plan is to be
handled like a photographic plate. It must be worked on only by
red light. The red light is the discretion of men of honor. Everyone
who is in on the secret and later does not collaborate is a menace.
For during the operation he can gamble against the Group on the
stock-exchange, or induce others to do so. Therefore, alas!, R. is the
best, perhaps the only, key to the situation.
If you succeed in persuading R. or a Group, I shall come to Lon
don immediately after receiving word. For R. I won’t need a finan
cial expert. For the Group I would bring Reitlinger along.
If you succeed with this project, my dear friends, you will have
rendered a great service to our immortal cause.
Your devoted
Benjamin.
Jan. 23, Vienna

In the Paris propaganda sheet Pro Armenia Bernard Lazare has
published a mean, malicious article against me, on the occasion of
the exchange of Congress telegrams with the Sultan.
This is probably far from unwelcome to the I.C.A., whose direc
tor, Meyerson, is an intimate friend of his.
Quel intérêt peut-il bien avoir en dehors du beau geste de dé
fendre les Arméniens [What interest can he possibly have, apart
from the nice gesture, in defending the Armenians]?
Jan. 23
The weekly Die Zeit is to become a daily in competition with the
N. Ft. Pr.
Consternation at the N. Fr. Pr. I should like to use the occasion to
get the N. Fr. Pr. into my hands. For several days now I have been
discussing the rising danger with Benedikt. However, he is or acts
very optimistic. Because of this I can’t manage to find an oppor
tunity for a proposition.
Every day I enter his office intending to say to him: Do you want
to sell me your shares? He is so plucky that I seem ridiculous to my
self in this and am afraid of being curtly rejected.
Yesterday Bâcher came into my room. He, in contrast, is de
jected. It’s just the other way around: I thought that Bâcher
wouldn’t worry about the danger and that Benedikt would, a great
deal.
I haven’t made up my mind yet how to present my proposal—
like the bashful lover in a comedy.
January 24, Vienna

Zionism was the Sabbath of my life.
* * #
I believe my effectiveness as a leader may be attributed to the fact

that I, who as a man and a writer have had so many faults, made so
many mistakes, and done so many foolish things, have been pure of
heart and utterly selfless in the Zionist cause.
* • *
Strange how far my thoughts wander when I sometimes wake up

too early in the morning. Then I solve many questions of the day
and have a presentiment of some eternal ones.
This morning I reflected on the human body about which we
still know so little. The medical men have the professional blind
ness of hardened practitioners.
What a wonderful machine the human body is! A chemical
laboratory, a powerhouse. Every movement, voluntary as well as in
stinctive, full of riddles and wonders. What gases and liquids are
produced here, harmful and useful ones! This is why I believe in
the serum theory. Just as it produces toxins, the animal body evi
dently also produces antidotes which will surely be discovered as
time progresses.
January 25, Vienna

Yesterday I read the conclusion of Oppenheimer’s “Jiidische
Siedlungeri’ [“Jewish Settlements”] in the Welt. The final appeal,
the comparison of the experiment of a Rahaline with the electric
experimental railroad Berlin-Zossen struck me, and I immediately
decided to carry out Oppenheimer’s experiment. I wrote him so at
once, but enjoined him to silence for the time being. First I have to
prepare the ground—the A.C. and the Bank; then, too, the I.C.A.
with its greater resources would beat me to it. For they would not
do it of their own accord, but they would do it in order to crush me
and eliminate me from competition. As the scene of action I desig
nated Egyptian Palestine to Oppenheimer, on the other side of the
“Brook of Egypt,” because there I shall be dealing with the English
government and thus have no difficulties. Part of the thema proban-
dum [proposition to be tested] is the climate, and this Oppen
heimer overlooks. I still haven’t made up my mind whether I shall
make the matter a national affair, i.e., use it for Zionist propaganda
purposes—which would have the disadvantage of creating settlers
for display, and the advantage ut aliquid fecisse videamur [that we
would appear to have done something]—or whether I shall get it
started in all secrecy.
January 28, Vienna

Yesterday I spoke with Benedikt—but did not reach my goal. It
wasso hard to make the opening in the conversation. I found it by
quoting Dr. Ehrlich’s words: The bad part of it is that no one tells
him (Ben.) the truth.
“Tell it to me!” he said.
“But you are about to leave, you’re hungry and tired! ”
“Doesn’t matter!”
And sure enough, the impatient one had the patience to walk up
and down with me in the Schwarzenberg Gardens for two hours.
At home his soup was getting cold. We walked up and down in the
Cour d'honneur [grand courtyard] of the Schwarzenberg Palace.
Inside the Palace, behind the windows, they must have made fun of
the two gesticulating Jews in the courtyard. He saw to it that he was
always walking at my right, with the many about-faces. The boss,
quoi [mind you]! But soon I didn’t swing around him—because of
the presumed spectators—but turned about my own axis, so that I
took turns walking on the right.
And I told him about the danger the N.Fr.Pr. was in. However,
the whole attack was directed against him personally. Bâcher was
not as hated as he, Benedikt. He listened to this and other things.
At one point he even asked: And how would it be if I resigned? I
answered: Then things would be better!
Still, I was too cowardly to draw the final conclusion and make
him a proposal. I was afraid of ruining my whole pessimistic argu
mentation by suddenly standing there as Monsieur Josse, l'or
fèvre.*
Tomake up for it, I am now writing him:
Dear Friend:
Our conversation yesterday occupied me for a long time after
wards. So you yourself realize the seriousness of the situation. If I
compare this with some of your occasional remarks about your
fatigue, I am tempted to draw a conclusion. I am doing so in writ
ing, because I don’t want to get a primesautière [spontaneous] an
swer.
• Translator's Note: “ Mr. Josse, the Goldsmith," a character in Molière’s L'Amour
Médecin (Love as a Physician). T he phrase has since been used to designate an
egotist who pursues his own selfish interests while pretending to give friendly advice
to others.
Do you want to fight this battle, too, to the finish, like the earlier
ones? Since I am not Monsieur Josse, l'orfèvre, I am telling you sin
cerely that I believe in your success in this case, too. As I put it yes
terday: TheZeit isn’t going to knock the N. Fr. Pr. over—at most it
will take off a piece of wall. T he question is, do you feel like going
through such years again?
Should a real need for a rest be stirring within you—Dr. Bâcher
had such a need a long time ago, as he told me then—all you have
to do is tell me so. I am a few years younger and feel equal to the
task. As I told you on two previous occasions, I have friends who
could make considerable funds available to me. I realize, of course,
that the N. Fr. Pr. isn’t to be had for a song. Last year I already had a
substantial sum at my disposal for this purpose. You will remember
myfather’s visit last February.
Is your point of view still to refuse such an offer a limine [out of
hand], or are you willing to discuss it? After all, I am not a stranger,
but surely a part of the N . Fr. Pr.
You are not expected to give me an answer today or tomorrow.
None whatever is needed if you don’t even want to talk about it.
After about a week I shall regard the matter as finished.
Sincerely yours,
Herzl.
I showed this letter to my parents, and when they thought it

good, I sent it to Benedikt’s private residence after office hours.
January 30, Vienna

Yesterday I was, despite everything, a bit excited when I got to
the office. Of course, this was no longer the palpitation of my strug
gles in earlier years—when ever so often I felt fear in the big read
ing room before entering the office of my forbidding adversaries
and employers. In those days I had to live in constant fear that they
would break me by way of punishment for my Zionist rebellion
and make me a has-been. For it was clear that I would no longer
have found employment anywhere else.
But one gets accustomed even to fighting duels. Yesterday I
laughed and only took a deep breath before stepping into Bacher’s
room. Benedikt was with him. My entrance jetait un froid [cast a
chill]. Bâcher stared vacantly and, it seemed to me, irritably in my
direction. Benedikt gave me a searching look over the glasses he
wears for near-sightedness.
Ils ne voulaient pas en avoir Vair [They wanted to look as though
nothing had happened].
We spoke a few words about today’s and tomorrow’s feuilletons.
There was a trace of unsteadiness in my voice, and I think I was a
bit flushed too. They evidently drew conclusions from my slight
embarrassment. I, however, trudged out without a good-bye imme
diately after our business had been completed.
At any rate, I have sent up my trial balloon. What will come of it
I don’t know. My impression is that they don’t want to sell the
N. Ft. Pr. or don’t credit me with having the money.
This is the key to these two men: they don’t easily believe that
someone may raise money (in large amounts)—because they wor
ship money.
* * *
Afterwards, while I was in my office catching up on the feuilleton

material that had come in, I had another attack of brain anemia. I
didn’t mention it to anyone. My parents would find out and get ex
cited about it. It wouldn’t make my wife any more loving either.
Mais ça m’emportera un jour [But that will finish me off some
day].
I can picture death: a growing insufficiency of consciousness, the
painful part being the very awareness of this fading away.
This morning I thought to myself:
Life—in the most favorable eventuality one leaves mourners.
If I die soon, I shall be mourned most of all by my parents, less
by my children, who will be more consoled by their youth—as well
asby the entire Jewish people.
A beautiful cortège [funeral procession] : The tragic, the lovely,
and the exalted.
February 5, Vienna
Yesterday evening I received the following wire from Yildiz:
Dr.Th. H., etc.
Pour me fournir certaines explications sur vos affaires, je vous
prie de venir immédiatement à Constantinople [Kindly come to
Constantinople immediately in order to provide me with certain
explanations of your projects]. Ibrahim.
I received the telegram just as my wife was taking to bed with a
high temperature.
In any event, immédiatement [immediately] was out of the ques
tion. I sent for Kremenezky, made sure of his readiness to go along,
and then telegraphed last night: *
HisExc. Ibrahim Bey, Grand Master etc., Yildiz.

I am at your disposal with the greatest pleasure; but to settle
most pressing business before my departure will take three or four
days. Therefore I could not leave before Saturday or Sunday.
Kindly telegraph whether this suits you. Herzl.
* * *
This morning I wired Wellisch:
Please inquire at Frankl (Ibrahim) factory (Yildiz) immediately

whether I shall be dealing with Leopold (Sultan) himself or only
with representative. Expecting clear wired reply.
* * *
At the same time I telegraphed Cowen that I have been sum

moned by Cohn and would like to take him along. This time
Cowen would be a more appropriate companion than Kreme-
nezky, because he acts with more assurance and also because as an
Englishman he enjoys tighter diplomatic protection.
• « •
The summons does not come at a time agreeable to me,

l ) because of the N. Fr. Pr. where there will perhaps be a row if I
go away again after 4 weeks,
2) because my mind isn’t quite at ease on account of the public
discussion of the Charter,
3) because we have no money as yet,
4) because my nerves are on edge,
5) because this isn’t a good time for traveling,
6) because right now I wouldn’t know what to do with the Char
ter.
But I must go.
Certainly the matter is serious. Perhaps pleasantly serious, per
haps unpleasantly serious.
The tone “me fournir des explications” doesn’t sound exactly
amiable.
On the other hand, surely they can’t be so imprudent as to sum
mon me to reproach me.
Nor are they likely to risk a bold stroke.
Accordingly, a favorable interpretation would seem to be indi
cated.
February 5, Vienna
I must write to Vâmbéry:
February 4, at night
Upon returning home this evening I found an invitation from
Cohn’s Ibrahim to come down “pour me fournir certaines explica■
lions sur vos affaires.” T he word “me” in the sentence refers to Ibra
him, not to Cohn. All that such a vague prospect opens up to me is
a perspective of endless hours of waiting and empty talk, which I,
as a matter of fact* man, am not partial to. Nevertheless, I an
swered that I was at Ibrahim’s disposal with pleasure, but that I
needed some time to put my most pressing affairs in order. You see,
before I leave I should like to get some further details. For I don’t
want to go riding around to no purpose whatever.
As soon as I hear further from Cohn, I shall let you know; and if
I go, I shall naturally stop off to see my bdcsi.
Be embraced by
Your devoted
Dori.
February 8
With all these things on my mind, with my wife sick, yesterday

I had to write a feuilleton about Japanese actors.
It reminds me of the time when I was writing The Jewish State in
Paris and on top of that had to go to the Chamber and report on a
session which was justly forgotten the next day.
And the feuilleton is even a pretty good one.
# * #
To my regret Cowen, whom I had invited by telegram, has

begged off. I have to go with Kremenezky, who is a fine man but an
inefficient one.
# # #
Day before yesterday the following wire came from Wellisch (in
code):
Ibrahim acted on orders from Sultan, also transmitted in my
presence your message directed to him.
# * #
Yesterday eveningthere came this wire from Yildiz: Veuillez

effectuer votre départ [Kindly arrange your departure]. Ibrahim
# * *
If my wife is better, I shallleave on the Orient Express tonight.
February 10, Vienna

A contretemps [mishap].
The rail connection to Constantinople has been cut near Philip-
popolis by a flood.
Therefore I had to telegraph Dr. Wellisch yesterday to make my
excuses to Ibrahim for my non-appearance and tell him that I
would leave as soon as the track was clear, on Wednesday at the
latest, via Constantsa.
This delay may also make it possible for Cowen to come along;
he is quicker and more efficient than Kremenezky, in addition to
being a British subject and having an ambassador to protect him.
Cowen’s answer, which I requested, has still not come.
* * *
Yesterday I had lunch with Eulenburg, who was charming and

did make mention of my trip to Constantinople, but didn’t ask me
about it.
We spoke only about generalities and about my Solon in Lydien,
which he thinks fine. He intends to send it to the Kaiser.
Today I am asking him by letter whether it would not be advis
able for me to read the play to the Kaiser in Berlin after my return.
Who knows, maybe I would have something interesting to tell
him, too.
If I go, I shall squirm my way out of it again at the N. Fr. Pr. sans
crier gare [without warning], I shall merely write the publishers
afewwords: I must leave suddenly for Constantinople and hope to
be back again in a few days.
February 11, Vienna

Today I had some pleasantly reassuring news which no longer
makes me regard my trip as a risky undertaking. Vàmbéry writes
he has been informed that the Hejaz Railroad is involved. Wel-
lisch writes Ibrahim has told him that the Imperial summons has
been issued in the interest of our affairs as well as those of the
government.
Also, yesterday I received a wire saying that Ibrahim considered
thedelay insignificant.
Tomorrow, then, I shall go via Constantsa. Hope it won’t be too
blacka sea voyage.*
•Translator’s Note: Hoffentlich keine zu schwarze Meerfahrt— a humorous
allusion to Constantsa’s location on the Black Sea (Schwarzes Meer).
Book Ten
February 13,1902, on the train, past Verciorova
Fragrant morning landscape on the Danube. Opalescence on
the water, a softly shimmering, dull mirror.
Slept badly; nevertheless, now I am traveling toward the mysteri
ous East in an improved morning mood.
Last night I was in Pest with Schlesinger. I went ahead on the
noon train and gave my folks instructions for Joe, who was sup
posed to come in from Ostend at 5:25 in the afternoon.
I suppose Schlesinger wasn’t quite sure whether I would call on
him now that I no longer need him. I wanted to show him that I
can be relied upon implicitly. My coming to see him was worth the
effort, too. He gave me some good hints. The chief one: that Cohn
needs me badly now.
He also promised to come immediately if I should call him, i.e.,
if we run onto a sandbank.
Then I went through my nocturnal native city to the station.
My friend Joe arrived on schedule, and after a cordial greeting
the two of us continued our trip.
February ^.Constantinople
My fourth time in Constantinople since the days of Newlinski.
It is the same old city: colors, colors, and the barking of dogs—
et tout le reste [and all the rest].
I drove to the Palace straight from the boat, in company with
Dr. Wellisch.
Unfortunately our Rumanian steamer had lost time during the
night because of heavy seas, so that we didn’t land at Top-Hane
until almost three o’clock yesterday, Friday, afternoon. I had al
ready changed my clothes on board, to be sure; but by the time we
got to the Palace it was half-past three.
I was taken to Ibrahim’s office, by now familiar to me. The two
Assistant Masters of Ceremonies, Ghalib and Memduh Bey, kept
me company, amiably and silently. The half-hour until the arrival
1215
of Ibrahim, who had immediately been notified of my arrival,
passed rather slowly.
Then Ibrahim came, and from the Sultan, who sent me word
that the selamlik had made him too tired to receive me immedi
ately. I was to come to the Palace tomorrow morning (i.e., today).
We arranged that I was to be there at 11 o’clock. Ibrahim remarked
that H.M. had “quelques iradés impériaux et peut-être des propo
sitions à communiquer [some Imperial decrees and maybe some
propositions to communicate] to me.
I bowed silently.
Thereupon Ibrahim further informed me that the Sultan asked
me to regard myself as his guest during my entire stay here.
Again I bowed silently.
Then we talked about some trifling things. I mentioned that I
had brought some fruit for H.M. Ibrahim and Ghalib raised their
eyebrows. No comestibles [foodstuffs] may be brought as presents.
However, Ibrahim immediately said amiably that as a stranger I
need not be acquainted with their customs. Whereupon I asked
the gentlemen to be kind enough to accept the fruit from me; we
would consume it together.
I left and frittered away the rest of the day in idleness with
Joe. Then we met Crespi on the Grande Rue de Péra, and he ac
companied me to the hotel. I told him those things in confidence
which I wanted him to divulge.
Then, for the first time in days, I slept rather well.
February 15, afternoon

The first round is over.
Result unfavorable.
I got to the Palace at 11 o’clock. I rode with Wellisch, and in the
second carriage was Joe with the boxes of fruit and the container
with the warming-pan.
A sensation at the Yildiz entrance. We and our conspicuous
pieces of luggage were sniffed at. But we were still able to pass
easily.
At Ibrahim’s office we had to wait a little while for him.
Finally the smiler appeared. I introduced him to Joe, who then
withdrew to the ante-chamber with Wellisch.
Ibrahim informed the Sultan by letter of my presence.
Then he nonchalantly started a conversation which I immedi
ately guessed as being pre-arranged.
He asked me about the aims of the Zionist Congress. I explained
to him the purely nationalist Judaism of the Zionists which resists
absorption by other nations such as is desired by our Jewish op
ponents.
Ibrahim said a distorted report had come in according to which
I had announced that the Sultan had permitted the immigration
of the Jews into Palestine for the purpose of establishing a Jewish
kingdom, and this had been denied through the Embassy.
(Such a denial was completely unknown to me).
I now gave him the exact wording of my speech. I only said what
the Sultan had in May expressly authorized me to say; and even
that only after I had informed the Sultan by letter that I was about
todo so.
Ibrahim smiled as always.
“We knew that Dr. Herzl couldn't have said anything improper.
If that weren’t so, the Sultan wouldn’t have invited you to be his
guest.’’
Then we talked about all sorts of things, including my presents.
Ibrahim had them brought in. I explained the warming-pan whose
appearance at first seemed to inspire him with some concern. The
fruit required no explanation. T he firm name of the foremost
Viennese gourmet-food shop made a good impression.
After that the other Masters of Ceremonies came in, and I think
the head cook as well. T he warming-pan caused the most pleasant
stir, after its non-explosive character had been established.
Then we went to lunch and ate Turkish dishes which had been
warm once.
During the meal Tahsin Bey came in person, had a confidential
talk with Ibrahim, and didn’t even shake hands with me.
After we had eaten Ibrahim told me to go to see Izzet Bey. I was
already outside when he called me back again and whispered to
me that I should accede to Izzet’s wishes who would inform me of
his personal interests.
“Cela va sans dire [That goes without saying],” I said, not
amazed at the fact that Ibrahim himself was telling me this.
I was met by Izzet in the grand courtyard in front of the wing
where the Sultan had received me in May. We exchanged a cordial
greeting and went back to Ibrahim ’s office.
The three of us sat down in the same armchairs that we had oc
cupied respectivement [respectively] last May, and the conversa
tion was continued from the same point.
Presently Izzet began with rudesse [brusquely]:*
“What was the purpose of your visit last May?”
“But I told you at the time. T o come to the aid of Turkey if she
in turn wants to aid us. We Jews need a strong Turkey, etc., as I
have indicated several times in my memoranda to His Imperial
Majesty.”
“Yes,” said Izzet, “it has been understood that there would be
moral and material aid on your part, as you people are very influ
ential, both in journalism and in finance. But nothing of the sort
has materialized. All you did was to make declarations in London
and in Basel.”
“It was quite necessary,” I replied, “since it was a question of cre
ating a favorable climate of opinion for His Imperial Majesty
among the Jews all over the world. And I believe I have succeeded
in this, because there has been a great manifestation of sympathy.”
“All right, let us establish on both sides what is involved here,"
said Izzet. “I shall give it to you straight. His Imperial Majesty is
prepared to open his Empire to Jewish refugees from all countries,
on condition that they agree to become Ottoman subjects with all
the duties that this imposes, under our laws and our military serv
ice.”
“Exactly!” I replied.
He continued: “Before entering our country they must formally
resign their previous nationality and become Ottoman subjects. On
• Translator’s Note: This conversation was recorded in French.
this condition they may establish themselves in any of our prov
inces except—at first—Palestine.”
I didn’t bat an eyelash, also understood at once that this was only
the first offer and that they would be open to bargaining.
“In return,” Izzet went on, “His Imperial Majesty asks you to
form a syndicate for the consolidation of the public debt, which is
currently under discussion, and to assume the concession for the
exploitation of all the mines in the Empire, those already dis
covered and those yet to be discovered.”
“What mines?” I asked.
"All the mines in existence here, gold mines and silver mines,
coal mines and oil wells. Knowing that you are interested in having
a strong Turkey we aren’t afraid that you will exploit us and are
willing to entrust the exploitation to you.
“However, this will have to be an Ottoman company whose
administrative council will be composed entirely of Jews and
Moslems.”
"I should like permission to think this over,” I said. “I ask you
only to be kind enough to tell His Imperial Majesty from me that
one thing is certain in any case—that he can count on my sincere
and determined devotion. This is the principle we are going to
put first. As for the details, we shall make every effort to discuss
them and to reach an understanding about them.”
He then asked me to work up a mémoire [memorandum] in
reply by tomorrow.
Then I gave him his snuff-box which greatly pleased him. He
said he was crazy about snuff-boxes.
Before he left he whispered something to Ibrahim. The latter
told it to me afterwards. Ibrahim was going to send his homme de
confiance [confidential agent] to see me at my hotel, about “his
personal interests.”
“Agreed,” I said, and added: “I can do a lot for Turkey—more
than people think—but in return I must be given something
tangible for my Jews.”
That made sense to Ibrahim.
Then I sent someone to Tahsin to ask whether I could see him.
No, he replied; he was too busy.
February 16, in bed, before sunrise

I woke up with the reply which I have to give the Sultan.
It is as follows:*
Sire:
The communications which Y.I.M. did me the honor of having
sent to me yesterday by His Excellency Izzet Bey showed me a lofty
benevolence to which I reply with sincere gratitude and complete
devotion.
It is this same devotion which prompts me to present most re
spectfully the following observations.
The communications of H.E. Izzet Bey fall logically into two
different parts:
1) an industrial part,
2) a politico-financial part.
1) Y.I.M. in his lofty wisdom offers to entrust me with the
mission of establishing an Ottoman company to exploit all the
mines, both those already discovered and those to be discovered, in
your Empire.
I can only accept this proposition in principle, for it gives me
the opportunity to serve Y.I.M.’s interests, and to serve them
loyally.
The details naturally remain still to be decided.
2) In Y.I.M.’s generosity, so often demonstrated to the Jews of
the Empire, Y.I.M. is willing to extend paternal protection to the
persecuted Jews of the whole world and to receive them as Turkish
subjects in Y.I.M.'s states, but on condition that they do not es
tablish themselves in large numbers in a predetermined place. And
in return Y.I.M. would desire to see a Jewish syndicate formed for
the consolidation of the Debt.
In this form the proposal seems to be difficult of realization. To
carry it out sufficient publicity is needed; and in this publicity it
would have a bad effect, at least a dubious one, if restrictions were
added to the generously intended welcome. But beyond this gen
eral consideration, there are still practical reasons. It is not the
poor colonists who will supply the capital for the great financial
operations. It is a matter, then, of finding a link between Jewish
colonization and the execution of the consolidation of the Debt.
This link, in my very humble opinion, can be found only in a gen
eral concession for the formation of a great Ottoman-Je wish
company for colonization.
I have, Sire, the honor, etc.
February 17.
Tout est rompu [Everything is ruined] here.

The day had a good beginning and a bad end.
I had completed my letter of reply to the Sultan; then, a bit late,
I drove to Yildiz.
I handed my letter to Ibrahim who then translated it into Turk
ish for the Sultan with the aid of the Deputy Master of Ceremonies,
Ghalib Bey. He had instructions to make a literal translation.
After this had been done with fussy delays we chatted about a
number of things, particularly Zionism. Ibrahim revealed himself
as a warm Zionist and declared himself to be pour une alliance
offensive et défensive entre les Turcs et les Juifs [in favor of an
offensive and defensive alliance between the Turks and the Jews].
From this I concluded—since Ibrahim toujours abonde dans
le sens de son maître [always echoes his master’s opinions]—that
the wind has changed in our favor.
Ibrahim also informed me that I had repeatedly been denounced
to the Sultan as dangerous and that my Congress speech had been
brought to his attention in distorted form. However, the Sultan
in his lofty wisdom had seen through the intrigues and only in
structed his ambassadors to deny that he had made a promise to me.
Then we went to lunch, which was a bit better this time.
To help our digestion—a rather tempestuous digestion—Izzet
Bey showed up again. He read through my reply and with his
usual penetration demanded an explanation of the Cie. Ott.-Juive
pour la colonisation [Ottoman-Jewish Colonization Co.] Was it to
have a choice of places for settlement, that is, be able to buy areas
anywhere at all, and gather the Jews under it?
“Yes!” I replied. “That is indispensable. After all, we are not
concerned with protection individuelle [individual protection]—
which we have in all civilized countries even now—, but with pro
tection nationale [national protection].”
What did I mean by that, T heir Excellencies asked.
I explained: a great public gesture in our favor, such as an invi
tation to immigrate without any restriction.
Thereupon Izzet took my letter to the Sultan.
While we were waiting, Ibrahim and Ghalib raved about the
happy conditions to come: how it would be when the Jews came.
They dreamed aloud of the improvement of agriculture and in
dustry, of banks which would not serve foreign interests, etc.
But then Izzet returned with the Sultan’s decision, and it was
unfavorable. The Sultan is willing to open his Empire to all Jews
who become Turkish subjects, but the regions to be settled are to
be decided each time by the government, and Palestine is to be
excluded. The Comp. Ott.-Juive is to be allowed to colonize in
Mesopotamia, Syria, Anatolia, anywhere at all, with the sole ex
ception of Palestine!
A Charter without Palestine! I refused at once.
Ibrahim remarked: * “The two offers are very far apart!”
Izzet said: “What do you expect? Life is like that. First you are
a thousand miles apart, and in the end you reach an understand
ing.”
I said: “I’m afraid not. I shall sleep on it again and think it over
until tomorrow. But I am very much afraid I won’t find a solution.”
• Translator's Note: This conversation in French.
Izzet said piously: “Inshallah [May Allah grant it]! Let us hope
that you will find one.”
I: “Alas, it seems unlikely to me. And if I don’t find a solution
by tomorrow, I shall ask His Imperial Majesty for permission to
leave.”
This was immediately taken as a threat to break off negotiations:
Izzet and Ibrahim exchanged glances, and Izzet said frostily: “Sans
doute [To be sure]!”
Then, in accordance with the Sultan’s orders, a written record
was made of this conversation and signed by Izzet and Ibrahim.
I got ready to leave. I asked Ibrahim softly when Izzet’s con
fidential agent Caporal would come to see me. Ibrahim spoke with
Izzet and brought me his answer: it was superfluous now. By this
I recognized how seriously the negotiations had miscarried. So I
whispered in Ibrahim’s ear: an idea would be to make a double
contract—that is, a public one which protects the Sultan from op
position, and a secret one for me and my friends.
Ibrahim said I should immediately inform Izzet of this expedi
ent. I did. But Izzet said, with a pronounced wink and grimace:
“That isn’t possible. T he ministers wouldn’t be willing. There
are some of them whom you could convince. But there are also
others who cannot be convinced—at any price.”
Now I left pour de bon [in earnest].
# # #
I slept on the matter, which I regard as lost for the moment. Now
I amwriting the following letter to the Sultan: *
Sire:
It is with sincere and profound regret at not being able to be of
use to Y.I.M. under the existing conditions that I prepare to take
myleave.
I must respectfully bow to the judgment that Y.I.M., in his lofty
wisdom, has expressed.
After reflection I have found only one thing that might perhaps
smooth the difficulties. I most humbly submit it to Y.I.M.’s judg-
ment. If colonization without restriction were accorded us, I would
persuade my friends to found a great Turkish bank with its central
office at Constantinople and branches in all the important cities
of the Empire. This bank, whose governing board would be com
posed exclusively of Moslems and Jews, would be charged with the
modem organization of credit in the Ottoman countries. Thus it
would be proved to all that the coming of the Jews would be an
advantage, a piece of luck for the interests of the entire country.
If Y.I.M. does not believe it necessary to go into this proposal, I
should like to ask permission to leave tomorrow morning, for my
many activities make a long absence extremely difficult for me. I
should be most happy if I were to have the signal honor of being
received again today at a farewell audience in order that I may
express my profound gratitude for the delighful reception that has
been accorded me.
If Y.I.M. does not have time for me, I beg Your Majesty to do
me the favor of accepting two small gifts. One is one of my books
which will be delivered the day after tomorrow. It is a collection of
philosophic tales. The other is a typewriter with Turkish-Arabic
type which I have had made in America for Y.I.M. This typewriter
will be at Constantinople in about two weeks.
If today I have not been fortunate enough to find the solution
to the question to be solved, perhaps the day will come later. May
Y.I.M. only remember his ever completely devoted servant. I shall
continue to foster in the great Jewish organization that I represent
sentiments of respect and love for the august person of the Caliph,
the only great friend we have on earth.
I remain, Sire,
Y.I.M.’s most humble . . .
February 19, on the train, in Rumania,

between Pitesd and ?
I had finished the preceding letter so late the day before yester
day that I could no longer accept Ibrahim’s luncheon invitation.
Therefore I sent Wellisch to Yildiz Kiosk with the letter, had
lunch with Joe at the Péra Palace instead, afterwards tried to take
a brief nap, and then drove out.
I brought along one jewel-studded gold pencil each for Ibrahim
and the Second Master of Ceremonies, Ghalib.
I was unable to deliver the snuff-box for Tahsin, so now I am
bringing it back again among our valuables.
Ibrahim was sitting lazily over the translation of my letter, and
then finished it, moaning and groaning, in my presence.
Then he called the T h ird Master of Ceremonies, Memduh Bey,
who had to calligraph the fair copy for the Sultan.
While Memduh was writing, Turkish style, on his knees, his
left hand flat under the sheet of paper, Ibrahim began talking
about his deceased son, the poor, charming Said Bey, whom I had
met in London in June and who had soon after that died of an un
successful operation at Karlsbad.
Ibrahim wept, and this brought him very close to me as a human
being.
Memduh’s handiwork was then sent to the Sultan, and after
awhile I was called to Izzet, who is now my intimate friend. He
laughed and winked at me as if I were just as much of a crook as
heis.
He repeated the Sultan's propositions to me, and I rejected them
just as flatly. I said I could use immigration only without any re
striction, or not at all.
The Sultan sent me the message that he could not grant me un
limited immigration under the administration of my Land Com
pany even if he wanted to.
For he had reason to fear that he would not only not win the sup
port of the majority of his people for it, but not even of the
minority.
To this Izzet remarked with a grin that it was an error to believe
that an absolute monarch could do whatever he wanted.
Izzet now changed over to a confidential tone and gave me the
advice of a friend: *
• Translator’s Note: This conversation in French.
“Enter this country as financiers, make friends, and later you will
do whatever you want to.” (This was accompanied by a strong
wink, unmistakably intended to say: we do know what you want,
and inwardly we have no objections to it, neither the Sultan nor
we businessmen in his confidence who just want to make some
money around him. But we’ve got to be careful, otherwise we’ll
be sent packing.)
He continued:
“Take our finances in hand and you will be the boss. First attend
to the mining business, which is superb. There are hundreds,
thousands of requests for concessions to which we don’t even reply.
You are being offered the exploitation of all mines in existence
in the Empire, and you don’t want to take it?
“After that, attend to the banking business. You will be given all
the necessary concessions. It will be done in such a way that the
Ottoman Bank will suspect nothing, because those gentlemen
would be furious and would go to any lengths against you. And
finally, we would see what could be done for your colonization
request.
“If you want to take my heart-to-heart advice, this is what you
must do: Leave tomorrow, talk to your friends, create that syn
dicate we need, earmark, through a bank which will keep it at your
disposal, a sum of----- to be deposited as security when the firman
[decree] of the concessions is promulgated. And then we shall be
able to make a contract with you. For example, for the firman
covering the mines you will deposit a security of a million francs,
and so on.”
This idea I immediately thought brilliant, because it will give
me an opportunity to flash money in front of the eyes of the greedy
and yet involves no outlay on our part. Yet I said very reservedly:
“I see that you speak as a friend, and I shall also do all I can
to get my friends to accept your advice. But I have to expect what
they will tell me: you are offering us business that we are not
looking for and don’t bring us what we want, namely, the Coloni
zation Company. All the same, I shall strive to be agreeable to His
Imperial Majesty and to acquire friends here at all levels. I under
stand perfectly what you are trying to say: One has to create inter
ests around one if one wants to succeed. And to this same end I be
lieve that it would be better to issue three different firmans: one for
the mines, one for the bank, and one for the Colonization Co. That
will make it easier for me to interest different groups. There will
be some who will benefit by the first firman, others by the second,
and still others by the third. And there will be friends who will be
inon all three. (As I said this I gave him a penetrating and inviting
look). Do you understand me?”
He replied with winning simplicity:
“I understand you. T h at’s not bad.”
Then I said:
“Ibrahim Bey told me that you would like to send your business
agent Mr. Caporal to see me. Why so? Since we are friends, there is
no need to have a third party between us. Let us understand each
other directly; that is always better.”
He looked at me almost with eyes of love—this is how well he
liked my frankness—, and said:
“You are right.”
Then he did get back to his master’s interests: ‘‘The govern
ment* needs a million pounds now (ahal the Hejaz Railroad, I
thought to myself); can you get it for us?”
“Yes!” I said quickly: “Give me unrestricted colonization and
you will have the million in very short order. This I can offer you
at once, because that’s what I have come for. I will have to discuss
the other projects with my friends first.”
“That isn’t possible at the moment,” he replied.
“While we have been talking, an idea has occurred to me,”
I said. “I cannot agree to immigration with a restriction. But if
you must not fix the number of immigrants, we can do it. The
Ottoman-Jewish Co. could assume the responsibility to the gov
ernment for not admitting more than a certain number of
colonists.”
“How many, for instance?”
• Translator’s Note: Herzl notes at this point, regarding Izzet’s pronunciation of
the word gouvernement: “ He kept saying government, sometimes even yüvernment
“I haven’t given this enough thought. T he idea simply popped
into my mind. What do you think of it?”
“It may not be bad,” he said. “We would see about that later.
But first of all, attend to our finances!”
And this is how things were to remain.
Two palace officials or guests come in, sat down amid many
salaams, drank coffee, and smoked cigarettes. We weren’t able to
continue, but didn’t have any more to say to each other anyway.
He saw me out to the couloir [corridor], and asked me in the
Sultan’s name to come to the Palace again the next morning since
I probably wished to say good-bye. T he Sultan also wanted to show
me une amabilité d’adieux [a farewell kindness].
I drove back to the hotel.
In the evening the correspondent of the Havas News Agency,
a French Swiss named Sandoz, came to see me with an introduction
from Crespi.
Sandoz is a charmingly chattering, rosy old gentleman qui
semble avoir eu des revers de fortune [who seems to have had hard
luck]. He immediately wanted to secure my services for the found
ing of a big international newspaper, L ’Europe, to be published in
Switzerland. Naturally I wasn’t taken in by this, et pour cause [and
with good reason]. Anyone could have such plans for a newspaper
and would have very good use for a man who would lend him the
money for it.
But then we chatted agréablement en confrères [pleasantly, like
colleagues], and I endeavored to make an agreeable impression on
him because I might have use for him later.
* * *
Yesterday morning I got up very early in order to drive to the

Palace, for the boat was leaving at 10 o’clock. Our trunks had been
packed the evening before. I asked Joe to pay the bill—for despite
the invitation to regard myself as the guest of the Sultan no one
had come from the Palace to advise the hotel. T he presumption
was more than justified that the orders had been cut off somewhere
and that the money had been stolen.
I further asked Joe to go to the boat with all the luggage, but
not to embark until I came. I thought it possible—expected it, in
fact—that the Sultan would not let me depart. However, things
happened differently. W ith him everything always happens differ
ently from the way one expects it. Some day I shall probably get
the Charter, too, at a quite unforeseen moment—if at all. That
is, provided we don’t get it until after Turkey is divided, from the
Powers.
Ibrahim and Izzet had had to rise early on my account. Their
Excellencies actually appeared right after my arrival, and Izzet had
instructions to make a record, in Turkish and French, of our
negotiation.
Therefore I made a memorandum which was to be translated
into Turkish afterwards: *
Today, February 18,1902

Their Excellencies Ibrahim and Izzet Bey have done me the
honor of communicating the following propositions to me on be
half of His Imperial Majesty the Sultan:
1) His Imperial Majesty will permit the immigration of Jews
into his provinces of Asia Minor and Mesopotamia, on condition
that the immigrants obtain from their respective governments
authorization to become Ottoman subjects. The immigrants must
submit to the Ottoman laws in force and participate in military
service. Immigration must not take place on a mass basis, nor must
there be mass settlement, but in accordance with the decisions
made by the Imperial government in the areas that will be in
dicated to them.
2) In return His Imperial Majesty desires the formation of a
Jewish financial syndicate in order to render assistance to the Im
perial government in the following matters:
a) The formation of a mining company for the general exploi
tation of mines in the Empire, whose administrative council will
be composed half of Moslem Ottoman subjects, half of Ottoman
Jews.
b) The facilitation of the process of consolidating the Ottoman
Public Debt, under moderate and advantageous conditions.
c) The loan to the Ottoman government of the sums necessary
to carry out its public-works projects, under moderate and ad
vantageous conditions.
* # *
Having respectfully taken cognizance of these Imperial com

munications, I have been obliged to declare, to my great regret,
that the aforementioned conditions seem unacceptable to me.
However, I remain at His Imperial Majesty’s disposal for further
negotiations.
Dr.Th.H.
But when Izzet began to dictate passages that were not to my

liking, I said:*
“If you want me to write all that, you will permit me to add at
the end that I have declined the proposals that were made to
me.”
“Exactly!” said His crafty Excellency.
While I was writing somebody came from the Sultan, bring
ing me, on his instructions, 200 pounds as reimbursement for my
travel expenses.
I shrugged my shoulders, with due respect, and smilingly asked
the gentlemen:
“But would I be permitted to offer this sum to charitable proj
ects?”
“Accept it and sign for it first,” said Izzet with a wily smile, “then
you can do what you like with it.”
So I wrote out a receipt:
Received from the Imperial treasury the sum of two hundred
pounds for traveling expenses. Dr. Th. H.
• Translator's Note: This conversation in French.
While I was making a clean copy of my memorandum, I reflected
on whether I ought to leave these £200 with the two Excellencies
for distribution among the poor, i.e., make them a gift of it, which
they certainly wouldn’t have refused—or whether to keep if for
our poor A.C. treasury. I decided on the latter, mainly for the
reason that while my acknowledgment of the receipt of £200
would then be preserved in the files of the civil administration,
there would be no proof that I had immediately given the money
away again.
The idea of keeping these 5,000 francs, which by rights are my
personal property, inasmuch as they are an honorarium for my
efforts, never occurred to me even for a moment.
I said good-bye and farewell to the two Excellencies.
“I leave loaded with gold,” I said to them with superior humor,
and they bowed low before my nonchalance in the face of such a
sum.
“Gentlemen and Your Excellencies,” I said, “although officially
we haven’t reached a result, let me express the hope that we shall
meet again! I shall follow your advice, I shall try to find what is
good both for your country and for my Jews and that could satisfy
the whole world.”
"May God hear you,” said Izzet piously. “We are your partisans
[on your side].” Or did he say participants?
Ibrahim repeated, with a happy smile and a low bow:
“‘Yes, we two are your partisans!”
And since I was just holding Izzet's hand with my right hand,
I gave Ibrahim my left hand. And we presented a pretty picture,
a baksheesh Riitli* meeting, as it were!
Many hands with palms turned upwards were stretched out to
me before I reached the Yildiz gate. Since we are in Wonderland* *
as I keep explaining to my good Joe, I also have to shower down
gold pieces wherever I go, like an Oriental prince.
I believe my reputation for generosity is increased by these
• Cf. note, p. 787.
•• In English in the original.
small baksheeshes in the overheated fairy-tale atmosphere of
Wonderland.* A sort of gold fever must sweep Yildiz at my appear
ance. For this rain of gold is seen by many eyes, and most of these
eyes belong to spies.
Therefore, if I give so much even to the doormen, how much
must the Excellencies be getting with whom I have such long,
secret conferences.
All Yildiz probably thinks that, and soon the Porte, the city, the
country will too.
These gold pieces which I lose at the gate are among my most
fruitful investments.
• # *
I had the horses of my hotel carriage race to the harbor as fast

as they could run, and sure enough, I got to the boat five minutes
before it sailed.
Aboard in a hurry.*
I told Joe:
“But now you will hear the funniest thing from Wonderland.*
We leave richer than we came.” And I handed him the unopened
bag which had been weighting down my back coat-pocket.
I asked him to leave the little bag the way it was and only put it
down on the A.C. table at the conclusion of our report. The way
I know my gentlemen, they will listen to our report about this
incomprehensible and useless trip with raised eyebrows. Then
their eyes will pop in their pettiness.
Incidentally, I intend to give the amount we are bringing back
in excess of what we took to the National Fund under my initials
and to have the rest, too, entered as my donation for Zionist pur
poses, 1) because the money from the Sultan was not given to
Zionism but to me, 2) because in the face of my signed receipt
which has remained in Yildiz there must be some document to
cover me.
* * •

We had a bad trip on the wretched Rumanian boat. The sea was
rough, and in the afternoon a thick fog settled.
At such times one gets all sorts of ideas. E.g., if we collided with
another boat and went down—then at some future time the re
ceipt for the £200 would be found in Yildiz—perhaps when the
Russians or Bulgarians conquer the country? And then I would
appear to be a hireling of the blood-stained Sultan, a sort of New-
linski. Of course, Joe Cowen, who would also have gone down,
could then not testify in my defense either that I had immediately
given the gift away.
Joe told me on the train today that he, too, had thought of
shipwreck and the moneybag today. He was determined, first thing
as he was going down, to throw the heavy bag away because it
could drag him down.
Incidentally, we lay in our cabins almost the whole time.
I did not feel well enough to write, but I did do a lot of thinking.
The plans for the whole immediate future were worked out in
myhead.
First of all I shall call a meeting of the Board for March 10th in
London.
I shall try the mine scheme through Reitlinger. If he fails,
through the London South Africans.
The Board must allot the security for the Bank and the Land
Company.
Vâmbéry must bring the pouting Tahsin round.
Sonnenschein must get permission for me to wear my decoration
out of Koerber. For withholding it makes a bad impression in
Yildiz.
Finally, Izzet had requested me in the name of the Sultan to ask
the management of the N. Fr. Pr. what its good will and secretly
becoming an unofficial Turkish organ would cost. An amusing
assignment which I shall discharge when I have a chance.
Perhaps this will make a Zionist of Benedikt.
A thought in the cabin on the Black Sea:
La diplomatie, c’est l’art de traiter avec des brigands [Diplomacy
is the art of dealing with robbers].
# # *
Letter to Vâmbéry:

I am writing you these lines on the Orient Express on my return
journey. You see, I didn’t let Cohn detain me and left after four
days, although he declared me his guest and had me treated very
cordially. I didn’t see him in person. I only spoke with his repre
sentatives. But precisely the chief one, your friend, didn’t come
near me—in fact, he wasn’t even at home to me, although I had him
informed of my presence a number of times. How am I to under
stand this? Will you have the kindness to clear this up, bâcsikam
[my little uncle]? He was downright hostile! I couldn’t even hand
him the present that I had brought along for him.
T o the point: Cohn offers far too little and demands too much.
I am not enough of an Oriental tradesman to fritter away my
time over countless cups of coffee. T hat is why I preferred to leave,
even though on the best of terms and keeping myself at his disposal
if he should make more reasonable proposals.
One thing, however, I thought I could sense. Those people
don’t seem to be quite sure whether I can deposit a financial
security for a possible signing of a contract. This can be remedied,
if that’s all it is. On March 10th I shall go to London, and on the
15th I shall have a certificate of security sent to Cohn by two or
three banks.
He wants financial aid. I am prepared to get it for him, but do ut
des [I give so that you will give].
Am I right?
Since I have no more to tell, I won’t bother you with a visit
tonight or even trouble you to come to the station.
I didn’t hand over your letter of introduction, because I was told
Cohn might resent my associating with others.
The idea of calling you seemed hopeless from the start, since
everything went through your opponent. But perhaps this very
thing is advantageous for the future, because now you will be
able to work unnoticed on the other side, which seems to be the
hostile side at present.
Please gratify me soon with your judgment on all this. As soon as
I have time, I shall come to you for a few hours of consultation.
Be embraced by
Your devoted
Dori.
February 19, on the train
Letter to Bennoreit:
Dear Friend:
I am writing you these lines on the Orient Express on the way
back from Cohn, upon whose invitation and as whose guest I have
just spent a few days in Constantinople.
Once again the most extraordinary things have happened, all
strictly confidential.
In about two weeks I shall go to London via Paris. Despite this
I am asking you to come to Vienna even before that, because it may
be a question of a few useful days. I cannot put this matter in
writing, and would have to make quite different arrangements if
you don’t help out.
You can imagine that I wouldn’t dare to rush you to Vienna if
it weren’t a question of quite extraordinary matters, since I can
seeyou a week or two later in Paris anyway. But you would have to
save this very time in order possibly to bring in some people. This
time, you see, Cohn wants to put something positive and tremen
dously beneficial in my hands. It is something that a great number
of people will probably go along with.
Therefore I ask you to wire me immediately upon receipt of this
letter (address: Haizingergasse 29, Wàhring, Vienna) whether or
not you will arrive here in Vienna on Monday.
But whether you come or not, consider yourself honor-bound
not to tell a soul of this letter and its contents.
Yours sincerely,
Dori.
February 21, Vienna

At the Staatsbahnhof I was met by Kremenezky, Kokesch, and
Kahn. I gave them a brief report. They would have been satisfied
even with the colonization of Asia Minor and Mesopotamia which
the Sultan had offered.
When that evening I surprised them with the Sultan’s £200,
they laughed delightedly at first. But then Kokesch stated that this
sum was at the disposal of the A.C., because it had given me the
traveling expenses. In essence it is a matter of indifference, since I
hadn’t thought for a second of keeping the gift for myself. But
what is typical is the guardianship which the committee want to
exert over me.
For the rest, we agreed that the money should not be donated
for Zionist purposes, but, in accordance with my first inspiration,
to Turkish charity.
I am inquiring of Vâmbéry what cause he recommends. The
Hejaz Railroad, maybe?
* * *
A sensation at the N. Fr. Pr. at my return. Bâcher stared at me

with curiosity. Benedikt was self-conscious, but didn’t ask any
questions. The editors chuckled at the publishers’ embarrassment.
Benedikt’s slaves and eunuchs no longer laugh at me. It is dawning
onthem that I am the greater man.
• # #
In the evening a wire came from Greenberg: the London papers

arepublishing articles to the effect that I have already concluded
the Charter.
Worried, I drove to Ambassador Mahmud Nedim Bey in order
tosendacode telegram through him to Yildiz asking them either to
disregard the false rumors or let me deny them. If they issued an
other denial, it could render my further work impossible.
Mahmud Nedim was in bed and had his servant tell me that I
shouldwrite out the desired telegram, whereupon he would send it
incode.
I wrote it down, but when I had finished I remembered that
these wires go to Tahsin, who is now against me.
So I preferred not to leave the telegram there and went away.
I immediately telephoned the correspondents of the Daily Mail
and the Daily News and asked them to deny the rumors in my
name, so that this denial may appear in London this morning.
I wired Wellisch to tell Ibrahim immediately that I had already
issued a denial. For if the denial comes from Yildiz Kiosk, it will
have a much more unfavorable repercussion. We shall see if they
will cross me up again.
* * *
When I think of Izzet, he is probably the merriest and most

monstrous rascal I have ever met.
For example, when he first made me the mine proposal, he hid
his face in his hand, and, bending down over his knees, so that
1would not see his roguish laughter, he said: *
“It is because we know that you want something else that we
areentrusting this exploitation to you—you won’t exploit us.”
And he meant èv 0upû [in his heart]: but we will exploit you.
•Translator’s Note: Quoted in French; wording not identical with the earlier
report of this conversation.
Of course, he’ll have to get up earlier for that, no matter how
big a crook he is.
And to this rogue I have to write this charming letter: *
Your Excellency:
I have given deep thought to your advice which, I should say,
was dictated not only by a zealous servant of the Sultan but also by
a true friend of the Jews, and I have decided to follow it.
Therefore a deposit of three million francs will be made for the
three firmans we spoke about (one million per firman) in several
banks and to my account, ultimately to be paid to the Ottoman
government as security as soon as the firmans are made public and
I give the order to make the payment.
Perhaps it will be necessary to proceed by stages. What H.I.M.
has been kind enough to offer me for the colonization is not
sufficient, it is true, because there is a restriction, a sort of distrust
which our good will surely does not deserve. But let us get to know
one other, let us make a start, and let us hope that with the services
which we are determined to render confidence will grow and we
shall reach complete agreement.
In two or three weeks the above-mentioned deposit of three
million francs will be made. You can be as certain of it as if it
were already done. On the 15th of March at the latest you will
know in what banks this money has been deposited; and I shall
produce the vouchers when they are requested.
At the same time as this confidential letter I am sending an
official one, addressed as always to His Excellency Ibrahim Bey.
The bearer of this letter knows nothing of its contents, and
consequently he cannot be entrusted with an open reply. It would
be very helpful to let me have an address for the telegrams which
I might have to address confidentially and without an intermediary
to Y.E. What I send from here to Yildiz Kiosk by wire is, of course,
read before it goes off and before you receive it. And the same
goes for what is sent to me from Yildiz. Therefore I ask Y.E. to
sign with a code name—for example, Bachrach.
Begging Your Excellency to believe in my devotion to your
country and my unshakable friendship for you, I am
Ever yours,
Th. H.
* * *

Sire:
I have the honor to submit to Y.I.M.’s judgment the following
most respectful considerations.
If the entire program of immigration concessions on the part
ofY.I.M. and of financial services to be rendered on our side is not
realizable all at once—perhaps there would be a way of at least
making a start toward its realization.
After mature deliberation I believe I have found an expedient.
According to the official report drawn up at Yildiz Kiosk on
February 18th between T h eir Excellencies Ibrahim Bey and Izzet
Bey and myself, Y.I.M. wishes to permit the immigration of Jews
into his provinces of Asia Minor and Mesopotamia, not on a mass
basis, but in small groups. I must say in all sincerity that I do not
believe this concession—magnanimous though it may be—
sufficient for the creation of that great movement in the entire
Israelite world which is necessary to take care of all the financial
needs of the Empire. But one could always try and see what the
results would be. However, in order not to emphasize too much
the restriction which would be contained in this permission, the
firman would contain the clause that the immigrants must be
presented by the committees which I have instituted in the various
countries.
In this way it will not be necessary to announce publicly that
the immigration is limited. Besides, a system can be set up. The
Imperial government would assign the abandoned areas to me, and
the immigration could be carried out in good order and in the
numbers confidentially determined by the Imp. govt.
In return I would form financial syndicates in accordance with
Y.I.M.’s wishes.
1) for the exploitation of the mines,
2) for the establishment of a bank for the Ottoman countries.
In order to demonstrate that these propositions do not lack a
serious foundation and that it is possible to proceed with the set
tling of details, I shall have deposits made in several banks by the
15th of March, with directions that they be paid out to the Ottoman
govt, upon orders from me. I intend to deposit two or three
million francs. These sums would constitute the security for the
concluded arrangements. T he deposits will remain for this purpose
until May 15th, and I shall produce the bank vouchers.
I have the honor, Sire, to remain

Dr. T h. H.

Your Excellency:
I have the honor of transmitting herewith a very important
letter for H.I.M.
Hoping to be with you again soon at Yildiz Kiosk to accomplish
useful work for Turkey and the Jews, I beg Your Excellency to
accept this assurance of my high regard and devoted friendship.
D r.Th.H .
February 22,1902
February 23
For a change on the Orient Express again, on my way home from
Munich where I went yesterday evening to meet Reitlinger from
Paris.
We met on schedule in Munich at 10:15. 1 entered his compart
ment, he traveled on with me as far as Salzburg, and en deux temps
trois mouvements [in two shakes of a lamb’s tail] I had explained
themattertohim.
For in case the Board and the Council of the Jewish Colonial
Trust regard the Sultan’s mine proposal as outside their statutory
domain or should find the necessary baksheeshes which, according
to a remark of Izzet’s (that Fuad Pasha had received £100,000 for
asingle mine) as well as indications from Ibrahim, I must estimate
at between 100 and 120,000 pounds—in case, then, that my
Board should find this too high, I wanted to keep Reitlinger, who
together with his brothers has got rich on mines, in readiness
eventualiter [just in case].
I soon found out that R. considered the matter too costly, risky,
and unsafe. Actually, he recommended having it handled through
our Bank, and thought that if it became known that we possessed
this general mining concession the shares would greatly rise in
value and that we would dispose of the still unsold ones at high
rates, while previously we might not have been able to get rid of
themat face value.
I thought this idea really first-rate; the only questionable feature
about it is that then the Turkish government would face the Jew
ish Colonial Trust as a contracting party and would be able to
fleece it. If we stand for it, they will soon take everything we have
away from us. If we resist and defend ourselves, there’ll be a mess,
and instead of friendship we shall have enmity which under certain
circumstances could ruin our whole movement.
In my introductory remarks I had explained to Reitlinger that
I would have to receive half of the proceeds, because I wanted to
use it for the settlers in Mesopotamia (farm produce cooperative
societies).
I also told him that the main reason I had brought him in was
that I knew him as a good Zionist who, I expected, would let the
poor people profit from such a gain. Otherwise I could easily have
done it with my wife’s relatives, nearly all of whom are anti-
Zionists.
But I soon found out que la chose ne lui souriait pas [that the
matter did not appeal to him]. C’est peut-être une de mes nom
breuses bévues [This may be one of my numerous blunders].
The day after tomorrow I shall write him the following letter:
To Reitlinger:
Strictly confidential!
February 25,1902
Dear Friend:
Many thanks again for your trouble which I value highly as a
token of the trust you place in me.
You also gave me such good and candid advice that I now almost
reproach myself for having dealt with you too politically in the
beginning. The interests I represent must justify this. But now I
too want to give you a proof of my confidence by absolute frank
ness, by giving you a detailed explanation of my action. The pro
posal I made you comes second. I tell you this at the risk of depre
ciating it, for psychology teaches us that one is no longer keen on
a thing that has already been refused by others. But bear in mind
that if the Board of the Jewish Colonial T rust refuses to carry
out my plan, it may be guided by special considerations which have
nothing to do with the real value of the concession that I have
in prospect.
In the first place, you see, I will and must try to let the Colonial
Trust do the business. Right after my return from Constantinople
I convened my Vienna committee and reported to it, as well as
calling a meeting of the Bank’s Board of Directors for the middle
of March. It can’t be done any faster, because by-laws and periods
in accordance with standing orders must be observed. All this
makes the machinery, cumbersome as it is, even more unwieldy.
Therefore I should like to have the possible agreement with you
ready, except for the signature, even before then, so as not to lose
even more time. This will explain to you why I had to get you into
action so quickly.
My Vienna committee believes that I shall not get the support
of the 24 to 26 gentlemen of the united councils who are to be
consulted for my plans. They are very fine people, but hard to
bring under one hat. In this case there is the additional fact that
it is a matter of investing more than half of the available company
funds, even though this investment promises a big profit. For me,
ofcourse, it would be the full gratification of a décharge [relief]; I
would be covered in every respect and wouldn’t have to take care
of the secret expeditures myself, but could have it done, in the
manner customary with us, by persons appointed for the purpose.
You yourself have supplied me with a good argument for the im
plementation of the plan through our Colonial Trust: from the
moment we intend to serve only Cohn’s interests, we need not fear
that the present embrassade [embrace] will later turn into a quarrel
and that our organization will become hated.
After all, I have acquired some authority with my friends and
canpush through a good many things.
However, I must also reckon with the possibility that they will
not obey me. This is how matters stand. And now, my most
honored friend, declare yourself.
My condition that you must not talk about it with anyone out
side of your family is unalterable.
Yours sincerely,
Dori.
February 25, 1902
* * •
To Alex Marmorek:
February 25, Vienna

Mygood Alex:
The first calmer moment after my return. These lines are strictly
confidential, only for you and friend Nordau.
I left Cohn without an agreement, but with an excellent relation
ship for negotiations. He summoned me by telegram, made me
proposals in Yildiz (through his official representatives), we ne
gotiated “from Power to Power,” as they say, and I rejected his
proposals in a final memorandum, although I added that I re
mained at his disposal pour d’autres négociations [for further ne
gotiations].
He offered: the colonization (on gratis territory) in Asia Minor
and Mesopotamia, with the exception of Palestine.
He demanded: the founding of financial syndicates which are to
take care of all sorts of business for him (bank, loans, mines,
etc.)
I had to refuse, because I can make an agreement only on the
basis of our program, as long as the Greater A.C. does not authorize
me to make such impromptu policy.
However, afterwards I was notified semi-officially that I should
have possible security for the various concessions deposited in
banks anyway. If they saw this earnest, negotiations would get
going again and better. Therefore we have called the Board and the
Council to Vienna for the 17th of March.
My local colleagues believe that our Bank people will not be
willing. Barbasch and associates are for transactions in Russia, but
not in Turkey. Naturally I shall lower the boom on them, for we’ve
got to make a start (of course, with the greatest securities imagin
able)—first, to get firm ground under our feet, second, because I
believe that the possession of concessions can change the value of
the Bank shares from a sentimental to a real value, perhaps even
a very great one.
Unfortunately our good Barbasches don’t always understand
me.
I was going to call the board meeting in London, in order to
negotiate with other financiers on the side and bring their possible
readiness to bear on our slow-pokes. Unfortunately I can’t get
away now. The colossal pity is that I am a serf of the N. Fr. Pr. and
mustn’t risk my livelihood. Therefore, only if the Board is ab
solutely unwilling shall I try to get a leave of absence later and
approach the London financiers.
If it works out, this will be a thorny affair. You see, in default
of the Bank I would have to make the transactions in my own name,
and even though it were known to the inner circle that I am not
making the deals for myself, i.e., that I turn over all the financial
benefits falling to my share to the colonization and the party treas
ury in advance, on the outside I would still be a G’schaftelhuber*
and would be quite painfully nailed to the cross for it. C’est un
engrenage— quand on y a mis le doigt [It’s a cog-wheel—once
you’ve put in a finger] . . .
Perhaps we shall find another way out; maybe one of our faith
ful, of whom we are absolutely sure, can be put in as a straw-man
concessionaire—Wolffsohn, Kremenezky, or someone like that—
although the question there is whether Cohn will accept anyone
but me. For Cohn has confidence in me! His proposals are directed
to me personally.
The coming weeks must mature this. You and Nordau should
write me your views. You, dear Alex, need not come to Vienna for
the Council meeting. Send your proxy to Oskar and stay at your
work. What my violence can’t fix, you wouldn’t accomplish either.
Your careworn
Benjamin.
March 4, Vienna
Crespi reports that Babington Smith, as Chairman of the Com

mission de la Dette Publique has protested against any consoli
dation that may be attempted without first asking the Commission
for official permission.
#Translator's Note: Austrian slang term; the approximate American equivalent
would be "big-time operator."
Tellement on me prend, au sérieux [This is how seriously I am
being taken] 1
I.e., unless Crespi is lying.
To Reitlinger:
Dear Friend:
Thanks for your good letter of February 28. However, I don’t
fully share your views.
1) There can’t be any question of compensation, because we
have no claim as yet and he need not “pay off’’ either the movement
or myself.
2) I am of the opinion that we have to consider Cohn’s pro
posals, although I officially rejected them at first. We must go into
them, because this much was confidentially indicated to me and
because it would be an enormous mistake to reject the confidence
that he places in me.
It is true, today it is a only a personal success which I and not
the movement have achieved, but I must not reject this success,
for I am accepting it for the future of the cause.
The only difficulty is how to effect this transfer. I am sure of my
own self. Not so much of the others, i.e., of their political and
financial acumen. (Of course, this, like everything else, will remain
strictly between ourselves!)
After more mature deliberation I have not summoned my
various committees to London, but here for March 17, because
here I have the support of my Vienna colleagues who have been of
one mind with me from the beginning, namely, that the J.C.T.
ought to accept the concessions that have been offered to me.
If we don’t manage this, then I shall be faced with the thornier
task of carrying the matter out myself, i.e., in my name. I have no
doubt that I shall succeed with this in London, for the head of a
foremost house* with whom I was at variance politically for a
• (Pro futuro) Sir Samuel Montagu, according to a letter from Colonel Goldsmid
[Herzl’s Note.]
time, has swung our way since I spoke with you and declared his
financial readiness as soon as we have something positive in our
hands.
It is not Altmannl
Should the matter take this form, I would probably first be
sharply attacked by the press, because outsiders might believe that
I was making business deals on my own account. But I mustn’t be
sensitive. Incidentally, I may be able, with the consent of my
Actions Committee, to consign the role that Cohn intended for
me to one of our faithful and reliable people—provided he accepts
another man in my place.
This other man would, of course, have to make the same secret
commitments as I would: that any profits he might make would go
to the settlement and the treasury of our movement. What do you
sayto this?*
This is how the matter stands at the moment. I assume that I am
not wrong if I presuppose on your part a continuing interest and
readiness to work for the cause to the extent of your ability. For
this reason I shall inform you of developments that may interest
you or in which you can help. But please don’t do anything now.
Your trusting and devoted

Dori.
March 5, 1902
March 5, Vienna
Went to see Mahmud Nedim yesterday, who thought that the

£200 would be accepted for the Hejaz Railroad. So I asked him to
write Tahsin that if this was not regarded as an inconvénient [in
convenience] I was donating the £200 to the Hejaz Railroad, other
wise to the Asile des pauvres [Poor-House].
• Reitlinger will think that I mean him. In this way I make sure of his silence
in case he is not honest. [Herzl’s Note.]
Mahmud Nedim discussed politics in his fashion, i.e., like a small
child.
The Spanish ambassador had been with him before I was. Na
turally he associates with all guiders of states, and he seems to hold
his own, he doesn’t cut too bad a figure I What a circle 1
March 6
T o Izzet:*
Your Excellency:
I have the honor of enclosing herewith two newspaper clippings
which were sent to me from London.
On March 15th three million francs will be deposited to my ac
count in various banks, in accordance with my letter of Feb
ruary 22.
I have given instructions to keep these sums at my disposal in
banks in Paris, Berlin, and London. They will probably be the
Crédit Lyonnais (Paris), the Dresdener Bank (Berlin), and Lloyds
Bank (London), one million francs in each.
I shall permit myself to give you definite information in a week.
Begging Your Excellency to accept the assurance of my high
regard,
Very devotedly yours,

Th. Herzl.
March 7
A touching letter from Nordau which releases me from many a
feeling against him. He writes: The limitless knavery of our
opponents increases my admiration for your sacrifices. You are
stronger and better than I a m . . . .
March 9, on the train between Pest and Vienna
I have been to see Vâmbéry. A completely pointless visit, as I
knew in advance—since I had just as little news for him as he had
for me.
But I had to take the trouble to see him; otherwise he would
have believed that I have turned disloyal and ungrateful.
Aquite useless sacrifice. Ut aliquid fecisse videamur [So that we
might appear to have done something] it was decided that he
should first write to Tahsin and not until April—if I haven't re
ceived a fresh invitation by then—to the Sultan.
Incidentally, Vâmbéry now thinks that I shall reach my goall
Last May he said the opposite.
I believe him now. But when?
March 11, Vienna

From Wellisch I received this absolutely mysterious telegram
today, dated yesterday: “W ait for letter first.”
I take it to be a senseless act of self-importance on the part of
a faiseur de zèle [one who puts on a show of zeal], since there is
absolutely nothing else on hand from Constantinople.
The only explanation would be that Izzet said something to him
when he transmitted my letter of the 6th.
• • *
My idea of the shape of things to come is as follows:

First of all the Sultan and his entourage [circle] will make capital
of my security vouchers at the Ottoman Bank and other in
stitutions, perhaps even governments. Il se prévaudra de ma puis
sance financière [He will boast with my financial strength]. This
will help him on a few occasions, too. T he financiers who have
served him up to now will be afraid of my competition and will
advance him money. In each case it will be a matter of £150 to
200,000. After some time this true [trick] will be worn out and the
financiers will no longer be taken in by the fabulous Dr. Herzl,
whom they don’t rate too highly anyway, as a dreamer and a man
backed* by too small funds. But I shall be backed more and more.*
After being rushed to Constantinople in vain two or three times,
I shall pretend to lose my patience and say that I won’t take another
step until I am given the Charter.
At that moment I shall perhaps get it.
# # #
Vàmbéry told me on Saturday how the Sultan got rid of a

Minister once. I forget the name of this Minister; I believe it
was a Minister of Education. He and the Grand Vizier came to the
Sultan for an audience. First the Grand Vizier made a report. Then
it was to be the Minister’s turn. He stepped forward and reached
into his breast pocket to pull out some document. At that moment
the Sultan loudly screamed for help: “He wants to murder me,
he is pulling a gun.”
From all sides people hurled themselves on the astounded man
and found a gun in his breast pocket where there had been none
before.
Naturally the man was quickly executed.—
This is the man I am negotiating with.
Incidentally, this just goes to show my intuition; last May I
didn’t put the notes I had prepared for him in my breast or vest
pocket, but into my glove. Because I thought that he might mistake
my reaching into my breast pocket for reaching for a gun.
# # #
For the meeting of the Board and the Council which will take
place here on the 17th inst. I am this time preparing an introduc
tory explanation which I want to keep free of distortions and
omissions for the future.
I shall read the following declaration:
Gentlemen of the Council and Board of Directors of the Jewish
Colonial Trust:
This time we have important, crucial matters to present as the
result of my last trip to Constantinople which I undertook in com
pany with Mr. Cowen, a governor.
I was invited by a telegram from the Sultan to visit him. It
seems that he has gained confidence in me, and he had certain
propositions made to me.
However, at this important moment, and much as I regret it,
I cannot conceal from you the fact that I have achieved only a
personal and not a material success.
The Sultan is not willing to make us any concessions in Pales
tine for the time being. Instead, he has offered to grant me coloni
zation in his other provinces of Asia Minor, particularly in Meso
potamia, on gratis territory. In return he demands various financial
services: procuring loans, consolidation of the national debt, and
industrial-technical arrangements for raising the general welfare
in his Empire.
I have rejected these proposals with due courtesy, because above
all they lacked the one foundation on which I can stand in the spirit
of our Basel program. I made my refusal in a final memorandum
which became part of the permanent files of Yildiz Kiosk.
To be sure, I would have had to decline the proposals for an
other reason as well—because, according to a surely incontro
vertible remark made in Constantinople by my colleague Cowen,
our financial strength is not equal to it, and I would therefore have
to turn to financiers outside our circle first.
However, after this official conclusion of these negotiations it
was indicated to me semi-officially that I should not fegard the
relations as broken off after all. Rather, I should accept the finan
cial concessions offered to me, because that way I would be able,
in the course of events, to convince the Sultan of my good w ill and
also acquire useful friendships in the country and in the govern
ment. If I decided to do so, I was to manifest this readiness by
furnishing proof of security of 2 or 3 million francs. Then fresh
negotiations would probably start.
I said that I hadn’t come as a businessman and couldn’t take on
even the most profitable concessions without consulting my friends
first. After that I departed.
Although I did reject the Sultan’s offers at first, I am of the
opinion that they should be accepted. My colleagues of the Com
mittee of Five of the Council also subscribe to my view. We must
get firm ground under our feet and must try to achieve a lasting
relationship with the Turkish government.
The concessions which the Sultan offers me probably have some
financial value—perhaps even very great value. This will be seen
when we go into the details. Although the concessions were offered
to me personally and not to our Bank or to the Zionist movement,
I shall turn them over to our financial organization, the J.C. Trust,
as soon as possible; therefore I am inclined to demand the firmans
for myself and my assigns.
Afterwards our Bank will take over the rights I have acquired—
and we shall have gained a firm footing in Turkey.
Gentlemen, I cannot urge you earnestly enough to accept my
proposals. At the first moment it might seem as if we were deviat
ing from our goal. But actually we shall approach it in this way,
though it is a roundabout way. We Zionists didn’t create the J.C.
Trust to make money somewhere, to have an ordinary bank for
credit transactions with the Jewish public in Russia and elsewhere.
The Bank is only the instrument of our movement.
It is my hope—and my local colleagues join me in this hope—
that we shall in the course of our deliberations convince you of the
expediency of our propositions. Otherwise I should have no other
choice but to take the concessions anyway and carry them through
with ordinary business people. T hat would not be good for our
movement, for many reasons.
I won’t even bother to mention the fear that my efforts could
then be misinterpreted by the public—although this, too, is a
rather serious scruple.
It might be possible to circumvent this difficulty by having one
of our reliable people figure nominally as the concessionaire—that
is, provided the Sultan would be willing to give the concessions to
a person other than myself, in whom he has placed his trust. At the
moment I don’t know this, for, since I was rejecting everything,
I wasn’t able to go into such a detail.
But there are still greater difficulties. If we leave the exploitation
of the concessions to ordinary businessmen, they may have differ
encesof opinion with the Turkish government, and then our move
ment would suffer from the adverse reaction.
Finally, however, the businessmen would of course demand a
share of the profits, and at least one-half. Even though I or the
nominal concessionaire would donate my or his half to the coloniza
tion project, that is, to the party treasury or to the National Fund,
it would still be a pity to give up the other half. Perhaps major
amounts will be involved. These would then substantially increase
the value of our shares if our Bank owned the concessions. Perhaps
on the basis of such prospective profits a syndicate might be
organized or found which would take at a higher rate all or some
ofthe shares that are still unsold.
For these reasons, which are still to be elaborated on in the dis
cussion, I urgently recommend to you, gentlemen, to make the
resources of our Bank available in an appropriate manner and to
decide that the J.C.T. will take over and carry through the con
cessions to be acquired by me.
March 13, Vienna
Bad news from Constantinople.

Wellisch’s wire has been explained. He writes under the date of
the 9th that after he had delivered my letter to Izzet he was called
by messenger to Ibrahim, who had instructed him to write me
“de ne rien entreprendre jusqu’à nouvel avis [to do nothing until
further notice].”
This means: Waved off 1
Je m’y connais [I knew it would happen].
There is a variety of explanations. I am in a fog again.
Did Russia or some other Power wish that nothing be done with
me?
Did competing financiers appear?
What counter-intrigues or deals have prevailed?
Before my court council-of-war assembles on the 17th the battle
will be lost.
* • #
I am writing to Wellisch for information, and the following to

Crespi:*
Dear Sir:
Kindly send me accurate information on all the affairs that are
currently occupying 363 and his group.
From Paris I am informed of things I cannot believe—that is
how ridiculous and fantastic they seem to me.
Cordially yours,
Herzl.
March 13, Vienna

ToNordau:
Dear Friend:
Under the date of the 9th you write me nothing that isn’t already
contained in my letter to you and Alex.
(Then I explain to him my hope that the Board and the Council,
meeting here where I myself, my 4 Viennese, Wolffsohn, Katzenel-
sohn, are supporting my project of having the Bank acquire the
concessions, will decide in accordance with my wishes.)
Continuing:
Therefore I hope that the worst eventuality—my having to take
on the concessions myself—won’t even arise.
But if it does, then I and you, my closest friends, must have
elephant hides.
It should not be overlooked
1) that I would de plein droit [with every right] be the owner
of these concessions which have been offered to me and to me
alone, not to the Bank or the movement. Naturally, I have my
owncode of behavior and act in accordance with it. But neither the
Banknor the movement has any legal or moral claim. Cohn regards
me as the man to whom he can entrust his interests, not the Con
gress, not the Bank’s Board of Directors, etc. However, I don’t
differentiate my character as a public figure from my character as
a private individual. T hat is simply my special code of behavior;
2) that from the outset I am giving our inner circle explanations
that bind me. Our unwieldy, deficient, desperately badly function
ingapparatus at least offers me the advantage of being covered by
it if I cannot make everything public. What do I then care about
beingsuspected and abused? In an extremity there finally will be a
public gesture which will save my honor.
Therefore I need not be so worried as to become inactive. Then,
too, I have already spun initial threads to Paris and London. To be
sure, these are quite difficult matters in which one must keep a cool
head. So don’t put my head in a whirl, my dear friends. I mustn't
start being afraid.
(Then I tell him how it had occurred to me in the fog on the
BlackSea that if we went down, some day when Constantinople was
taken by storm my receipt for £200 would be found in Yildiz and
noone would know that I had given the money to Cowen.)
But this is not how things are in the business transactions which
I shall outline in advance in official memoranda of the Council,
the Board of Directors, etc.
March 13
Now I am tormented by the thought that Reitlinger might, bona
or mala fide [in good or in bad faith], have committed an indiscre
tion which has led to other groups competing for the concessions
now.
* * *
Perhaps the current waving off is a confirmation of my entry of

two days ago on p. 124gf. T he Sultan is now using my proposals
toget money from others.
Or he is giving the concessions to Rouvier, who is said to be
there now, in return for “him”* carrying out the consolidation of
the dette for him.
March 14, Vienna
The wind has shifted. We are deep in the fog again.

Aequam memento rebus in arduis servare mentem [Remember
to keep a level head in adverse circumstances].**
Yesterday evening’s edition of the N. Fr. Pr. contained two news
items qui me disent long [which speak volumes to me].
1) The day before yesterday the Sultan gave a dinner in honor
of Constans and received him in special audience afterwards.
Once a scoundrel,*** always a scoundrel.***
The same Constans who caused him the Mytilene affair on
account of the measly Lorando-Tubini debt.
2) The Sultan approved the Rouvier project for the consolida
tion of the dette.
The two items appear to be connected and to have something
to do with my coming and going.
Evidently the Sultan has made capital of my presence. I was the
Jew who was sent for in order to make the other competitors more
pliable. It has been acomplished.
The pity was and is that because of my editorial post—that is,
my livelihood—I wasn’t able to stay down there for a few weeks.
On aurait trouvé [They would have found out]!
This also explains the waving off. Tout est rompu [Everything
has gone to smash].
The only satisfaction I have is that the Turks will get the trim
ming of their lives from the French crooks.
• Translator's Note: . . . “gegen dem"— humorously ungrammatical.

• • Translator's Note: Quotation from Horace, Odes, II, 3.
• • • I n English in the original.
March 14
Wrote to Eulenburg today to put in a good word for the per
formance of my Solon at the Konigliches Schauspielhaus [Royal
Theatre] (among the repertory plays some time).
And I added:
I have been to Constantinople. T h at is always a Wonderland.
At the moment the French are riding high. And how! And what
Frenchmen!
* # *
March 15, Vienna

Yesterday, on Kâmtnerstrasse, I ran into Ambassador Mahmud
Nedim and told him that I would call on him on Monday or
Tuesday morning. I intend to show him the letters of credit for
three million which Levontin has provided in the meantime.
* * *
I shall present the following document to the Board of Directors:

Gentlemen:
As a supplement to the announcements read in the joint session
of the Council and the Board I give you the following additional
information:
Even though the Sultan has offered the concessions to me, at
the same time I was given to understand by intermediaries that
there are certain private interests which must be met on this oc
casion. In all, an amount of 110,000 pounds is involved.
This amount would have to be raised by the Board; and since
it would not do to use such a sum from the present assets of the
Bank, we would have to try to pay it from the profits of the
syndicate. If the syndicate that is to be formed took over one-half
of the still unsold shares at 3 pounds, this would provide an
adequate fund.
In this connection I state expressly that I would under no con-
dition handle the distribution of this sum myself, but that other
agents would have to be appointed by the Board for this purpose.
For in the interest of our movement, in the future as in the past
no monies must go through my hands.
Read in closed executive session of the Board, o n ----------- ,
co-signed by-----------
* • *
Letter to the Sultan, to be sent off on March 18th:*

Sire:
I have the honor to give Y.I.M. an accounting of the steps I have
taken since my most respectful letter of February 23, 1902.
Having got my friends together for consultation, I informed
them of Y.I.M.’s generous disposition toward the Jews. They were
deeply touched by this. However, they believe as I do that a
restriction on the permission to settle our unfortunates in Turkey
would produce a disagreeable effect on public opinion.
But from our deliberations there has emerged a different con
clusion from the one expressed in my aforementioned letter.
The conclusion is this: we demand nothingl Since it is a matter
above all of convincing Y.I.M. and the Ottoman people of our
sincere good-will, we wish to take the first step on the road to con
fidence which must become mutual.
For the moment, then, we do not demand any concession of
general colonization—and we offer our financial services just the
same.
That is to say, we believe that once Y.I.M. has got to know us
through the services we render, he will later grant us of his own
accord what seems to present difficulties today.
March 16, Vienna

Yesterday coal-Gutmann inquired of me whether I would accept
an invitation to the meeting of the A llianz.
I immediately went over to see him and told him in the slovenly
tone which is indicated with such uneducated people:
“The discussion is nothing but hogwash.
"You want to forestall the new Rumanian emigration? (But per
haps you’re just afraid of the campaign of Dr. Elias of Mulhouse
against the entire A llianz).”
In short, I acted as though I believed him. “I see only two ways,”
1said. “Either you get the local Rothschild and two or three other
people like that for a secret conference at which I shall explain
everything.
“Or you get the I.C.A. directors together for a discussion with
me.”
The latter course was decided on after a lengthy conversation
in which he told me some pretty details about the Hirsch money.
E.g., that in Galicia the major part of the funds was embezzled by
the officials of the Foundation. Further, that Narcisse Leven is
himself only an official—with 50,000 francs per annum. And that
for Galicianizing the Hirsch Foundation (appointment of four
Gentile trustees, etc.) Dr. Rappoport, who once made a fortune at
the Lânderbank, was—raised to the nobilityl
And the misery in Galicia remains the way it was.
We agreed that I was to compose the letters of invitation to the
I.C.A. directors for him.
This is the draft that I am sending him today:
Dear Sir:
Again we have bad reports from Rumania. The legal and ad
ministrative chicanery give rise to fears of an even much worse
emigration this coming Spring than the one of two years ago.
In the face of this very serious situation the Vienna Israelitische
Allianz plans to organize a quite confidential conference on Easter
Sunday. It is to take place at Frankfurt a.M., and the invited
participants are to be only the presidents of the Alliances, the
directors of the I.C.A., and Dr. Herzl.
The terrible state of distress in Rumania would probably be
enough of an appeal to induce you to attend. But you will surely
not hesitate when I tell you that the possibility seems to be opening
up of finding a lasting remedy for all these calamities.
For me the trip is truly difficult enough, since there is illness and
worry in my family. Therefore, the fact that I have decided to make
the trip and have asked Dr. Herzl to go along will speak more
loudly than all words. I most urgently request you not to be absent
from Frankfurt on Easter Sunday.
W ith respectful regards,

D. von Gutmann.
March 18, Vienna

In the meantime Gutmann had begged off. He said he didn’t
want to invite the I.C.A. people because they wouldn’t come.
Despite this I went to yesterday’s meeting of the Isr. A llianz at
Gutmann’s place of business.
En deux temps trois mouvements [In two shakes of a lamb’s tail]
I explained to the assembled cour de miracles [court of miracles]
the only possible plan for an aid campaign for Rumania:
First, convening a conference of the Alliances and the I.C.A. at
Frankfurt.
There, establishment of the will and the readiness to help. To
what extent?
When this headquarters has been established and is ready, I will
inform it of my achievements, show it where the emigration is to
be led.
Then I shall at one stroke organize 2-300 local committees
needed in Rumania. These committees will nominate the emi
grants. The others will be told: Stay! Hold out for another six
months or a year. Your turn will come, too.
The emigrants will be settled in farm-produce cooperatives. By
combining mortgage and personal credit there will be a possibility
of giving the settlers not the hitherto existing shnorr help, but
work help.
I made an impression—and I think they all thought as one: we’ll
steal this plan from him.
With this I left them sitting there and went out.
# * •
In the Board and the Council yesterday I pushed through every

thing I wanted.
Naturally a number of them didn’t understand me. Ussishkin
got angry and said he would have nothing more to do with any
thing. I had to fight to channel into the Bank the possible emolu
ments that would otherwise fall to my share.
Curious bank of Jewsl
Today I am taking the 3 letters of credit to Mahmud Nedim.
* * #
Tolzzet, March 18, 1902:*

Your Excellency:
Yesterday I showed His Excellency Mahmud Nedim the letters
ofcredit for the sum of three million francs which, following your
advice, I have had deposited in three banks (in Berlin, Paris, and
London). I have asked H.E. to report my step to H.I.M.
From Easter on I shall be at your disposal if you need me.
Begging Your Excellency to accept the assurance of my high
regard,
Yours devotedly,
T h .H .
March 19, Vienna

Letter to Ibrahim: *
Your Excellency:
Yesterday I paid a call on His Excellency Mahmud Nedim Bey
and showed him the letters of credit for three million francs in
banks at Paris, London, and Berlin, in accordance with my letter
of February 23.
These letters of credit are valid until May 15th, and starting at
Easter I shall keep myself at the disposal of H.I.M. in case he wishes
to summon me again to agree upon arrangements. Until then I
beg Y.E. to be good enough to transmit my Philosophical Tales to
H.I.M.; maybe they will give him some pleasure.
Wishing to send 200 Turkish pounds to one of your good causes,
I have directed this sum to the Committee for the Hejaz Railroad.
With the expression of my high regard and devotion,
Th.H .
March 24, Vienna
This letter to Ibrahim wasn’t sent off, because at the same time
I received word that the long-sought typewriter is now here.
It was the fault of an inefficient shipping department with a
wrong address.
Now I intend to send it down by the factory representative in
Vienna. When I telephoned the Embassy yesterday and the day
before about the necessary transport papers, Mahmud Nedim was
not at home to me.
Was that supposed to be a sign that he was warned off associating
with me?
One good thing about despotisms is that one can immediately
sense from the lowest doorkeeper whether one is in favor or dis
favor. Every blow spreads electrically.
• * •
The Mainz Israelit and the Jewish Chronicle have published an

identical slander—evidently by that ragamuffin Willy Bambus of
Berlin—against our Bank. This is my Purim joy. The libel is so
palpable that I can haul them into the Mainz and London courts
anddemonstrate the perfectly honorable way in which our Bank
isrun.
* * *
For two days I have been haunted by an idea which may be a

splendidone:
I want to try to come to an understanding with Rouvier. He
shall make the consolidation for us. T h e go-between I plan to use
forthis is Crespi.
Today I am writing Wellisch to suggest to Crespi as his (W.’s)
ideathat he offer me to mediate between Rouvier and myself.
March 24
Your Excellency:
Permit me to inform you of the arrival of that typewriter with
Arabic type, the first of its kind, the modest present which H.I.M.
has done me the honor of accepting.
I am sending it by an employee of the company by which I had
thismachine made. In order to avoid any mistake, I permit myself
toadd that the bearer is not entitled to any compensation. T he
machine has naturally been paid for in America, and the man who
is bringing it in order to explain its use has had his traveling
expenses etc. paid by myself.
May I ask Y.E. also to transmit to H.I.M. my book, which will
perhaps give him some pleasure.
A week ago I took to H.E. Mahmud Nedim Bey my letters of
credit for 3 mill, francs, valid until May 15th (at banks in Paris,
London, and Berlin), in conformance with my letter of February
22nd.
Wishing to send 200 Turkish pounds to one of your good causes,
I have directed this sum to the Committee for the Hejaz Railroad.
9In French in the original.
Begging Y.E. to accept the expression of my high regard and
devotion,
Th.H.
March 26, Vienna

Last night Mahmud Nedim sent his servant to me: he must
definitely speak with me today.
This morning I went to see him. He had received a surprising
telegram from Tahsin Bey in reply to my showing of the three-
million letters of credit.
In the wire Tahsin asked—who I was, what my occupation was,
and for what purpose I had made the deposits.
Mahmud Nedim himself apologized for this behavior. “Entre
nous je dois confesser que chez nous Vordre laisse à désirer [Be
tween ourselves, I must confess that the order in our country leaves
something to be desired],” he said.
I immediately understood the meaning of Tahsin’s inquiry. It
could mean only two things: Either he knew nothing about the
agreements I had made in Yildiz and wanted to find out from
Mahmud Nedim for his own benefit. Or it was an inquiry on in
structions from the Sultan.
A combination of the two possibilities was conceivable, too. The
Sultan, who doesn’t show his hand to his secretaries, has kept from
Tahsin what he is doing through Izzet. Then, when Tahsin came
with Mahmud Nedim’s report about the three million, the Sultan
acted in front of Tahsin as though the information came unex
pectedly, and said: Find out who the man is.
In any case, I did well not to trust anyone in this den of lies and
to test Izzet’s counsels for their genuineness via Mahmud Nedim-
Tahsin.
To be sure, it wasn’t conceivable that Ibrahim’s invitation and
the entire negotiations in February should have happened with
out the Sultan’s orders. But it was conceivable that Ibrahim had
suppressed my subsequent letters. Moreover, since the two did have
orders from the Sultan, they could have conducted the negotiations
with me in such a way that I had to refuse—if, that is, they were
acting in the service or interest of the Constans-Rouvier syndicate.
I had started a check on the delivery of my letters through
Ibrahim by having the ambassador write to Tahsin.
Now I advised him to wire Tahsin as follows:
Since I was invited by Ibrahim upon orders from the Sultan and
negotiated about the proposals in Yildiz, I was given to understand
that I must not inform anyone of the substance of the negotiations.
The whole story was contained in my letter of February 22, and
I would turn over this letter to the ambassador if I were instructed
todo so.
I left it to his discretion to give any information about me per
sonally that he thought proper.
Then he showed me what he intended to wire this very day: that
I was a respected man in Vienna, a writer by profession, with a
certain influence in Jewish financial circles, so that I could effect
financial operations.
If he really sends this off, it’ll be fine. I believe Tahsin wanted
an unfavorable report from Mahmud. T he latter fears, however,
that I may have secret good relations with the Sultan and do him
harm. Therefore, he will give a colorless but not unfavorable
report.
March 27, Vienna

Cecil Rhodes is dead. For a time I had him in mind as a fund
raiser. I didn’t manage to get together with him. My helpers in
England proved a failure in this instance.
March 30, Vienna

Last night a disagreeable letter came from Wellisch in Con
stantinople. On the same day on which Mahmud Nedim evidently
was forced to come to Vienna (on the 25th inst.), Wellisch was
summoned to the Palace.
(Wellisch’s letter:)
Constantinople, March 26,1902
My Dear Doctor Herzl:

At 6 o’clock this morning a messenger came to tell me to come
to the factory (Yildiz) at noon to see Frankl (Ibrahim).
I was there at the appointed time and met Frankl who told me
the following: Cohn (Sultan) has been informed through the
branch (Embassy) in your city that you, doctor, have made bank
deposits for a certain matter.
Cohn questioned him about this, whereupon he answered that
he knew nothing whatever of the matter. He had received a letter
containing an enclosure for Cohn, and he had delivered it, but
there had been no answer to it. At the same time, Poliak (Izzet)
had also received a letter in which Doctor Herzl had written about
the matter. A t Poliak’s request he (Frankl) had sent word to the
doctor (my most humble message of the 9th) not to do anything
until nouvel avis [further notice]. Frankl spoke with visible excite
ment, repeating a number of points. Finally he said more calmly
that he requested Doctor Herzl to do nothing of the sort. After
which he asked me to go to see Poliak and to come back after I had
spoken with him.
Poliak was leaning out the window on the ground-floor of the
wing where his office is located, stopped me as I passed by, and after
I had told him that I had seen Frankl, he told me the following:
“Write the doctor to withdraw the money; when the time comes
we shall let him know how to proceed.”
Then I went back to Frankl, and to his questioning I replied
what Poliak had said; after that he instructed me to convey his
most amicable regards to you.
With the expression of my deep respect, I am, my dear doctor
Herzl,

Weber.
March 30
At the first moment this letter produced an unpleasant effect
on me. Having slept on it, I don’t find it so bad. Accordingly Izzet
seems to be on my side, but Tahsin against me.
I plan to call Vâmbéry to account for this.
(Letter from Crespi pasted in:)*

Péra, March 30,1902
Dear Sir:
I should like to direct your special attention to the following
drcumstance:
The day before yesterday, while I was calling upon 48 [Tahsin],
after talking about indifferent matters, he called upon me, in the
most bantering way, to tell him the truth about what you did with
125 [Izzet] and the Grand Master of Ceremonies. I answered that
you had not discussed the subject with me and that I was com
pletely ignorant of what you had done with them, but that in any
case, if anything was brewing it could never be without him, 48.
He broke into a smile that spoke volumes. I believed I could
infer that he was satisfied that the other two had not succeeded and
that he was perhaps not wholly innocent of their defeat. Perhaps
I am wrong, but is it still necessary for you to indicate to me how
I ought to behave toward him the next time I see him. I attach an
interest to this that should, no doubt, not escape you; and if he
has an unpleasant impression, I must exercise my wits to overcome
it. These are secretive personalities who cherish spite over the
least thing.
363 is furious with Rouvier. I have the information from the
German Embassy. 363 had M. Rouet, First Dragoman of the
French Embassy, summoned to ask him what M. Rouvier meant
byimposing new conditions, such as the exclusion of Priority loans,
Customs, and Fisheries from the consolidation and unification
project. 363 expressed the desire to receive M. Constans, who had
been received in audience yesterday.
I haven’t had time to collect the least information. If I learn
anything whatever, I shall hasten to inform you of it.
W ith my sincere greetings,

Crespi.
April 1, Vienna
My good Vâmbéry bâcsi:
I have learned from several sources and absolutely reliably that
Cohn’s 1st Secretary is working against me. I am telling you this,
because it will certainly interest you to know how your man is
behaving. I believe it would be indicated to open his eyes to the fact
that I urgently desire his friendship.
Your devoted
Dori.
April 3
Yesterday evening this pneumatic-tube letter came from the
Turkish ambassador:
Dear Doctor Herzl:

I have just received the expected answer.
Yours truly,
Mahmud Nedim
I presume that Tahsin has instructed him to worm things out
of me. Since he trembles before Tahsin, he will do anything, and
I will help the man, because that way I shall be excused with Izzet
if, misled by the ambassador, I have let Tahsin in on it as well.
Un peu le jeu de bascule [A bit of a see-saw game]. Perhaps this
will make Izzet angry in his turn?
# • *
Yesterday Benedikt asked me to request the Grand Duke of

Baden to send us a few chapters from his memoirs which are to
appear on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of his reign. I am
writing:
April 3,1902

On the anniversary of Your Royal Highness’s accession I should
like to offer today my most respectful congratulations which come
from a grateful heart. Once the défilé [procession] of potentates
and peoples starts, such a modest well-wisher will not be noticed.
And yet I feel impelled to express in a few words what a favor of
fate I have considered it that it has been granted to me to receive on
the hard road of the idea of my life occasional support and instruc
tion from the kindest and wisest prince of my time.
The jubilee will be celebrated in Austria, too, for Grand Duke
Friedrich of Baden has erected himself a realm that transcends
boundaries, in people’s hearts. On this occasion I should very
much like to publish a chapter from Y.R.H.’s memoirs in the
N. Fr. Pr., of whose literary section I am in charge. If this idea does
not strike Y.R.H. as too distasteful, I would request that a secretary
or the publisher be instructed to send me the galley-proofs soon.
With the most heart-felt respect and the most profound grati
tude, I remain
Your Royal Highness's very obedient servant,

D r.T h .H .
April 4, Vienna
Yesterday Mahmud Nedim showed me and translated for me a
letter from Tahsin Bey: my deposit of 3 millions was based on a
malentendu [misunderstanding]. Je le savais bien, parbleu [Well,
I knew that], I just wanted to show them the color of some money—
so they shouldn’t forget me.—Thus closes this book of my political
novel.
Contents
Volume IV
Page
Book Eleven
April 9, 1902-July 21, 1902 1*7 1
Book Twelve
July 25,1902-August 22,1902 1311
Book Thirteen
August 22, 1902-January 17, 1903 1349
Book Fourteen
January 18, 1903-March 18, 1903 *39°
Book Fifteen
March 18, 1903-May 13, 1903 1441
Book Sixteen
March 14,1903-July 30, 1903 ,489
Book Seventeen
August 7, 1903-December 12, 1903 jgjg
Book Eighteen
December 12, 1903-May 16, 1904
*577
Book Eleven
April 9, Vienna
I came to draft the following letter to Lord Rothschild in a pe
culiar way. Today I saw the new work of an obviously gifted writer
whom I had hitherto refused to read because some time ago he had
tried to get into the N. Fr. Pr. through the back door and by repul
sive machinations, and to wangle my support by making friends
with my late brother-in-law. This doesn’t mean that he has no
talent, and maybe I am unfair to his work, even though I am just
toward him. So I presented the question to myself how the man
would have had to proceed in order to win me, who have helped
and am helping so many young people without pull. He would
have had to entrust himself to my loyalty in an open and above
board manner.
And suddenly, by a leap of thought, it came to my mind that
perhaps I, too, blundered by having Lady Battersea and others
intervene between Lord Rothschild and myself.
Therefore I am writing him, but, by way of precaution, a dread
ful letter which would defame him if he should choose to make use
of it against me.
Milord:
My name is probably familiar to you from the Zionist movement
to which the newspapers have given sufficient attention. I am writ
ing you in German, because I don’t express myself so fluently in
English and have reason to assume that you understand German
well.
It would be useful if I had a conference with you, and I beg you
to give me an opportunity for one in London. I am prepared to
come there for this purpose. I won’t deny that this request for a
conference is hard for me, because I have been frequently and
grossly attacked by people who are on your side. But if I consider
how many poor women’s and children’s tears could be dried, to
how many unfortunates of our people some relief could be
brought, I will gladly humble myself.
Your position, Milord, is a peculiar, in fact, a virtually unique
one. I confess that I did not know this before. I took you only for a
1273
rich man. But in the course of the years I have come to know
your power. I believe that outside of yourself only few people have
such a knowledge of your power as I have.
April 13, Vienna

Mahmud Nedim telephoned me to say that he had to speak with
me.
Yesterday evening I went to see him, and he read me a letter from
Tahsin ordering, on the Sultan’s instructions, that the £200 I had
donated to the Hejaz Railroad be returned to me.
I explained the matter to Mahmud Nedim, saying that this was
the £200 which the Sultan had given to me and which I didn’t want
to keep. However, the Sultan obviously wanted me to keep it. Now
I would give it to the poor.
Tomorrow Mahmud Nedim will come to my home and bring
me the money. I shall donate it to our causes.
* * *
Today I am writing Vâmbéry about it, complaining about his

Tahsin.
April 30, Vienna

Today I finished my novel A Itneuland.
May 3, Vienna
Sire:
I have the honor to submit the following proposal to Y.I.M.’s
lofty wisdom.
I thought I foresaw a certain difficulty for the government in the
fact that the young people of Turkey who go abroad for their
higher education are sometimes led astray by bad example and un
resistingly accept revolutionary ideas.
The dilemma seems to present itself like this: either not to
furnish them advanced scientific training—or expose them to all
the dangers of political seduction.
Nevertheless, a way out can be found, and I humbly permit my
self to submit it to Y.I.M.’s judgment.
We Jews play a certain role in university life all over the world.
The universities of all countries number Jews among their pro
fessors, and we have great scholars in all fields of learning.
We could create a Jewish University in Y.I.M.’s Empire, for
example in Jerusalem.
The Ottoman students would no longer need to go abroad. They
would stay in the country and would obtain the most advanced
scientific training without ceasing to be under the laws of their
country.
The Jewish University should bring together all the scholarly
qualities of the best universities, technical schools, and schools
of agriculture. The institution will offer nothing unless it is of the
very first rank. Only then can it render real service to scholarship,
to the students, and to the country.
I am not going into detail about this plan as long as I don’t
know whether Y.I.M. is pleased to take an interest in it.
I hope that this proposal will in no way give offense and that it
will at least demonstrate my sincere devotion.
I am Y.I.M.’s most humble and obedient servant,
D r.T h. H.
May 3, Vienna

Your Excellency:
The enclosed letter will, I believe, once again show H.I.M. my
desire to be of service to him.
The execution of the project would require no financial sacri
fices on the part of the Imperial govt.
If H.I.M. wishes to hear my explanation, I can come to Con
stantinople around Pentecost.
Hoping you are in good health, I beg Your Excellency to accept
the assurances of my high esteem.
D r.T h .H .
May 3,1902
# • •
Letter to Izzet: *
Your Excellency:
I fear that I have been a bit worked against and a bit forgotten.
But I believe that I have found a method of replying to those
who may present me in an unfavorable light. The method is simply
to offer a great service to H.I.M. This is to eradicate the unhealthy
spirit.
In a word: to create a Jewish university, embracing all the
branches of scholarship in their highest and most modem form—
to create this model university in your country! T he expenses will
present no difficulties.
What do you think of it? If H.I.M. wishes to summon me, we
could at the same time chat about one thing and another.
Kindly accept the assurances of my high esteem.
Dr. Th. H.
May 3,1902
I am also writing Vâmbéry the substance of the letter.
May 4, on the train between Dresden and Berlin

Letter to Court-Marshal Eulenburg or the Adjutant-General on
duty:
Your Excellency:
May I be permitted to recall myself to mind from Constantino
ple and Jerusalem (1898)? I arrived here today and will stay
at the Palace Hotel until Tuesday or Wednesday.
H.M. the Kaiser may also still remember me and the Zionist
movement in which he was interested at that time.
A few weeks ago I was in Constantinople again on invitation of
H.M. the Sultan.
I would be very happy if I might have the honor of being re
ceived in audience by H.M. the Kaiser in order to give an oral
report on some things that could be of value to German politics
as well.
Begging Your Excellency to accept the expression of my deepest
respect and devotion,
Dr. Th. H.
May 14, Vienna

The Kaiser sent me word through Court-Marshal Eulenburg
that he was sorry, but he had to go to Strassburg.
Biilow sent his card to my hotel.
I spoke with a director of the Deutsche Bank through which we
should like to buy the Deutsche Palâstinabank. We are beginning
to get into more solid financial circles, but are still a bit comical.
I made the acquaintance of First Lieutenant, ret., Said Ruete, a
grandson of the Sultan of Zanzibar, currently an official of the
Deutsche Bank. I liked his project of planting cotton in Mesopo
tamia. I shall hire him.
I also met Dr. Franz Oppenheimer, the cooperative colonies
man, and liked him very well too.
Greenberg telephoned me at Berlin to say that the Alien Com
mission* of Parliament was going to summon me as a witness.
However, by today, a week later, nothing has come.
I think that Rothschild and the Anglo-Jewish people have
worked against it with might and main.
• # *
Wellisch reports under the date of the 10th that Izzet has told
him of a letter to me. They might want to request a proposal for
the consolidation of the debt from me.
Aspettiamo [Let us wait]! I think it is a delusion.
They will send for me a few more times so as to play me off
against other proponents.
May 18, Vienna

Through Wellisch I received today the following inénarrable
[unspeakable] letter: *
Constantinople, May 12,1902
Dear Sir:
Your letter concerning a request for the creation of an Israilite
University in Jerusalem has been submitted at the foot of the
Throne.
The loyalty and the devotion of the Israilites toward His Impe
rial Majesty the Sultan, my August Master, and their sympathy
for his Empire are an incontestable truth. As the Imperial Govern
ment is at this moment occupied with several projects aiming at
the amelioration of the financial situation of the Treasury and of
procuring new resources for it, the help of the Israilite financiers
may be useful for facilitating the Treasury’s task. For the purpose
of being able usefully to solicit benefits for the Imperial Govern
ment, I request you, on Sovereign orders, to submit at the foot of
• Translator’s Note: In reproducing this letter in the original French, Herzl
notes that he is retaining its faulty orthography.
the Throne a list of the services the financiers in question can
render in this connection for the benefit of the State.
Kindly accept the assurance of my complete regard.
A. Izzet.
May 18, Vienna
Letter to Izzet: *
Your Excellency:
I have received the letter which you have done me the honor
of addressing to me on Imperial orders.
First of all, I beg you to be kind enough to place at the foot of the
Throne the acknowledgment of my unalterable devotion which
prompts me to act and to seek projects useful to your august
master.
But all these matters—the university as well as the financial
affairs—can be treated well only orally.
If, then, H.I.M. the Sultan desires to hear my projects, I am
ready to come to Constantinople next week. This date is suggested
because I have to go to London in the month of June.
The project of a university at Jerusalem could serve as a screen
for other matters, for H.M.’s enemies would impose shackles on the
execution of any known project for the amelioration of the present
situation.
I shall therefore expect word by telegram.
It will, in any case, take me three or four days to put my affairs
in order prior to my departure.
Kindly accept the assurance of my high esteem.
D r.T h .H .
P.S. If I were not invited to come now, it would be almost im
possible for me to come before the autumn.
Your Excellency:
The enclosed letter is intended to be laid at the foot of the
throne.
I have good things to tell, but I shall not come unless I am
invited. I have been a bit offended by the fact that my modest
present (the Arabic typewriter) has not been accepted.
If I am not called now, I believe that I would not be able to
come before autumn, and that would be more time lost which
could be used to render you services.
However, H.M. is the master, and as he decides so it will be.
Assuring Your Excellency of my sincere devotion,
Herzl.
May 18

Poliak sent me word yesterday that I should call on him today.
Today’s message from Poliak, sent on orders, is that with consid
eration for the effort and expenses of the trip C. wants you to write
him what is to be done.
He repeated the phrase I have underlined (which is incom
prehensible to me, but must refer to a passage in your letter), and
added that you should write and tell me all the things you can do;
he particularly remarked that you should stress your ability to
carry out the consolidation better than Rouvier.
If I may permit myself a comment on Poliak’s communication,
I feel obliged to remark that its nature is really meant to say
that C. is still undecided and therefore is willing to have detailed
proposals made to him. Moreover, I think I can tell from the
instructions for you to write about all the things you can do that
they want to give you to understand that you must make efforts
to cause a summons to be issued.
The remark concerning the consolidation is probably meant to
indicate that the main importance is attached to this.
Kindly permit me, dear doctor, the expression of my deepest
respect.
Ever faithfully yours,

Weber.
My telegraphic reply of May 27, Vienna:
Tell Poliak that I spare no pains on Cohn’s matter and that
trifling traveling expenses, for which I shall accept no reimburse
ment, aren’t worth talking about. I consider writing pointless.
Therefore, if I am not called to factory by end of week, I shall go
to London for prolonged stay.
* * *
Today (May 28, Vienna) I am wiring:

As supplement to yesterday’s telegram please note that I intend
to carry out the particularly desired transaction in a different way,
one much more favorable for Cohn.
However, If I do not visit factory now, there is no point in writ
ing at the moment, because then I cannot visit factory until
autumn, and by then the market situation may be different, so that
all proposals will take a different form.
Seff.

After I had shown him your telegram which arrived today,
Poliak told me to write you the following: *
“Accede to Leopold’s desire and write that you are ready to make
the consolidation under most advantageous conditions for the
government, that you are ready to form a native syndicate for the
exploitation of the mines, that you are ready to form a syndicate
for the creation of a bank that could render great services to the
government, and you will have an open door for entering.”
He told me the foregoing after I had translated the telegram,
whereupon I requested his permission to take down what he had
told me in the adjoining room (there were three people with him).
He agreed and I did so.
When I returned and read him what I had written, he approved
of it and asked me if we had a telegraphic code. I answered that we
had only few code words, which was why I was writing, but that
I would announce the letter by telegram. Today, Poliak spoke
incisively and with more warmth than usual; I had the impression
that he would like to see you here now.
However, as we know, it’s hard to tell when he is speaking sin
cerely.
Kindly permit me, dear doctor, the expression of my deepest
respect.
Ever faithfully yours,

Weber.
June 4, Paris
Again in Paris.
Now I am an aging and famous man.
The days of my youth, despite their spells of melancholy, were
preferable.
* * *
The success of inferior men is acceptable to the man of worth

so long as he himself passes through the crowd unnoticed. But
he feels offended by the success of the inferior if he himself has
recognition. Fortunately, the latter case occurs infinitely seldom,
or only in old age (Schopenhauer, Ibsen).
Sometimes it happens that a man of worth is active in various
fields. Then he is certain to be recognized only in the field that is
not at the real center of his personality.
Thus, for example, I am in a field where I have accomplished
next to nothing intellectually, but have merely displayed average
political skill, such as is attainable by any horse-dealer, in a matter
which is crystal-clear to anyone but a blockhead—in the Jewish
Question I have become world-famous as a propagandist.
As a writer, particularly as a playwright, I am held to be nothing,
less than nothing. People call me only a good journalist.
And yet I feel, I know, that I am or was a writer of great ability,
one who simply didn’t give his full measure because he became
disgusted and discouraged.
June 4, Paris
Here I received the invitation of the Royal Commission for
Alien Immigration,* before whom I am to give evidence* as a
witness.*
It means an encounter—fight or reconciliation—with Lord
Rothschild, and is therefore of tremendous importance. I am in
structing my faithful Greenberg and Cowen to arrange a meeting
with R. for me prior to my examination.
June 6, Paris
Letter to Izzet:**
Your Excellency:
Confirming my last telegram from Vienna, dated May 28 and
addressed to the bearer of this letter, I have the honor of informing
you that I am ready to devote myself to the question of the con
solidation of the debt in accordance with the desire expressed by
H.I.M. the Sultan that the most advantageous conditions for the
Imp. govt, be obtained. I am also prepared to have my friends set
up a syndicate for the exploitation of the mines and the establish
ment of a new bank in Turkey, the administrative board of which
will be composed in part of natives.
The services which we shall render and which H.I.M. in his lofty
wisdom will appreciate will have to be the measure of the favors
which he in his generosity will accord to the Jewish people.
From here I shall go to London in order to settle the terms of
the project with my friends. I shall stay there till about the 25th
of June, after which I hope to take a vacation. In the meantime,
letters or telegrams may be addressed as follows:
Dr. Th. H.
c/o Sir Francis Montefiore, Bart.,
42 Upper Grosvenor St.
London W.
Begging Y.E. to accept the assurance of my high esteem,
Yours devotedly,
Dr. Th. H.
June 9, London
What I need now is the condensation of my vaporous organi
zation—the liquefaction, as it were, of that mass of air called the
Zionist Movement.
To that end I am pursuing the following paths:
1) By giving evidence* before the Royal Commission whose
perplexity* caused by the horns of a dilemma I want to bring out:
either a break with the glorious principle of free asylum, or leaving
the native working class unprotected. My way out—if they ask for
it—is the creation of a Chartered Company* in Cyprus.
At the same time I shall make a semi-official attempt to establish
contact with Lord R. He is furious with me—and this may be the
psychological moment to make peace. When he was asked in the
Commission why he boggled at my being called, he said that I was
a demagogue, a windbag.*
2) By trying to form a mining concern for the exploitation of
the Turkish mines. I have already spoken with Zangwill and
Cowen, and this evening I shall meet the stockbroker* Myers at
Zangwill's.
London
The night of the 9th to the 10th of June. At 3:00 a. m.
When I returned to the hotel after the theatre this evening, I

found this wire from my wife:
Dad seriously ill. Come Vienna immediately.
That means death. I realized this from the very first moment.
What with inquiring about the next train, telegraphing and
packing, two hours went by. The rest of the night will be harder
to pass.
This book will have to bear the brunt of it. I believe that at all
times I have been a devoted, grateful, and respectful son to my
father, who has done infinitely much for me.
Having educated and supported me for such a long time, how
much he went through with me, how he supported me and com
forted mel
The travels on which I learned so much I owe to him, all of
them.
Now, when he is closing his eyes, I am not at home.
I always hastened to tell my parents all agreeable news while
it was still hot. How right I was in this; many things come too
late.
My dear one did not get to read the conclusion of my novel
Altneuland.
How greatly I remain in his debt, although I have not been a
bad son.
What a support he was to me all the time, what a counsellor!
He stood by my side like a tree. Now the tree is gone.
In view of what I have lost it is foolish for me to feel sorry that he
hadn’t learned that the day after tomorrow I was to have had a
talk with Lord Rothschild that might have turned out to be
decisive for Zionism.
Of course, that talk, as well as the testimony before the Royal
Commission, is off now.
I don’t believe in the “serious illness.” They would have con
cealed that from me. Julie’s telegram means death I
June 10, Hans’ birthday

On the boat between Dover and Ostend.
Before my departure from London I received the doctor’s tele
gram:
Father passed away after a stroke, suddenly and without pain.
I had secretly nursed a glimmer of hope that it was just an attack
of pneumonia.
Now I gradually remember things about him, my dear one,
golden one, good one.
I think that when you have an arm shot away, you don’t feel
it at first, then it hurts terribly, and then you forget.
June 11, on the Ostend Express, nearing Vienna

Now I shall soon be in Vienna where I shall have the pleasure of
burying my father. Wolffsohn wanted to get on at Cologne and
accompany me. I didn’t let him. For he can’t help me.
During these 29 hours I have been licking my paws like a run-
over dog.
Have also made a decision. If my mother is willing, I shall move
to London. What is there left for me in Vienna?
June 20, Alt-Aussee

Everything passes. I am sitting once more at my writing desk of
last summer, and all I have left of my father is his picture which
stands in front of me. He is completely gone from my life. Only
this picture tells me how he looked, he whom I shall never see
again.
# # #

Sire:
I have the honor to inform Y.I.M. of my father’s death. It is this
sad event that recalled me from London where I was in the process
of having my friends create a financial syndicate for the familiar
projects.
Now I see by the papers that M. Rouvier’s project has been
accepted. Surely the matter of the consolidation ought to be kept
separate from the projects. There remains only the exploitation
of the mines and the creation of a new bank for the Ottoman coun
tries. But I do not know if Y.I.M. still wishes my friends to attend
to this.
Therefore I humbly request Y.I.M. to let me know your exalted
decision. On the 30th of June I leave here for London where I
hope to stay for about two weeks. Having already prepared the
ground, it will be easy for me to accomplish something in a short
time if I have something tangible in my hands.
I have the honor, Sire, to remain

D r.T h .H .
June 20,1902
Covering letter to Ibrahim.*
Your Excellency:
I have had the great sorrow of losing my dear father. This sad
event has brought me back from London suddenly. I must return
there on June 30th. H.I.M.’s orders will find me until June 30th
here at Alt-Aussee, Styria (Austria), and until July 15th in care
of Sir Francis Montefiore, Bart., 42 Upper Grosvenor Street,
London W.
Begging Your Excellency to accept the assurances of my high
regard.

Herzl.
June 20,1902.
Letter to Izzet: *
Your Excellency:
I have had a great sorrow. My good father is dead. I had to return
from London hastily. Alas, too late.
I am now resuming the things I have started, and shall return
to London at the end of this month.
I learn from the papers that the consolidation according to M.
Rouvier’s plan is a definite matter. Therefore it is a question of
separating this from the projects which you indicated to me on
Imperial orders under date of May 12.
But in order to be clear about this and not take any unnecessary
steps, I must receive precise information.
Therefore I am permitting myself to recall to mind our point
of departure.
In my most respectful letter to H.I.M. the Sultan, dated May
5th, I proposed the establishment of a Jewish University in Jeru
salem. In your written reply, as well as in an oral message, you re
ceived this proposition favorably and demanded in exchange the
formation of a syndicate for the exploitation of the mines and the
creation of a new bank for the Ottoman countries.
Now, in order to advance seriously the negotiations with my
financier friends, I need a sort of provisional irade which would
state in principle the disposition to reach an agreement under the
aforementioned conditions. A clear formula regarding the ex
ploitation of the mines is particularly needed.
Today I wrote H.I.M. in the same vein, but without going into
the details.
I believe that with the aid of my friends I can serve your
interests well, but it is indispensable first of all to establish a
definite basis for the negotiations.
Your reply will find me here at Alt-Aussee, Styria (Austria) until
June 30th, and until the 15th of July at London, c/o Sir Fr. Monte-
fiore, 42 Upper Grosvenor Street, W.
Kindly accept, Y.E., the assurances of my high regard and of
my devotion.
Herzl.
June 22, Alt-Aussee
• • •
Wire from Crespi:

188 (Mahmud Nedim) invitera priant remettre projet. Re
fusez, exigez être appelé venir ici traiter directement. [188
(Mahmud Nedim) will write you to reopen project. Refuse,
insist on being called here to negotiate directly.]
June 24, Alt-Aussee

Wellisch and Crespi report that the Turkish ambassadors at
London and Vienna have received instructions to come to an un-
derstanding with me. Both have reported back that I had left. I am
wiring Kremenezky to go to see Mahmud Nedim and tell him that
I am ready to go to the Sultan before departing for London.
July 3
Aboard the “Pas de Calais,” between Calais and Dover.
I am on my way back to England again. Greenberg has managed*
my appointment with Rothschild for tomorrow, and for the 7th
inst. my hearing before the Pari. Commission.
One might almost assume that I shall now enjoy success, since my
father is no longer around to rejoice at it.
It has taken me seven years to be able to say to R. what I will say
to him tomorrow.
During the 30 hours of my journey thus far I have naturally
hatched everything I will say to him and to the Commission. Also,
what will have to be done in case of a Yes or a No.
Of course, I can also see myself returning to my feuilletons with
out having achieved my purpose.
July 5, London
When I left this city, I had one of the blackest nights of my life.
When I returned yesterday, I had one of the most successful days.
Levontin came to see me at noon: an attaché of the Turkish
Embassy was looking for me and waiting at the Trust.
I immediately went to the City with L. on the electric under
ground.*
The attaché informed me that the ambassador had instructions
from the Sultan, which he was to communicate to me at once.
I asked him to come back in the afternoon, because I had appoint
ments* now.
At 12:45 I set out for New Court to see Rothschild. The traffic
jam around the Mansion House suited me nicely, for I didn’t
want to arrive too early. At one o’clock sharp I passed through
the gate, had myself announced to the Lord of Banking Hosts,*
and was shown into a room that had a pronounced commercial
look. Boxes of sample merchandise in the corners, etc.
I hadn’t waited even a minute when His Lordship** came in,
a good-looking, old Anglo-Jewish gentleman.**
We seated ourselves comfortably at a table, facing each other,
and he began to unpack his bag of nonsense.
He has very attractive, large Jewish eyes, and he is very hard of
hearing.
It would be dancing on a tight-rope if I were to record all the
silly stuff that he rattled off with great assurance. He said that two
jackasses sit on the Alien Commission: Evans Gordon, and I don’t
know who else. He called Arnold White a jackass, too. There
would never be anti-Semitism in England, etc. In France it had
been another story, etc.
He did not believe in Zionism.** (After a few introductory
words in English, we spoke in German.)
He said he was no Zionist. We would never get Palestine, etc.
He was an Englishman and wanted to remain one. He "desired”
that I should say this and that to the Alien Commission, and not
say this and the other.
This was more than I could take. I had already broken in with
remarks a few times. But now I began to shout him down so loudly
that he held his tongue, astounded and dazed.
"I will tell the Commission what I think proper and what I am
convinced of. T hat has always been my custom, and I shall stick
to it this time, too.
“It is not true that the Powers are against our going to Palestine.
Actually, I have made Germany and Russia favorably disposed to
ward our cause. England would have no objection, I think. With
the Sultan I am persona grata [an acceptable person].”
• Translator’s Note: Herzl’s pun on the Biblical term for God— Lord of Hosts.
• • In English in the original.
“Yes,” he interjected, “of course the Sultan is friendly toward
you because you are Dr. Herzl of the Neue Freie Presse.”
“Wrong,” I cried. “The Neue Freie Presse doesn’t have a thing
to do with it. Its publishers are mortal enemies of my Jewish plan.
The word Zionism has not been printed in the Neue Freie Presse
to this day. My negotiations with the Sultan had nothing whatever
to do with the Neue Freie Presse.”
At that point the idiot wanted to embarrass me, and said:
“What will you reply if Gordon or someone else asks you
whether you know anything about the Anglophobic attitude of the
continental press, which is in the hands of the Jews and which
received £800,000 from the Boers through Leyds?”
I answered rudely: “I assume that this Commission is not a
gossiping society and that such nonsense won’t be brought up. But
if it is, I shall give a sharp answer. I would request that a list of those
who have received money be made public. With respect to my
self, you probably know that I am not a journalist who can be
bought.”
“Yes, I know that,” he said, more reasonably, for his sole purpose
in bringing up this rubbish was to probe for my sore spot. Surely
no one would dream of asking me that idiotic question about a
venal press.
He further said that Arnold White and Evans Gordon had called
me in as a crown witness in order to use me for support by saying:
“Dr. Herzl is certainly the exemplary Jew, and he declares that
a Jew can never become an Englishman.”
"It would be stupid arrogance on my part if I were to give this
Commission a lecture on the characteristics of a real Englishman.
I shall simply tell them what frightful misery exists in the East,
and that the people must either die or get out. We have known
about the Rumanian distress since ’97; the Congress petitions
haven’t received any attention anywhere. In Galicia things may be
even worse. There are more than 700,000 destitute people there.
They, too, will start to move.”
Milord said: “I do not wish you to tell the Commission that.
Otherwise there will be restrictive legislation.”
At that point I unlimbered the heavy artillery: “Certainly I
shall say it! Most certainly! You can depend on that.”
Whereupon his jaw dropped, he rang a bell, and sent for his
brother Leopold.
To him I repeated what had been said, adding that Jewish char
ity* had become a machine for stifling the cries of distress.
Milord wailed: “And that is what he wants to tell the Commis
sion!”
“I would be a mean creature if I said only things that could lead
to a restriction of immigration. But I would be one of those mean
creatures to whom the English Jews ought to erect a monument
out of gratitude, because I saved them from an influx of East
European Jews and thus perhaps from anti-Semitism. However,
I have a plan for remedying the situation, and I want to tell it to the
Commission.”
Here Milord interrupted and asked if I wanted to have lunch
with them.
“With pleasure.”
And we went over to the dining room, where I met Lord Rose
bery’s son and, later, Alfred, the third Rothschild, another such
genius.
Fatuous talk during the meal. Pointing to a portrait of the
Elector of Hesse, Leopold told me proudly that his great-grand
father had returned some money that had been entrusted to him
—“otherwise we wouldn’t all be sitting here.”
Afterwards, in Milord’s office, Alfred told me about his high
Austrian and Prussian decorations: “High, what? Royal Orders,
first class!” The same Alfred asked me what I wanted to do for the
Jews. Colonization, fine! But why in Palestine? “Palestine sounds
too Jewish!”
Go negotiate with this pack of idiots!
Yet Milord is the most intelligent of them.
After coffee I went over to his desk and asked:
“Would you like to hear my scheme* now?”
“Yes.”
I moved my chair close to his better ear and said:
“I want to ask the British government for a Colonization
Charter.”
“Don’t say charter.* The word has a bad sound right now.”
“We can call it whatever you like. I want to found a Jewish
colony in a British possession.”
“Take Uganda!”
“No. I can only use th is .. . . ” And because there were other
people in the room, I wrote on a slip of paper which I am pasting
in here as a souvenir: “Sinai Peninsula, Egyptian Palestine, Cy
prus.” And I added: “Are you for it?”
He thought it over with a smirk, and said:
“Very much so.”
That was the victory. I further wrote on the piece of paper:
“Prevent the Sultan from getting money! ” (Rouvier).
He said:
“I prevented Rumania from getting money. But this I can’t do,
for the Powers desire it. They want to have the railroads built."
I said: “The Sultan offered me Mesopotamia.”
He (astounded): “And you refused?”
“Yes.”
With this I concluded. Nous sommes gens de revue [We are
showmen].** While I was talking with Milord, Leopold sent me an
invitation to his garden-party* on Monday. The premiers from
all the colonies would be there.
“Is Chamberlain coming?” I asked. “He is the only one I’m
interested in.”
Leopold didn’t know.
I said: “If I’m through at the Commission, I’ll come.”
And I left.
* # •
## Translator's Note: Herzl means that as a dramatist he knows when to end a
scene.
To the Turkish ambassador, who informed me that the Sultan
had asked by telegram that I come to Constantinople immediately,
I stated: impossible before Tuesday, because I have the Com
mission.
I said I was prepared to start out on Wednesday, but would
prefer to get his instructions by wire because I might be able to
arrange things here in advance. Then, too, the plague had broken
out, and the quarantine would impede my movements.
The ambassador promised to telegraph to this effect.
July 9, London
Two days ago I had an off day at the Royal Commission. Je
n'étais pas dans mon assiette [I was out of sorts], spoke and under
stood English badly, and made a number of mistakes due to
caution.
After the Commission I drove out to Gunnersbury to the Roths
child garden-party,* where I was seen and perhaps did Zionism
more good among the upper Jews* by that than by all my previous
speeches and actions.
Dear old Lady Battersea also introduced me to Princess Louise,
Duchess of Argyll. The princess conversed with me for a while.
* * *
Yesterday I repaired the bad impression which I felt I had made

at the Commission hearing on Lord James, its chairman, by calling
on him and telling him frankly everything that I had cloaked with
reserve at the session.
He thought that I could carry out the Sinai-El Arish-Cyprus plan
only with the aid of Lord Rothschild. The Rothschilds would have
to become my agents in this country (England). They were highly
respected here, where there was no anti-Semitism.
We must not expect any money from the British government for
the project colony. The funds for it would have to be supplied
by the Jews.
I didn’t go into details regarding the possible constitution of
the Jewish colony. I merely said that it ought to be made attrac
tive* so that not only beggars would come there.
I believe Lord James liked the matter better than he cared to
show me.
At noon today I shall be at Lord R.’s again.
July 10, London

After we had had lunch yesterday, I went into a private room
with Lord Rothschild—to the astonishment of the bank clerks
who will now probably discover, one and all, their Zionist hearts.
I pledged him to secrecy and then showed him Eulenburg’s
letter from Rominten, as well as that of the Grand Duke written
in 1898.
“I am doing this, Milord, so that you may see how much of an
injustice people have done me. Secondly, so that you may tell the
British government: It’s all right to deal with this man, he doesn’t
compromise his friend.”
After that I explained to him the plan for a Jewish Company*
for Sinai, Egyptian Palestine, and Cyprus. Lord James, I told him,
had said that the matter depended on his (R.’s) cooperation.
“Call together the leading figures in the City, organize the
Jewish Company* and you will be rendering a patriotic service to
England. But above all no philanthropy—it must be business.*
"Put that in writingl” he said. “I shall discuss it with Chamber-
lain on Friday. But under no circumstances do I want to make
a big experiment. Just a small one, 25,000 settlers at the most.”
I said:
"I shall do it on a big scale or not at all.”
Bref [in short], after various exchanges we agreed that I should
make a memorandum for him.
* * *
Letter to Lord R.:

Dear Lord Rothschild:
Yesterday the gentleman down there again urgently telegraphed
for me. I had to answer him that I shall leave for there the day after
tomorrow, Saturday.
I have only hours left in London. It is uncertain when I can
return, for there is the plague down there and I shall probably
get detained by the quarantine. A conference with Chamberlain
—even if only for half an hour—seems to me of the highest value.
He can even receive me in his slippers. Tell him that it could, in
any case, be of value to England if he sees me before my departure,
because I am persona gratissima [a most acceptable person] and
can bring up directly whatever I want, including English interests.
If you let him know this today, he will give me an appointment
for tomorrow. Naturally it would be grand if you were present.
As for the promised plan for the creation of a Jewish colony,
I shall prepare it today. It will be short and clear. The political
part, for Chamberlain, in English; the financial aspects of its im
plementation, for you, in German. You will receive both docu
ments tomorrow morning.
I am, My Lord,
Yours very faithfully,

Herzl.
July 10
Yesterday I saw the Ambassador, Costaki Anthopulos Pasha,
who read me the stupid state telegram. I am pasting it on the next
page.
I had him wire that I am leaving on Saturday.
Oral communication from Costaki Anthopulos Pasha on July 9
in London:*
H.M. the S. says that Dr. H. has expressed the desire to render
loyal and faithful services in regard to the consolidation of the
debt. You are instructed to see him at once and to remind him—
since divulging the matter could be harmful to the Imp. govt —
that in this affair the most absolute discretion is required. If he is
sure that he can make arrangements for the consolidation of the
debt that are more advantageous to the Imp. govt, than those
proposed by M. Rouvier—since in continuing a correspondence
time would have been lost and the aim would not have been under
stood the way it needs to be—and on the condition that these
communications would not involve any obligations to the govt., if
he were sure that he could come to an understanding with one of
the Israelite banks, and without revealing the purpose of his trip
to Constantinople, you are instructed to tell him that if he rendered
services to increase the benefits to the Ministry of Finance and that
the efforts made by him met with Imperial satisfaction—you will
tell him that in accordance with the Imp. govt.’s old tradition
concerning the good of its subjects, it is obvious that H.M. the S.
will also give the Israelites proofs of sympathy and protection. By
Imp. orders you are instructed to communicate the preceding to
Dr. H., and we await your reply as soon as possible.
July 12, London

I wasn’t able to complete the letter and the Jewish Company
plan for Lord Rothschild yesterday, because Costaki Anthopulos
Pasha, the Turkish Ambassador, came to see me, took a lot of my
time, and read to me the wire pasted in here: *
It does not appear from your report that Mr. H. has reached an
understanding with the banks and that he has laid any ground
work. Since the govt, has just made a decision to consolidate the
debt with a bond issue of 32 mill, and since it is logical that the
govt, will not change this decision as long as it is not assured of a
more advantageous arrangement, in this case there is no reason for
Mr. H. to come to Constantinople. For this same reason he had
been told to return from Paris (?) to London, and at that time he
was notified of this arrangement.
It at this time Mr. H. can give assurances of an advantageous,
solid, strong, and definitive arrangement, with a bond issue of 30
mill., he is invited to submit it without delay.
# # #
That’s the way His Imperial Majesty the Caliph is; may Allah
keep him for us in any case, because he is a friend of the Jews
and a friend of mine.
When I wanted to know in advance what it was all about, he
ordered me to take the trip. When I was ready to go, he cancelled
the order and told me about it.
Costaki Anthopulos had sent his agent Sherian Effendi to my
hotel to tell me to come to the Embassy, because he was leaving
for Bath at 11 o’clock. I immediately saw an opportunity to force
him to come to me, and sent him word that I couldn’t come before
noon. An ambassador doesn’t like to miss the week-end train to
Bath.
So he came.
I put on a serious face and told him the story of my three-mil-
lion deposit which I had had to withdraw again. My friends
wouldn’t want to expose themselves to another occurrence of a
similar nature.
Also, there was general talk that the deal with Rouvier had been
completed. A man might appear as an indelicate competitor if in
such a case he came with a lower offer—which might again be
used only to obtain more favorable conditions.
Nevertheless, I would do my utmost. I would give him my an
swer on T uesday.
He was highly pleased at my not giving him a long wire to
send—he himself, evidently because of his trip to Bath, suggested
Tuesday to me as the jour de réponse [day for an answer]—and
left for Bath.
* * *
Then I finished the letter and the plan for Rothschild, but my
wise and good friends Greenberg and Cowen voiced misgivings,
so that I am not sending Rothschild the letter I had drafted first
(I am including it here for future memoirs), but am writing an
other one.
During the day Rothschild had sent me the following letter.
[Not pasted in here].
In the evening I sent him this reply:

Today the Turkish Ambassador paid me such a long visit that
I didn’t get a chance to work out the plan I had promised you.
However, this interruption also had the advantage that I don’t
have to leave tomorrow and shall probably stay here until Wednes
day.
I shall send you the document tomorrow afternoon.

Herzl.
* * *
Financial draft for Rothschild:

The Jewish (Eastern) Company, Lim ited*
Lord Rothschild convenes 5 or 6 financiers, whom he plans to
take on the Board, for a conference.
The land concessions to be granted by the English government
as well as the influx of working people promise a quite respectable
profit.
The working capital is at present ten million pounds, 10 to
20% of it on deposit. Money will be called in only au fur et à
mesure [in proportion to] the actual need.
The shares are not to be kept by the syndicate, but placed.
The calculation should not depend on the category of those
who will take shares for the sake of the good cause. There will be
such people, of course. But there will be more of the second cat
egory, those who will place their financial confidence in a Com
panyheaded by Lord Rothschild.
Most numerous of all will be the third category, those im
migrants who are not impecunious.
Everybody appreciates the fact that land is made valuable by
settlers.
The immigration will be directed and organized according to
plan.
The organization will be carried out according to uniform
directions by the Local Groups at the places of origin.
In this way control of the immigration will be kept in hand and
will be regulated year by year, even week by week, on the basis of
the existing conditions. One can start as small as one likes—but
need not publicly announce the moment at which one becomes
bigger. This is because of Russia and perhaps other Powers as well
who would otherwise bother us.
* # *
The political draft for Chamberlain (in Greenberg’s trans

lation) is as follows:
[Missing].
* * •
Letter to Rothschild:
Private and confidential.*
July 12,1902
Please find enclosed the general outlines of the plan (the po
litical aspects in English, the financial part in German) for the
settlement of the destitute Jews on the Sinai Peninsula, in Egyptian
Palestine, and on Cyprus.
To obviate any misunderstanding, now or in the future, may
I point out that I have drawn up this plan for you because you
declared yourself opposed to Palestine. You are the greatest
effective force that our people has had since its dispersion, and 1
consider myself in duty bound to place my humble advice at your
disposal, provided you want to do something effective for our
unfortunates at all. I must not be a stickler for principles and
reject any immediate help for the poorest of our poor, no matter
what form it may take. More than that: I must give my advice to
the best of my knowledge.
In addition to this human interest, I have a political motive
in this as well. A great Jewish settlement east of the Mediterranean
will strengthen our prospects for Palestine. The Jews in the
English colony of the Jewish Eastern Company will be as loyal
Zionists as Hirsch’s remote colonists in Argentina.
Whether I can personally assist in the execution of the project,
i.e., whether I can make our Zionist organizations available for it,
depends upon the decision of my party. I would call a confidential
conference of the committee members from all countries and sub
mit the question to them.
In addition, however, I have a second plan for you, which can
be carried out simultaneously with the first one, but also separately,
This plan is quite secret.
It refers to Mesopotamia.
I told you that the Sultan has offered me settlement in Meso
potamia. (In February of this year, when I went to Constanti
nople at his invitation.) I declined the offer, because it excluded
Palestine. I can get back to it tomorrow, since my relations have
remained excellent.
In return we would handle certain financial affairs for him.
This job is being solicited by someone whose name I can give you
orally. The Sultan would prefer to hand it over to me, because
he knows that I personally am not pursuing any financial advan
tage. Naturally he also wants somewhat more favorable terms. But
even if he were granted more favorable terms, about two million
pounds could be made on the deal.
This profit would go to the Jewish Company, so that it would
start its life with a certain profit of two million pounds. I believe
that this would facilitate the realization of the plan.
I don’t know whether you are sufficiently informed about me,
but I believe that I ought to emphasize clearly that in this scheme,
too, I have no financial interest whatsoever. I am not a financial
agent, and my only desire at most would be that the Jewish Na
tional Fund be assigned an appropriate amount if this profitable
transaction is carried through. I am not making a condicio sine qua
non [an indispensable condition] out of it.
I would prefer the first plan, because in Mesopotamia there are
fewer political assurances for the future. Only if the Jewish colony
cannot be established in the British possessions,* because the Eng
lish government refuses or there is no willingness on the part of
the financiers, will I give you this second plan.
I shall give you the financial details of the Mesopotamian plan
in person, if you wish. Preferably tomorrow, Sunday; and I am
prepared to come out to the country or anywhere else to see you.
I am at your disposal on Monday, too. I hope that I can finally
depart on Tuesday or Wednesday.
Herzl.
July 15, London

No answer from Rothschild. Yesterday came an ultimatum from
the Sultan: I must submit the detailed proposal by this morning
(evidently a chess move of the Rouvier people).
I answered through Costaki Anthopulos: We are ready in prin
ciple to open discussions on the transaction, but things couldn’t
be done that fast.
# # *
In the meantime, other schemes: I will try to get to Rosebery
through Lord Battersea, and through the former to the English
government; in the interest of regaining its influence in the Orient,
the government should induce the English Jews to collaborate
with me. P.S. Lady Battersea wrote to Lord Rosebery, who regret
ted immensely* but he had to leave town.
Copy of the “ultimatum,” a photostat of which I am depositing
in my safe-deposit box at the Trust.
Confidential.*
Teleg. of the 12th (resumé):**
His reply can only be waited for until Tuesday morning at the
latest. For we cannot postpone the course we have decided upon
any longer than that. Besides, it is obvious that nothing can be
done in this important financial matter without the assistance of
the Israelite banks.
Therefore a definitive reply, containing all the necessary details,
is expected without fail. No communication can be accepted until
T uesday morning.
* * *
Thereupon I wrote down the following at the ambassador’s

place and read it to him.**
Mr. Herzl tells me:
Despite the incident of the deposit which took place last Spring
I have succeeded in making my friends favorably inclined. I per
mit myself to recall the facts. Following my return from Constanti-
nople and upon semi-official advice, I had a deposit of 3 million
francs made in three banks in Paris, London, and Berlin, to serve
as security for important proposals. But as soon as I had produced
these letters of credit before H. Exc. Mahmud Nedim Bey at
Vienna, I received orders to withdraw these deposits. My friends
were mildly offended by this incident. Nevertheless, I have been
able to convince them now, and they are ready in principle to go
into the proposed question. However, as forgiving all the necessary
details by tomorrow morning, that is an impossibility. A matter of
this importance cannot be slapped together in a few hours.
I permit myself to observe that on Wednesday the 9th of July
H. Exc. Costaki Anthopulos Pasha again communicated to me the
Imperial order to leave for Constantinople without informing any
body of the reason for my departure. I was going to leave on Satur
day. Only on Friday the 18th of July* did I receive Imperial
orders not to leave and to sound out my friends.
Under these conditions it is impossible properly to carry out an
operation for which M. Rouvier had more months than I have
days.
H.Imp.M. will recognize my devotion just the same.
I have now given all the necessary instructions to my friends. On
Wednesday I shall leave for Alt-Aussee, Austria. H. Exc. Mahmud
Nedim can easily send me H.Imp.M.’s orders, either by an embassy
employee or by my confidential representative in Vienna whom
H.Exc. knows. I could, moreover, continue negotiations with my
London friends by coded telegram.
July 16
Yesterday there came a letter from Rothschild which is not with
out interest. He says that there is not enough money to do the
thing on a big scale. The matter requires previous study, anyway.
He intends to look more closely into the Sinai project, etc. Rub
bish.
# # #
•Translator's Note: Apparently a slip; it was the 12th (cf. p. 1298).
In the evening I went to see the German baron Eckartstein,
Embassy Councillor, former chargé d’affaires during Hatzfeld’s
illness. A magnificent human specimen of giant dimensions, a
Newfoundland breed with the most devoted eyes. He has big ideas
for the future and the most beautiful wife I have ever seen. Née
Maple (fille de tapissier [an upholsterer’s daughter]).
Talked with Eckartstein on his balcony garden in Grosvenor
Square late into the night, about world politics, the Orient, and
Germany.
He wants to form a great party against landed proprietors and
revolutionaries. I recommended land reform and cooperative
societies to him.
July 16, London

Costaki Anthopulos summoned me today. He had a wire saying
that the matter had gone back to the Porte (apparently approved by
Yildiz).
Sire:
I have the honor to confirm the telegram that I asked His Exc.
Costaki Anthopulos Pasha to transmit to Y.I.M. Since I had only
a few days at my disposal and had only received on Friday last,
July 11, authorization to speak to my friends about this matter,
this is the earliest I have been able to complete my arrangements,
the results of which I am presenting.
It is possible to make a saving of two million pounds in issuing
the bonds. His Majesty has only to declare to the group currently
managing the matter his formal and absolute resolution only to
agree to the consolidation for an expenditure of 30 millions instead
of 32 millions, and that without any change in the other conditions.
The group has gone too far to be able to withdraw. According
to my information, the group, having already acquired a certain
amount of bonds, finds itself in a greater need to bring the matter
to a conclusion than the Impi govt. does. The Imp. govt, is not
getting very good terms, and the advantages are entirely on the
side of the financiers and the foreign powers. Under these con
ditions the govt, loses nothing by putting off an arrangement that
is not advantageous.
The group, having a number of bonds on its hands, must now
accept what is offered it.
That for reasons easy to see. The group’s principal profit must
consist in the difference between the Exchange prices.
If the proposed plan goes awry, perhaps they would lose a great
deal. That is the advantage from which I should be happy to make
Y.I.M. profit.
There are two possible outcomes.
1) The group will have to accept the loss of two millions of debts
so as not to lose other benefits.
2) The group will withdraw from the affair. Then Y.I.M.’s govt,
will have avoided getting bad terms. After a period of time another
group formed by my friends will present itself to reopen the
matter.
It would be of no help and even harmful to let the current group
know that there is another plan in the works, because then, know
ing there would be a demand for the bonds already in their posses
sion, they would not give up.
If H.M. simply says: either you make the consolidation with
30 mill, of debts, or I will not proceed with such an undertaking
at all—then they will have to give up.
But if H.M. says to them: I have another arrangement, then they
will wait to sell their acquired bonds more dearly.
I hope H.M. in his lofty wisdom will perceive with what com
plete disinterest I am serving his interests.
If the current group yields to the conditions indicated above,
I would have the satisfaction of having given good advice.
If they withdraw, so much the better for Y.I.M.'s interests, and
the project will be carried out by sincerely devoted friends. But it
will be necessary to let several weeks go by before they present
themselves.
It seems to me superfluous to give here the details of our pro
posais which have as their basis the payment of only 30 millions of
debts. For if the other proposal is accepted, then ours is no longer
of any interest. And if Y.I.M. does me the honor of following my
advice, the complete plan will be submitted directly and by word
of mouth to Y.I.M. within a few weeks.
I am leaving here tomorrow morning for Alt-Aussee in Styria
(Austria). Telegraphic communications can be sent me through
Mahmud Nedim Bey who will turn them over to my confidential
agent in Vienna. Letters can be addressed to me directly by post.
I remain Y.I.M.’s most humble and obedient servant
Dr.Th.H.
July 17, on the train, between Calais and Paris

Private and confidential. *
Dated July 21, Alt-Aussee
In the rush of my departure I didn’t answer your letter of the
15th inst. in London, because you say yourself that my colonization
proposal requires prolonged study.
That is quite all right with me. It was also my thought that
a settlement can be started only in early Spring—February or
March—at the time of Summer planting, because that is the
shortest period until the first harvest. The land would of course
have to be secured in the Autumn, and the Winter would have to
be used for preparations, the details of which I worked out long
ago.
I would be so glad if I didn’t have to take your reply as a refusal.
Who can help our poor people if not you?
You are a fine man—today, having got to know you, I am con
vinced of it. Be a great man, too.
The campaign will contain a guarantee of success only if it is
carried on with sufficient resources and is made capable of ex
pansion.
For a penny tube* from Piccadilly to Comhill one easily figures
on 16 mill, pounds. Combines of 10 mill, pounds for some indus
trial enterprise are nothing fabulous in this American era.
And should a Land Company which will finally remove the tor
menting Jewish Question from the face of the earth be unable to
raise that much money under Lord Rothschild’s guidance?
I do know what the confusing thing about it is: the proposal
seems to have too philanthropic a character for people to be able
to tackle it and present it in a business way.
But this would be precisely the accomplishment for which you
could acquire everlasting credit for yourself.
As I understand you, Milord, you wouldn’t make much of a fuss
if you were expected to donate 10 or 20,000 pds. for some big aid
campaign. I have been told that you give away over 100,000 pds.
annually.
But here you are to give no money at all, not a penny—you are
only asked to lend your authority, your influence, your power to an
enterprise that is likely to yield you a profit.
Do you think so little of the prestige of your house that you
consider raising 10 mill. pds. among the Jews all over the world as
doubtful for even a minute, if you place yourself at the head of
the project?
Your cousins in Paris could no longer carry on such a campaign
today. They are being governed indirectly by Mr. Drumont, and
woe to them if they don’t show themselves as French patriots in
dealing with the financial embarrassments of the Russian govern
ment, which makes pariahs of our people.
Your situation, Milord, is quite different—today, at any rate,
before anti-Semitism has prevailed in England.
Today you still have elbow room. In fact, you may claim high
credit from your government if you strengthen English influence
east of the Mediterranean by a great colonization of our people
at a nodal point of Egyptian and Indo-Persian interests.
How long do you suppose that the benefits to be reaped there
will remain unnoticed, anyway? Then we Jews, we sharp but
always hoodwinked Jews, will again be left holding the bag. The
thing can be done; quickly and on a large scale, through the Land
and Trade Company whose outline I have sketched for you.
Hirsch’s enterprise was a game, a show, and not expanded. A com
monwealth does not consist only of agriculture. T hat part of these
millions which has not yet been squandered by mismanagement
will necessarily have to go toward an all-encompassing settlement.
But I wouldn’t want a calculation to be based on this, any more
than on other “philanthropists.”
The land company can succeed only if it is based not on rach-
mones [pity], but on economic interests. Perhaps I shall manage
to obtain financially valuable concessions. Then you will hear
from me again.
Tomorrow morning I am going to Constantinople. I don’t know
yet how long I shall stay there. Should you have any message for
me, please use the good offices of Mr. Greenberg, 80 Chancery
Lane, who always has my address.

Herzl.
July 21, Alt-Aussee

Stormy exchange of telegrams during the last two days.
The Sultan wants me urgently.
I am leaving for there with Wolffsohn tomorrow.
Vederemo [We shall see]!
Book Twelve
Begun on July 25, 1902
in Constantinople
July 25, Therapia
Again there have been two days of quaking and shaking, the
twilight existence of modern gypsydom in the Grand Express,
sleeping, daydreaming, eating—and countries flying past.
Constantinople is the way it was.
Dirt, dust, noise, red fezzes, blue waters; and the square white
tree guards on the road up to Yildiz have elegant cut-out crescents.
The baksheesh snatchers at the Yildiz entrance already greet me
with a familiar grin. They know the golden rain of my exit.
Cultivated friendship with Ibrahim. The last time he had told
me about his son’s death. This time, alas, I told him about the
death of my father.
Again the unnerving waiting period; then I again had the Sultan
reminded of my presence.
Shortly after that there appeared, with a friendly air—Tahsin.
He told Ibrahim, who reproduced it for me, that I was the guest
of the Sultan and had a court equipage at my disposal.
Then he asked me for a memorandum of my propositions. I
pleaded exhaustion from my trip, but— la volonté du maître [the
Master’s wish]! Tahsin made a doubtful face and left to report it.
Meanwhile I did sit down, moaning and groaning, and started
in with a muzzy head. But I felt relieved when Tahsin returned
and brought word that I could write the memorandum at T he
rapia. A servant would come for it. So I went by steamer from
Beshiktash as far as Yenikôi, then by carriage here to Therapia,
arrived at half past eight, sat down with a stuffy head, and sat up
till 11:30 at night making two copies (a first draft and a clean
copy) of the memorandum which I am pasting in below.
Then Ibrahim’s servant left with it. If Ibrahim worked hard,
he finished the translation during the night. The Sultan may be
reading it this very moment. If it meets with his approval, perhaps
he will receive me after the selamlik.
Anyway, the Bosporus is blue!
* * *
ISIS
Sire:*
I have the honor to submit the following considerations to
Y.I.M.
First a word on the political aspect of the Rouvier plan. M.
Rouvier’s current position as Minister of Finance does not make
the situation more difficult, but actually makes it easier.
If his proposal is not accepted by Y.I.M., the French ministry
cannot be unpleasant to the Ottoman govt., because the opponents
of the French cabinet would have every opportunity to declare that
the Republic has to serve the interests of a financial group. On the
other hand, if the Rouvier plan is adopted, M.R. would have to be
careful not to be politically obliging to Turkey, because he would
be attacked on the grounds that he had been won over by financial
considerations.
Besides, in my humble opinion, there is no hurry about making
a decision one way or the other.
At this moment the situation is such that M. Rouvier’s group
must wish, much more than the Imp. govt., for the matter to be
brought to a conclusion. The longer the group waits, the easier
it will be to deal with.
In fact, the group is already in possession of a rather large part
of the debt to be consolidated. If the plan is rejected, the group
will suffer, by the certain drop in price, a loss that will probably
cause it to ponder before withdrawing.
No danger, then, from this direction, and even if Y.I.M. should
not believe it necessary to adopt our proposals, the temporary re
jection of the Rouvier plan could only have advantageous con
sequences. The conditions would become easier. But only in case
it is kept an absolute secret that another plan exists.
If the Rouvier group learns that there are others willing to carry
out the consolidation, it will be uncompromising, because the
bonds that the Rouvier group already has will be needed.
The first condition of a new arrangement is, then, the pure and
simple rejection of the Rouvier scheme.
After that Y.I.M. will be able to come to new terms either with
the Rouvier group now become less demanding, or with my friends
who will not come forward until the rejection of the Rouvier plan.
This, first, out of consideration for financiers’ ethics, because they
believe they should not make official proposals as long as the Imp.
govt, is in the midst of negotiations so far along, if not almost con
cluded, with another group; second, for considerations of pru
dence. If it is known here and now that my friends are to take over
the matter, the prices will be raised to such an extent that not only
my friends’ enterprise but any other attempt at consolidation will
become impossible for a very long time.
But if Y.I.M. declared that he had given up any idea of con
solidating the Debt because the advantages for the Empire are
not sufficiently evident (which is the truth), then the ground will
be cleared before long, the prices will fall, and we shall be able to
go ahead with a chance of success.
My friends are ready to carry out the consolidation along the
general lines of the Rouvier plan, which in the future gives the
Imperial govt, a certain latitude for increasing the revenues from
the Debt in its own interest. My friends would perform this opera
tion on the basis of an expenditure of 30 millions of new obliga
tions. That is to say, if consolidation required—once the Rouvier
plan is known and expected by the public—more than 30 millions
and up to 32 millions of new obligations, my friends would pro
vide the Imp. govt, with ready money at a discount of 80 per cent
for the issuance of new bonds in excess of 30 millions.
In exchange, the Imp. govt, would grant us a charter or con
cession for Jewish colonization in Mesopotamia, as Y.I.M. deigned
to offer me last February, adding the territory of Haifa and its
environs in Palestine.
If Y.I.M. does not yet deem it proper to accept my views on the
usefulness of Jewish colonization to the Empire, I am nevertheless
at his disposal as a devoted and completely disinterested servant.
Under the existing conditions there is a very advantageous trans
action to be made.
Y.I.M.’s privy purse can buy at a low price a certain number of
bonds which will go on the market as soon as the Rouvier plan
has been disposed of.
This stock can later (and at a much higher price) go toward the
consolidation which will necessarily take place some day. I pledge
myself to see that this operation is carried out with absolute dis
cretion and as advantageously as possible.
It is true that the consolidation itself is only a step in the im
provement of the finances. The operation will be slow and com
plicated in whatever manner it is performed. Its results will not be
immediate. The new revenues will consist only of an increase in
the taxpayers’ burden. If I may be permitted to express my humble
opinion, I would judge it more useful to establish at once new
sources of revenue, to let the consolidation project drag along for
some time yet, to let it be neglected in order to accomplish it with
greater profit later, and above all to go ahead with the establish
ment of new sources of revenue.
These sources of revenue would be, among other things, the
exploitation of the mines, the forests, and perhaps of electric
power. My friends are disposed to undertake the task and to serve
Y.I.M. faithfully.
With the country enriched by industries, the strengthened tax
payers will then be able to bear more easily the increase of taxes,
which will come only after the Debt is consolidated.
I beg Y.I.M. to forgive the hasty form of these observations
which I have jotted down while still a little tired from my trip.
I still hope to be able to talk with Y.I.M. personally about my ideas,
which are those of a sincere friend of this beautiful country which
can become a rich and prosperous one.
I have the honor to be Y.I.M.’s most humble and obedient serv
ant.
July 26, between Therapia and Yildiz

Aboard my mouche [river steamer].
Yesterday, Friday, was once again a typical, familiar, hot, dreary,
dull, demoralizing day of waiting in Ibrahim’s office.
I arrived at Yildiz at noon, before the selamlik, after a ride in
the court carriage on the dustiest, most neglected road [Hoffahrt
muss leiden].*
The Sultan saw me as I rode past, and the foreign diplomats also
gave me suspicious, curious, and venomous looks. The German
chargé d’affaires in particular, Wangenheim, watched me ven
omously and peevishly.
Ibrahim told me later that the German dragoman had asked him
whether the banker Herzl would be received by the Sultan today.
Ibrahim said correctly that he didn’t know any banker by that
name, but only a writer.
Tahsin came from time to time and brought Ibrahim minor
messages for me from the Sultan. After lunch I was excused for
four hours, because the Sultan thought he needed that much
time to study my memorandum. But I was supposed to keep my
self at the Sultan’s disposal from 6 o’clock on at the Pera Palace,
not at Therapia.
So I looked for Wolffsohn at the quay, found him and the
steamer, and went to Therapia to fetch my night things. But dur
ing the hour-and-a-half of my Bosporus trip, the Sultan had called
me again. At Therapia I already found a telegram asking me to re
turn to the palace immediately.
This I did, provided with luggage for a possible overnight stay
at Pera.
When I arrived at Yildiz at a quarter past six, I was introduced
to aged Karatheodory Pasha (Alexander), called the great
Karatheodory, the co-author of the Berlin treaty. He has
instructions from the Sultan to translate my strictly confidential
memorandum. I had sent it to Ibrahim in an unsealed envelope
the night before. Ibrahim told me very shrewdly that he hadn't
even read it so he could tell everyone that he hadn’t read it. I don’t
believe that.
Poor old Karatheodory sweated audibly until 12:15 a.m. over
* Translator’s Note: Literally, "one has to suffer on a trip to the œ urt.” H enl
may have intended a play on the word Hoffart which means "arrogance.” In that
case, the meaning would be similar to the proverb "Pride cometh before a fall.”
the translation which I had to co-sign and put in an envelope
addressed to the Sultan and bearing my seal. At 12:15 Tahsin was
called, and I turned the envelope over to him. I was given an ap
pointment for this morning.
Then we went to Therapia by steamer through a wonderful
moon-lit night.
I was too worn out to enjoy this trip.
# # *
In the afternoon Izzet joined me in Ibrahim ’s office for a mo

ment. I squeezed his hand.
July 27, Therapia

Addendum.
When we were on our way to Yildiz two days ago, Friday evening,
we met the carriages of all the Ministers, with the Ministers in
them, going down the hill.
Later I found out that a Cabinet meeting had been called to
receive my proposition. But since Karatheodory hadn’t finished
his translation, they had to leave again after waiting for some time.
* * *
Yesterday an idle day.

I was at Ibrahim’s office punctually at 10 o’clock, but he and
Karatheodory were late.
Time is not money here.
Karatheodory, whom I had taken for an old buffoon on the day
before, opened his eyes during the conversation when I got him to
talk about Bismarck and Disraeli. He is really a great fellow, this
grand Karatheodory.
He said some really terrific things. E.g., he described Bismarck
as a brutal man, but a grand charmeur [great charmer]. Bismarck
had completely dominated the Berlin Congress, but he had had
his favorites, e.g., Karatheodory himself, whom he had once handed
a bouquet of roses at the conference table.
“A tout propos il savait des anecdotes. T out lui était arrivé [He
had anecdotes for any occasion. Everything had happened to
him].”
I consider this “tout lui était arrivé” a masterful character sketch
in four words.
Then we spoke about England, about the last war in South
Africa, from which Greater England had emerged strengthened,
because it had brought out the national unity of the colonies. This
was my opinion—to be sure, there were Englishmen who main
tained the contrary.
At this Alexander Pasha said:
“Il y a toujours des Anglais qui disent le contraire [There are
always Englishmen who maintain the contrary].”
Also very neat.
* * *
I had originally concluded from the patent-leather boots in

which Karatheodory had appeared that we would go to the Sultan
—he as interpreter in place of Ibrahim whom the Sultan has evi
dently relieved of the assignment.
But the lunch hour came round, we went to eat, and rose from
the table again.
Nothing came.
Not until after lunch did Tahsin come with a message. The
Sultan had wished to consult with the Grand Vizier about my
memorandum. But the Grand Vizier had a cold as well as an ab
scessed tooth. I could withdraw, I was not likely to be called before
tomorrow (this) evening.
* * #
I believe that during this waiting period my offer is being used

to exact more favorable conditions from Rouvier.
It would be very unwise and inept if the Grand Vizier did this.
For as long as he owns a lot of titres [bonds], Rouvier need not be
afraid of another consolidation. On the contrary, he could then
sit back and watch it. But the whole consolidation will be jeop
ardized by the appearance of competition.
* * *
In the meantime, I feel that I am being observed from all sides.

A financially rehabilitated Turkey will be of no use to the
Powers.
Hence I am convinced that all sorts of steps are now being taken
against me in the darkness of diplomatic intrigues.
What?
July 28,Therapia
I shall give a report later on yesterday, a wondrous day, like
everything else.
Letter to the Sultan : *
Sire:
I have the honor to submit to Y.I.M. the report of the conversa
tion that I had yesterday with His Highness the Grand Vizier.
I explained our proposals fully to His Highness. First, I re
called the fact that it was only on July 11 that I received from His
Excellency the ambassador at London notification of the con
ditions desired by Y.I.M. The invitation to come to Constanti
nople, which I had received the preceding week, was accompanied
by instructions not to speak to anyone about the purpose of my
trip. Between July 11 and 15, that is to say, in four days, I was to
give a precise answer to the question whether it was possible to
carry out the operation on a basis of 30 millions of new bonds. 1
replied in the affirmative on July 16. There was not time to work
out a new plan, which, besides, would probably have taken weeks
for the Imp. govt, to study.
Under these conditions we simply took the Rouvier plan, thus
keeping the advantages that the Imp. govt, sees in it, and we topped
it by offering to pay for the new obligations in excess of 30 million
pounds up to 32 millions at the rate of 80 percent. Thus Y.I.M.'s
wish was carried out, and the burden of debt which would devolve
upon the Imp. govt, in place of the existing debt would in effect be
no more than 30 millions even if a nominal issue of 32 millions be
came necessary. For the surplus of obligations required to buy up
the old bonds could not be considered a debt, being balanced by a
payment in the process of issuance.
We asked in return for a charter or concession for a coloniza
tion company in Mesopotamia and in a small part of Palestine.
This company would naturally pay a fee which could be calculated
according to families of colonists.
His Highness asked me if these colonists would accept Ottoman
citizenship and military service.
I replied in the affirmative.
His Highness then asked me if the two operations—consolida
tion of the Debt and colonization—could not be separated, since
basically they have no apparent connection.
I conceded the fairness of this remark.
But I added that in such a short time it was impossible to work
out other worthwhile plans and I had to take the one I was certain
of being able to carry out at once, having obtained my friends’
consent.
His Highness asked of whom the syndicate was composed.
I replied in accordance with my respectful letter of July 24 to
Y.I.M. that for the moment it is a question of financial ethics. My
friends cannot officially make themselves known because the
Rouvier plan is almost completed, an existing mazbata [decree].
His Highness had the goodness to recognize that in these circum
stances respectable financiers cannot act otherwise.
After this I permitted myself a few words about our request for
a charter for colonization. If it is a compensation for our effort, it
is surely not a burdensome one. For the element of population that
we wish to introduce into Y.I.M.’s Empire is not to be feared; it
is neither dangerous nor troublesome. It is a sober, industrious,
loyal element, bound to the Moslems by racial kinship and re
ligious affinity. One of Y.I.M.’s glorious ancestors invited the un-
fortunate Jews into his dominions at the time of the persecutions
in the fifteenth century. They came in great numbers. Have the
Sultans of Turkey ever had cause to complain of their Jewish sub
jects?
I added that if, for example, on the occasion of his next birthday
Y.I.M. should deign to make a declaration in favor of the Jewish
people, in our days of the telegraph and rapid communication that
would have an almost instantaneous repercussion throughout the
entire world. It would be the great signal to attract intelligence,
capital, industry, and enterprises of every kind, and it would be not
only the territory of Mesopotamia and Haifa with its little bit of
hinterland that would profit by it, but the whole Ottoman Empire.
On my return to Yildiz Kiosk, H.E. Aarif Bey reported to me
that Y.I.M. did not want a concentration of immigrants in any one
part of the territory. I will not be so bold as to insist, but to my
mind colonization need not take the form of unhealthy concentra
tion. If a large company with sufficient capital manages the colo
nization, it could reach an agreement with the government on the
areas to be colonized, and the establishment of the colonists could
be systematically controlled and guided, following a previously
determined plan.
Y.I.M. will decide in His lofty wisdom.
It is perhaps a matter of confidence, and Y.I.M. may wish to en
large his knowledge of my devotion and financial integrity of my
friends. We are at your disposal even if we do not, for the moment,
reach an agreement on the proposed matter.
First, to prove that my devotion is not an empty word, I am
at Y.I.M.’s orders to help him with my humble ability in the con
solidation project. I am convinced that greater advantages for the
Imperial Treasury could be obtained even from M. Rouvier’s
group. But it would be necessary to go about it very adroitly and,
above all, to assure the most absolute secrecy for the decisions
finally arrived at by Y.I.M. It would succeed only if the secrecy
were complete.
My presence in Constantinople has not gone unnoticed, and
some advantages can be gained even from this fact. But if I may
respectfully offer a piece of advice, it would be to do nothing and
especially not to let anything leak out before I have the honor of
being received in a private audience by Y.I.M. The last time I did
not have this signal honor, but I hope not to be deprived of it this
time.
I should be happy if I could be of use to Y.I.M. in any way what
ever and thus show myself worthy of the kindness that Y.I.M.
has shown me.
My services are equally at your disposal for any other aspect
of the country’s financial reorganization.
I have the honor to be Y.I.M.’s most humble and obedient serv
ant,
D r.T h.H .
July 28,1902
July 29, aboard the little “Konstantinos”

Yesterday, with its idle excitements, did not permit me to enter
the events of Sunday.
On Sunday afternoon (two days ago) I received a telegram from
Ibrahim saying that I should come to the Palace at once.
I changed my clothes and went to Beshiktash on our hired yacht.
At the palace, Ibrahim, Tahsin, and Aarif Bey, the Sultan’s
chamberlain, were already waiting for me. The Sultan had given
orders that I be taken to the Grand Vizier. Ibrahim and Aarif were
to accompany me.
To the great astonishment of the baksheesh caryatids at the
Yildiz entrance I appeared flanked by these two gros légumes
[big-shots] and followed by three discreet servants.
In the West this would probably have been taken for the cortège
[procession] of an execution.
To His Highness, Said Pasha!
I went ahead in Ibrahim’s carriage, the two gentlemen followed
behind me in a second carriage.
At the Grand Vizier’s there was more tedious, unnerving wait
ing.
First my two cavaliers disappeared into His Highness’s office.
After a very long while the door opened; a short, fattish, faded
old gentleman in a sick man’s dressing gown appeared and asked
me to come in.
That was Said Pasha.
He asked me for details of my memorandum that I had sub
mitted to the Sultan.
In my letter of yesterday addressed to the Sultan I have repro
duced in fairly accurate detail the substance of our conversation,
which was attended by Ibrahim and Aarif as silent seconds, their
hands respectfully folded over their bellies. It should be added only
that Said, who looks very intelligent and was very amiable, declared
my campaign to aid the Jews was something very humanitarian and
commendable. But particular note should be taken of the long
sideways glance at the two witnesses with which he accompanied
the question as to what persons the syndicate was composed of. For
this sidelong glance, that is, the ostensible cleverness expressed in
it, he is Grand Vizier.
For the rest, he finished by saying that he was pleased to have
made my acquaintance, and amidst salaams First Class with Oak
Leaves he dismissed me.
I had anticipated this conversation with roughly the same ex
pectations as the one with Chlodwig Hohenlohe four years ago at
Potsdam. His Highness Said Pasha, too, a fait son petit Hohenlohe
[pulled a little Hohenlohe]. Chilling despite all his amiability.
We drove back to Yildiz, again I in advance in Ibrahim’s carriage
and the two cavaliers bringing up the rear.
Aarif went to see the Sultan and brought me word that I should
give a report about my conference with the Grand Vizier. This is
the Sultan’s way of controlling the accuracy of what is submitted
to him. The system is undoubtedly clever, but it requires a brilliant
ruler. Governing in public, at any rate, means greater freedom
from care for the ruler.
I promised my report for yesterday morning, but didn’t finish
it until noon.
After the chilling amiability of the Grand Vizier (who is suffer
ing from a chill and an abscessed tooth) and Aarif’s even much
worse message, the night had brought me peace again. When I was
finishing my letter, I had the feeling of having made a good move
in the chess game.
In accordance with the Sultan’s wish, I put my letter in a sealed
envelope and sent it to the palace by Wellisch, while I stayed on
our mouche with Wolffsohn, on the blue waters before Beshiktash.
I at least wanted to spend those horrible hours of waiting in the
fresh air instead of Ibrahim’s office, the pattern of whose carpet I
already know by heart. I wanted to cruise outside Beshiktash for
an hour, then go to Pera and await the orders in the palace there.
During that hour nothing came; I went to Pera; but hardly had I
gulped down my lunch when Wellisch came rattling along and
called me into the palace.
However, I went to Galata and from there took the yacht to
Beshiktash.
In Yildiz, the capital of Wonderland, a surprise awaited me.
I was awaited by Ibrahim, Tahsin, and Aarif. The last-named
gave me back the letter which I had addressed to the Sultan, its seal
still unbroken. The Sultan, he said, wanted me to have the letter
translated by my own confidential agent and then send it to him
directly and sealed. The Sultan had named Wellisch for this; but
the latter declared he was incapable of doing it, because he could
not read or write Turkish.
I had to promise to turn in the translation by evening. But where
was I to get a trustworthy translator that fast? Nevertheless I prom
ised the somewhat embarrassed gentlemen to do my utmost. After
all, it was a vote of no confidence that the Master was giving them.
Then another astounding thing happened. Tahsin told me by
way of Ibrahim that the Sultan desired me to stop payment on the
checks I had sent him. I didn’t immediately understand what was
meant by this. He couldn’t possibly mean the £200 which I had
returned to him for charitable purposes. Did he mean the three
letters of credit of one million each? Yes, that’s what it was. He had
mistaken these for checks, that is, he had thought that I had sent
them in for purposes of bribery or pilfered them in some way.
Naturally I wrote out the desired declaration that I had cancelled
the three-million deposit again.
Then I went out in search of a reliable translator. Wellisch
hesitantly recommended to me a young trainee in the consular
service, Badi by name, a Sephardic Jew. Ibrahim had recommended
to Wellisch the Turkish ministry official Bachor Effendi. I des
patched Wellisch in a carriage to see Badi. Wolffsohn, whom I had
asked to wait in our mouche, had gone for a sail. Rather nervously
I stood on the dock of Beshiktash and looked for the mouche.
Finally I took a barque with two pirates in order to go in search of
my mouche. They rowed me almost up to the Leander tower, and
then I espied my mouche. In my black frock-coat and top hat 1
stood up straight in the barque, in the hottest blaze of the sun, and
made semaphor signals. But my Greek captain didn’t notice me
until he was back before Beshiktash.
Then I drove to the Golden Horn. In the streets of Pera we met
young Badi, a handsome, intelligent, ragged-looking young man.
Without telling him what I wanted of him I interrogated him—
among other things, as to whether he was religious. Then I would
have had him swear on a Bible that he would keep the secret. To
my regret, however, he was not religious. So I had to settle for his
word of honor. He made a good impression. I also took a look at his
brother’s little cotton-goods store, so as to get a picture of his
family. I trusted him and took him along to the Hotel Pera Palace.
And at that point it occurred to me that despite all the remarkable
experiences I am having here, something much more fabulous is
happening to this young man. His adventure is really out of the
Arabian Nights. For him I am the foreign magician whom he
meets unexpectedly and who brings him into contact with the
Caliph.
But this unsuspecting young man took it with Oriental calm
when at the Pera Palace I took his oath and pledge and let him in
on the secret.
Then I let him work, with Wolffsohn watching over him. At
about g o’clock I saw that he would not finish that night, and
telegraphed Ibrahim that I wouldn’t be coming.
It was midnight before Badi finished the translation of my letter,
the first one perhaps that will get into the Sultan’s hands un
adulterated.
Following Wolffsohn’s good advice I had the good youth trans
late his work back into French for me, and as he did so I noticed
that he was sacrificing accuracy to an elegant Turkish. T hat had
to be corrected, but could not be done that night.
We went to Therapia and got into thick fog until 2 a.m. T hat
was another fairy-tale, like so many of the things we encounter here,
but this time a sinister one.
These milky-white vapors that enveloped us prevented us even
from recognizing the near-by coast. The uncomfortable trip took
a very long time. Finally our yacht almost ploughed into the
English stationary vessel—and we were in Therapia.
July 30, on board the “Konstantinos”

Early yesterday morning I continued working with the Sephardi
Badi. I had him re-Frenchify his translation for me, and corrected
his Oriental stylistic beauties, insisting on preserving my uglier
clarity.
At the end, however, I had him append what might be the most
important sentence: namely, if the Sultan desired me to reorganize
his finances, I intended to start Turkish lessons immediately and
hoped that after three months I would reach the point of being able
to converse with him directly. That sentence I would not have en
trusted to his translators.
Then Badi transcribed a fair copy of his translation with the
utmost slowness.
It was late when he finished. I telegraphed my departure to
Ibrahim. When I got there, he was already sitting at table with
Aarif Bey and the Minister of the Civil List. They most amiably
made room for me. Good Ibrahim was aux petits soins [all atten
tion] to me.
After lunch I handed my letter to Aarif Bey.
He and Ibrahim informed me in this connection that my ex
planation regarding the three million did not suffice His Majesty.
The Sultan wished personally to tear up the “three checks in his
possession.” (?) Furthermore, I would have to make another writ
ten declaration that I had withdrawn the deposits, that no ont
could receive payment on them, and that I had no claim of any
kind on anyone on the basis of the title to these three millions.
I wrote out the desired declaration once more, and in the very
detailed wording that Ibrahim dictated to me.
Despite this, however, Aarif made a mistrustful face. He prob
ably assumed I had decided simply to forgo the three million.
When he left to go to the Sultan, Ibrahim gave him—only
nowl—my Philosophische Erzahlungen which I had asked to be
presented to the Sultan in a sumptuous Turkish binding as long
ago as last February.
When Aarif had gone, Ibrahim told me that the declaration 1
had written out would produce a good effect. “Elle servira d’armt
contre des adversaires [It will serve as ammunition against the
opposition].”
These mysterious words can only mean that Izzet and perhaps
Ibrahim as well have been accused of having received some money
from me, and that now their innocence has come to light.
Aarif went, came back again soon, and gave me an appointment
for today.
Ibrahim had asked Wellisch what traveling expenses I had had.
I most gratefully declined this semi-official presumption. I won't
let myself be reimbursed for any expenses. I said I would accept
only the hotel bill, because it was a distinction to stay here as the
guest of His Majesty.
Then we spent the sunny afternoon cruising on the blue Bos
porus as far as the Leander tower, splashed past Scutari, then into
the Golden Horn, and in the evening returned to Therapia.
Today it is pouring rain. The yacht, my pirate bus,* as Green
berg would say, is unpleasant in bad weather.
Il faut avoir de la chance à Byzance, ou ne pas y être [In By
zantium one must have luck, or not be there at all].
July 31, Therapia.

The unnerving negotiations continue. The ceremonial never
changes.
At noon I drive in the state carriage from Beshiktash to Yildiz,
where the blind beggars at the gate already know my baksheesh.
I go past servants, whose itching hands are folded on their bellies,
to the ever-amiable Ibrahim on whom, nevertheless, I must be a
great burden by now. Usually he goes to his office once a week, now
he must come every day and stay into the night.
A fine Turkish luncheon of many courses is served. Then I die
of boredom on the leather couch opposite Ibrahim.
It is a miracle that we still have something to talk about. Yester
day he told me about the musée [museum] salon at Yildiz which
contained valuable porcelain things of many centuries; on Abdul
Hamid’s orders an inventory had been made, and in such a way
that nothing can be stolen.
Then we talked about Jerusalem. Had I been to the Omar
Mosque? Nol He said he knew that the Jews did not set foot in it
unless they were forced to do so. The next time I went there I
ought to let myself be forced, he said with a smile.
Then he spoke about the wailing wall of the Jews-----
At that moment Aarif Bey came back from the Sultan, with in
structions to accompany me to the Grand Vizier.
The preliminary stages of any negotiation are terribly compli
cated and tire me far more than the negotiation itself.
The Grand Vizier seems to be a kind, good old person, although
he is very shrewd.
He began by saying that the Sultan had been very satisfied with
my two memoranda.
(In the carriage the very likable Aarif Bey had told me that the
Sultan had given orders to have my entire book translated im
mediately.)
Further, the Grand Vizier said he had been instructed to inform
me that the Sultan was in principle inclined to go ahead with my
propositions.
I made a low bow.
Then we got into a hazy, blurry, cigarette-smoke-enveloped
coffee confab, which was supposed to constitute negotiations.
The whole thing was so nebulous that I have retained no definite
points.
I mentioned the destitution of the Jews in Eastern Europe. In
discussing the situation in Rumania the good Grand Vizier said
ironically:
“That certainly shouldn’t happen in civilized countries.”
At this I remarked that this untenable situation—since I had
no word from the Sultan—had caused me to establish contact with
the English government through a Cabinet member and ask them
whether they were willing to grant us colonization in Africa.
And yet, although we wouldn’t need to pay England anything
for it and, in fact, would probably receive great special privileges,
we would prefer the expensive little area of Palestine. It consti
tuted a symbol. The hearts of our people clung to it. This was a
bit of sentimentality from which Turkey could derive great bene
fit.
The Grand Vizier remarked timidly that this might lead to dif
ficulties with the Powers.
“I rely on your skill, Your Highness. Then, too, we ourselves
have some influence here and there. Incidentally, in our present
proposition we have left aside Jerusalem and all Holy Places. The
land has temporal and spiritual character. Where it is spiritualized,
we won't touch it. But why shouldn’t the ordinary land be made
arable in the ordinary way?”
“But Haifa,” said His Highness, "also has strategic value.”
"The strength that we shall bring into the country has strategic
value, too.”
“Yes, but actually you offer us very few benefits— 1.6 mill,
pounds, and for that we should make enemies of the Rouvier group
which includes all the gros bonnets [big-wigs] of finance?
“Since the Rouvier project remains unchanged even in your
plan, perhaps the two operations could be separated, after all.”
Only now did I understand what he had meant by separating the
operations the first time. He wants to carry out the consolidation
with Rouvier (moyennant écus [for a financial consideration]).
After all, the advantage to the Turkish government was only £1.6
mill, at the most with me, too.
This is how we remained after some intricate talk back and
forth.
La nuit m’a porté conseil [The night brought me counsel].
I excused myself from luncheon with Ibrahim and am sending
the following letter to the Sultan: *
July 31,1902
Sire:
I have the honor to submit the following considerations to
Y.I.M.
The benevolence with which I am treated by Y.I.M. has touched
me deeply. I see that I am no longer regarded as a foreign negotiator
but as a devoted man in whom confidence is placed.
It would be on my conscience if I did not reply with complete
frankness. I am, then, going to submit to Y.I.M. without the slight
est reservation all that I am able and willing to do with the coopera
tion of my friends.
Here is an even better proposal than the one I had formulated
at Y.I.M.’s desire.
We are ready to allow the Imp. govt, to share in the financial
profits that might be derived from the consolidation project. The
proposal would be as follows.
We accept in full the conditions already accepted by M.
Rouvier’s group.
1332 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZ1
The Imp. govt, will put 32 millions of new obligations at oui
disposal to carry out the consolidation, in exchange for the old
bonds.
We will pay the Imp. Treasury the sum of 1,600,000 pounds.
From the profit we make in the course of the whole transaction
there will first be deducted the sum of 1,600,000 pounds. There
mainder will be divided equally between the Imp. Treasury and
us.
If, by the opposition of M. Rouvier’s group or by other unfore-
seen circumstances, the consolidation becomes impossible with
the maximum sacrifice on our part of 1,600,000, we are free to
withdraw from the undertaking.
But in that case we shall carry out the colonization project by
itself, while putting the sum of 1,600,000 pounds at the disposal
of the Imp. Treasury.
It is understood that we should need the Imp. govt.’s assistance
for the consolidation to the extent that it would declare to M.
Rouvier’s group that it would be willing to carry out the con
solidation only through our agency or not at all.
I have, Sire, the honor to be Y.I.M.’s most humble and obedient
servant,
Dr.Th.H.
July 31, evening

On my brigantine “Konstantinos,” outside Beshiktash, cruising
in the wonderful hues of evening.
Today came the decision, short and sharp like a last shot.
When I arrived outside Beshiktash at noon, I immediately sent
Wellisch up with my letter to the Sultan.
He had not been gone long and I was just about to have our
“Konstantinos” steam off and to lie down for an afternoon nap
when I caught sight of Ibrahim’s servant on the gangway. Wellisch,
too, came back, saying that I should come to the Palace im
mediately.
Cursing, I changed my clothes in the cabin in the depths, and
again drove up the Imperial Mountain in my heavy black frock-
coat, overcoat, and top hat.
Ibrahim greeted me sweetly, saying that presumably I hadn't
liked the food. But I referred him to the letter that I had written
for H.M. in my cabinet de travail flottant [floating study],
Ibrahim immediately sent someone after Aarif Bey and had my
letter forwarded to H.M.
I hadn’t had to sweat an excessive length of time and stare like
a prisoner at the little piece of heaven, the bit of foliage, and the
comer of white Kiosk out there when Aarif came back from H.M.
with a somewhat cruelly rigid expression. He brought back my
letter, tom open and with the seal melted off.
H.M. had had the Grand Vizier give him a report and said that
I should come round tomorrow morning after the selamlik and
say good-bye, after which I could leave tomorrow evening.
After yesterday’s dulcet tones this almost sounded like a fall
from favor. It wasn’t clear whether H.M. would grant me a farewell
audience. Apparently not; for Aarif further said that I should send
the translation of my letter this very day, for after tomorrow’s
selamlik Constans, who had returned, and other ambassadors were
to be received.
So Constans is back. T hat is it, in a nut-shell.* I can imagine how
the Rouvier machinery has been functioning against me during
this week of my much-noticed presence.
I took the blow in good part, made some friendly remarks to the
two executioners, and thought I saw a little gleam of joy in
Ibrahim’s eyes.
Earlier, while I was waiting, he had spoken about my activities.
Zionism seemed to be the most important thing to me?
Yes indeed, I said.
"C’est très noble [That’s very noble] 1” he said.
In Byzantium you never know.
•Translator’s Note: . . . des Pudels Kern (the poodle's core), from Goethe's
Faust, Part I.
I left for Beshiktash, and Badi sat down in the cabin of out
brigatine and translated.
While he was doing this and then calligraphed a clean copy, my
pirate bus* was dallying around in the magnificent harbor. At
6 o’clock I was outside Beshiktash again and sent Wellisch up; but
he had to wait for almost an hour, for Ibrahim had gone out.
Accidentally? Intentionally? In any case, it will be hard for
H.M. to devote himself to such work this very day. And tomorrow
I leave, and the field will be clear again for Rouvier.
* • *
Yet I am not dissatisfied with this turn of events.

This is the way I understand it: they are going to make the con
solidation with R., and later they will get back to my 1.6, whet
they need money again or want to use me to scare someone.
I think that H.M. has now found out for the first time what I
want, and he declared himself as not quite disinclined.
But his decisions are a thousand years old.
Therapia, the same evening

My sensing that the Grand Vizier would now all the moit
urge the acceptance of the Rouvier project was correct, and my
letter of this morning parried the blow—too late.
* * #
Two moods may be recorded as ever-recurring ones.

The anxiety at Yildiz, which increases in the hours of waiting.
Then, the feeling while speaking with them that they aren’t
really serious about it after all. They are like sea foam. Only theit
expressions are serious, not their intentions.
And it kept occurring to me suddenly while deep in conversa
tion: Why, all of that is just talk. They want nothing in reality.
August l, on board the little "Konstantinos”
Last voyage from Therapia to Beshiktash.
Probably the most beautiful morning since we’ve been here.
Never before have the magic hues of the Bosporus been so sweet
and soft.
Je m’en vais bredouille [I’m leaving empty-handed].
The idlers of the diplomatic corps will rejoice, for I have been
a thorn in their flesh.
Last night I heard from my balcony what they were saying on
the terrace.
The fat Spanish ambassador asked:
“Qui est donc ce monsieur à la grande barbe noire [Who is that
man with the big black beard, anyway]?”
Soft whispering. I stepped back from the edge of the balcony.
Later I overheard the Belgian ambassador saying, evidently still as
part of this conversation:
"Je n’aime pas les X , les inconnus [I don’t like the X’s, the un
knowns].”
And he explained to his intelligent audience "what an X in
mathematics is.” Several among them might have heard it for the
first time.
Today I am probably one of the 500 best-known men in the
world. Ce qui n’empêche pas [Which doesn’t prevent] the Belgian
ambassador from regarding me as an inconnu.
In the eyes of diplomatic Therapia, the tennis players, gluttons,
and lazybones, I am an adventurer of some sort.
And what if one were to ask: “Qu’est ce que c’est que l’Ambas
sadeur d’Espagne [What is the Spanish ambassador]?”
In 300 years a Spanish ambassador hasn’t even had the very
slightest function here. He hasn’t even been needed for birthday
congratulations.
A Belgian ambassador has never had any raison d’être [reason
for existence] whatever.
Such a man eats up the tax money of poor people from the
Borinage in paradise-like Therapia, hangs around, tells stories
and listens to them. And such a bloated frog looks down his noseat
the bearer of a cause which means relief to millions of people, at
increase in culture, and progress of a high order.
This morning, packed, pressed baksheeshes in the fabulously
countless hands, checked the hotel bill (which, by the managers
admission, had been greatly jacked up)—and off!
Adieu, beautiful BosporusI
# # #
The question remains why H.M. made me come.

Could it be because of that declaration about the 3 million
francs?
Or did he at the last moment get scared of the returning frightful
forban [freebooter] Constans?
August 2, aboard my pirate bus*

Once again, the last trip from Therapia to Beshiktash.
I couldn’t get away yesterday.
Punctually yesterday morning I entered Ibrahim’s office. He
hadn’t arrived yet. At 11 o’clock he came. He sent for Aarif. I used
these minutes to give him a beautiful pair of studs as a souvenir.
Then Aarif appeared, and him I gave a pearl stick-pin as a fare
well present. Both received their presents graciously.
While Aarif was on his way to the Caliph, I carried on the
pleasantries of parting with Ibrahim. I was scheduled to leave ot
the Orient Express at 1:50.
Ibrahim said he didn’t want to be indiscreet, but he understood
that I had not met with success.
I said that I was not yet acquainted with H.M.’s decision.
At this Ibrahim said that I mustn’t doubt H.M.’s good inten
tions, even if he didn’t come to an agreement with me. It was true
that he was an absolute ruler, but he could by no means do what
ever he wanted.
“I do understand,” I said, “that there is such a thing as the
interest of the state which must be observed above all.”
“Yes,” confirmed Ibrahim, “and for you personally H.M. has a
great deal of respect and sympathy. What you want to do for your
people is very noble. Le sionnisme est très noble [Zionism is very
noble].”
I thanked him and said that I would always remain a friend of
Turkey and an adherent of this pro-Jewish Sultan. But the misery
of our people in Eastern Europe did not permit us to wait any
longer. I said I had already established contact with the English
government and submitted to a Cabinet member, Lord James of
Hereford, my proposals for the establishment of a Jewish colony
in Africa. England required no financial sacrifices whatever from
us and was more likely even to smooth our path in every way.
Ibrahim found this understandable and thought that if the
Sultan saw the success of our colonization in Africa, he would be
more inclined to do something with us too.
I demurred that it might be too late then, when we had already
made big investments in another place.
The conversation then turned to philo-Semitic remarks.
Ibrahim told me about a Christian play called Marchand de Venise
[The Merchant of Venice]. Maybe I knew it. In it there was a
Jewish usurer who wanted to cut a piece of flesh out of a Christian's
chest. This had been played at the Yildiz theatre, with an Italian
actor—whatever was his name?
“Salvini-Rossi?” I helped him along.
“Rossi!” said Ibrahim, pleased, and added: "You see, we don’t
have any of that in our country. We have no theatre. Therefore no
such inflammatory play can be presented here either.”
Meanwhile a mysterious servant appeared. The Sultan asked
me whether I could delay my departure until evening.
Certainly, if H.M. desired it.
Then Aarif came, with an inscrutable expression, and asked me
to extend my stay by a whole day, i.e., till this evening.
I promised to do so. But the two gentlemen no longer looked
as happy as they had up to then. Why?
At the exit I whispered to Wolffsohn to make a sad face.
Izzet was just driving up; I didn’t see him until he greeted me.
He did so with a most amicable grin—evidently anticipating my
departure.
At Beshiktash Constans was landing from his yacht when I left
my state carriage. From his quick, penetrating glance I could tell
that he guessed who I was. His air was that of a victor. He saw me
depart before the selamlik, he still didn’t know that H.M. had
asked me to stay.
* * *
But what is all this supposed to mean?

Could it be that my letter of two days ago hit the bull’s-eye?
• * #
Wolffsohn had said that it would be better to make the coloniza

tion separately and without the consolidation. This is not my view.
For this way I may be able to do without the help of those wretches
who let me languish for seven years.
# * *
In the evening I found waiting for me at Therapia the code

telegram from Greenberg which had come to an accommodation
address; he informed me that he had a sealed private letter from
Lord Rothschild for me.
I immediately despatched Wellisch for Constantinople on the
mouche with this telegram:
Open and wire.*
• * #
August 3
On a slow train known as the “Conventionnel,” somewhere in
Bulgaria, outside Phillipopolis.
• • #
So here I am, escaped again from the murderers’ den and the
robbers' country.
Yesterday had the usual beginning.
When I arrived outside Beshiktash, Wellisch had no reply from
Greenberg as yet. Nor did it come during the day. Who knows
whether the waters would have flowed differently if I had had it?
I changed my clothes again on the brigantine “Konstantinos”
and drove up to Yildiz.
At Ibrahim’s I had to wait only one hour before Tahsin came.
I recognized at once that during the night the Yildiz gremlins had
been here again and destroyed my work.
Again the old childish claptrap about the sujétion ottomane
[Ottoman citizenship] and the service militaire and the établisse
ment des israelites “d'une manière dispersée” [the settling of the
Israelites “in scattered form”]—as Ibrahim, the Drogman du Di
van Impérial [Dragoman of the Imperial Divan], puts it—was
warmed up.
My counter-proposal regarding consolidation was hardly
brought up. The Yildiz gang must have received a tremendous
amount of money there.
Actually, Wellisch had already given me the news of the day on
the mouche: Big boom in Turkish securities. A certain Zander,
director of the Anatolian railroads, is said to have purchased
300,000 consolidés [consols]!
I gathered from the way Tahsin and Ibrahim acted that the
Sultan’s irade, in confirmation of the government’s mazbata, had
already been issued.
Constans therefore had good reason to be triumphant.
I raised the question with Tahsin of who would take care of
installing the immigrants. Would the government? Or would the
creation of a colonization company be permitted?
He was going to let the Sultan decide that.
He left and we went to lunch.
Another loathsome meal with those innumerable barbaric
dishes which, according to the Oriental custom, have to be forced
down with exclamations of delight. Veritable snake food. All these
days while T heir Excellencies were eating everything with the
same cutlery from one plate, I have permitted myself the fun of put
ting my knife and fork on my plate after each course, whereupon
the servants promptly changed my setting. T en or twelve times in
all. This might have instilled even more respect in the menials and
their masters than my royal gratuities.
Tahsin returned. The Sultan assured me of his friendship and
asked me, first, to accept a subvention for the N. Fr. Pr., second,
to let him know what my expenses had been.
Re One I refused outright. T hat was absolutely out of the
question.
Re Two I begged him not to be offended if I did not accept. I
regarded myself as sufficiently played host to, since he was paying
my hotel bill. If he insisted on making me a present, let it be a book
or some other trifle of no value.
Meanwhile we were drinking coffee. It struck me that Tahsin
had his own coffee brought to him in his own cup. These assassins
evidently don’t trust one another out of sight.
I also had the brief enjoyment of seeing Izzet associating with
Tahsin in Ibrahim’s office. Izzet was dictating something with a
cruel air, and Tahsin was writing it down with a pinched expres
sion.
Tahsin left and then came back.
He brought me a message from the Sultan which Ibrahim dic
tated to me in translation, whereupon I had to acknowledge its
receipt.
Here it is:*
Their Excellencies Tahsin Bey, H.I.M.’s First Secretary, and
Ibrahim Bey, Dragoman of the Imperial Divan, have done me
the honor of transmitting the following communication to me:
“The Israelites can be received and settled in the Ottoman
Empire under the condition that they be installed, not together,
that is, dispersed, in the places adjudged suitable by the govern
ment, and that their numbers be fixed in advance by the govern
ment. They will be invested with Ottoman citizenship and charged
with all the civic duties, including military service, as well as
being subject to all the laws of the land like Ottomans.”
I have very respectfully taken cognizance of this communication,
express my deep gratitude to His Imperial Majesty for it, and shall
consult with my friends about it.
Yildiz Kiosk, August 2, 1902
Dr. Theodor Herzl.

The supplementary slip (probably suppressed by Tahsin):*
Yildiz, August 2,1902

I permit myself to add the question if H.I.M. still wants me to
go ahead with the project of consolidation, apart from coloniza
tion, on the following basis:
Issuance of £32 mill.
All the accruing profits to be divided between the Treasury and
my friends.—
My receipt was again retranslated by Ibrahim for the Sultan.
But while he was calligraphing on his knee, it occurred to me
that my conditions of colonization had been used by the Yildiz
gang to fight against me, or rather, to clear the ground for Rouvier.
To cut through their net as well as to see clearly whether the Sultan
had used me only to extort concessions from Rouvier at the last
moment, I wrote an additional question on a second slip.
Ibrahim raised his eyebrows. From this I could tell that he too
must be in on the Rouvier deal.
Prudently enough, however, he made no objection, but docilely
copied what I had written.
However, he didn’t close the letter to the Sultan or affix a seal,
but had Tahsin called and handed him the additional note which
the Sultan surely didn’t get to see.
Of course, I don't know if the result would have been different
if I had sent the supplementary note in a direct letter to the Sultan.
While Tahsin was with the Sultan, Ibrahim explained tomehov
hard it was to say no to the Rouvier people at this point. It vas
like whist. The player who reflects too long forfeits the right to
turn over the choice of trumps to his partner.
Oh yes, robber whist.
The government, Ibrahim continued, would do itself out of all
credit if it now said no.
The credit of the Turkish government!
And wasn’t that the case as long as a week ago?
But I put a good face on the bad business of these crooks.
Ibrahim pulled out a red-silk money bag, showed me—the Chief
Master of Ceremonies of H.M. the Caliph!—that the wax seal
was intact, and urgently requested me in the name of the Sultan
to accept the purse. H.M. serait confus [would be embarrassed]if 1
didn’t at least accept reimbursement for my cash expenses. He
would be offended by it, etc. However, H.M. reserved the right de
vous faire un cadeau qui serait digne de vous [to make you a
present worthy of you].
I accepted the purse pour mes pauvres [for my poor].
At least I can put a small sum into our propaganda treasury. I
still don't know how much is in the bag. I won’t open it until 1
get to Vienna.
Then the last salaams, and I left the den of Ali Baba and the forty
thieves.
# * *
I believe that if I succeed in founding the Jewish Eastern Com

pany with Rothschild’s help, H.M. will change his tune toward
me. That would make me a neighbor with whom one has to be on
good terms.
August 4
Still on the “Conventionnel,” somewhere in Hungary.
When you rattle through the sleepless hot night like this, you
keep reviewing and revising the whole thing.
What mistakes have I made this time? Instead of taking the
consolidation only as a pretext for colonization, hadn’t I better
simply make some business transactions for the Sultan which
would show him my greater honesty? I could have telegraphed
Rothschild, or sent someone to see Morgan.
# # *
The Turks’ way of negotiating is childish, and that is why one

isn’t at one’s best when dealing with them. This again gives them
an advantage.
* # *
More cocasse [droll] details about my friend Ibrahim occur to

me.
To the extent that a Yildiz courtier can be a better type of
person, he is one. I do have a certain liking for him.
His ignorance is delicious, but I believe that in this respect he is
like many European masters of ceremonies.
He spoke, among other things, about the love of music of the
Viennese: Vienna was the city of music. I was pleased for a moment.
I thought that he was saying something sensible.
“Oui, partout ces musiques militaires [Yes, those military bands
everywhere]!” he added.
* # *
When on the last day I had the Sultan asked through Tahsin
how he envisaged the settlement “d’une manière dispersée [in a
scattered form],” whether the government would give the people
the funds, or whether it would be permissible to set up an organi
zation, i.e., a company, he sent me the reply that this was only a
question of detail of implementation.
If there is not concealed behind this the desire to break off the
negotiations for this time, it is a piece of asininity, pure and simple.
Still, I believe that things are not in a bad way.
They have grown accustomed in Yildiz and the Porte to looking
upon me as someone interested in the vilayet of Beirut. Some day
—when they are dans la dèche [reduced to beggary], as the Jew
Daoud Effendi told me as early as 1896—they will suddenly send
for me in their need, and throw the thing in my lap.
The only question is when that moment will come.
I believe that I can greatly expedite it if I manage, with the help
of Lord Rothschild or the English government, to create the Jew
ish Eastern Company.
This must be my next task now.
Then I would be a serious but friendly neighbor to the sanjak
of Jerusalem, which I shall somehow acquire at the first opportu
nity, as the Bulgarians did with Eastern Rumelia.
# # *
If Rothschild’s wire today amounts to a refusal, I shall try to

approach Chamberlain.
August 5, on the train, between Attnang and Aussee

The mystery of Rothschild’s letter, which I had already been
advised of at Constantinople and for whose contents I have been
waiting for four days now, sending ever more urgent telegrams,
has now been revealed.
This morning I received a telegraphic summary from Green
berg.
There is only one word for it: Rubbish 1
I won’t learn the text until I reach Aussee, and I shall word my
reply—provided I make one at all—accordingly.
I see this much even now: I shall remain thrown on my own
resources, now as before.
Now I want to try the English plan directly through Chamber-
lain. To be sure, there is little hope that the English government
will do anything with us if we don’t have Rothschild on our side.
I will try to approach Chamberlain through Greenberg. Of all my
helpers Greenberg has, during the past year, been the most efficient
by far.
* • *
Even if nothing can be done with Chamberlain, I will make an

attempt in Italy.
Ehrenpreis, the Rabbi of Sofia, told me while traveling part of
the way with me on the train that the King of Italy has asked
the Italian attaché Polacco, a Jew and formerly stationed in Sofia,
about our movement. Naturally the Jew Polacco knew less about
it than the king. But this young little king who has as yet done noth
ing to become immortal* and has interests in the Mediterranean,
could perhaps be used in some way. A creuser [to be explored] I
Perhaps one can get to him through Lombroso?
* * •
This political-financial chapter on the Bosporus in which I

almost became a figure is really quite a curious bit of history.
The French politicians Constans and Rouvier— les républicains
d’affaires [the republicans of business]!—made a deal for their
own pockets; the Germans, however, for the Empire. For the
consolidation, from which the Constans-Rouvier company will
make stock-exchange profits, will release Turkish revenues which
guarantee the Bagdad railroad; and that is German influence.
Thus German policy has paid the representatives of France a gra
tuity out of the Sultan’s pocket for having supported interests
which every French patriot must fight.
And this outfit looks down on us Jews.

Lord Rothschild’s letter is empty, evasive verbiage. Neverthe
less, upon the advice of prudent Greenberg I am giving him the
following friendly reply:
•Translator’s Note: . . nichts fûr die Unsterblichkeit getan . . /'— a quotation
from Schiller’s Don Carlos, Act II.
1346 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZI
This is my first chance after my return from Constantinople to
answer your letter.
Let me confess to you that your reply is not entirely what I had
expected.
Oh, if you only had some inkling of the boundless distress ofout
honest poor people—I am not talking of shnorrers [beggars] anil
rabble—you would listen to me better. I am enclosing a random
newspaper clipping. I could send you such clippings every day
from all sorts of countries.
There is no counting the heart-breaking letters from workers
groups, business people, academically trained men, that I receive
I must answer with a sigh: I cannot help youl
People of this kind want no handouts of money—if they did
they would not turn to me—but opportunities for work and an
existence safeguarded from persecution. Charitable institution
cannot offer them this anywhere.
For this reason I am glad at least to gather from your letter thaï
you are beginning to see our cause from a higher point of view that
the merely charitable one. If I am not mistaken in this, I would
regard it as good fortune for the cause if you were willing to take
over, or at least influence, the administration of the Hirsch Fund
I will tell you confidentially—the way I am speaking to you it
general—that it is to be ascribed only to my influence if the indig
nation of the desperate poor at the I.C.A. has not hitherto led to
public scandals.
I shall be very pleased if you see fit to inform me about your in
tentions. Your communications will remain as secret as you your
self desire. Insofar as this is compatible with our Zionist principle,
I shall also be glad to place my modest powers at your disposal—il
only to make sure that my organizations do not inadvertently wort
at cross purposes with you in some deserving enterprise.
The recognition that you accord to my modest activitie
which unfortunately are still unsuccessful, has pleased me greatly,
coming as it does from a master so much tested in good works.
In this connection the words of a German epigrammatist have
just occurred to me:
Wir wollen weniger gelobt
Und mehr gelesen sein!
[We’d rather be praised less
and read morel]*
I wish that there were no longer any discussion of me and that
our poor people were helped instead.
Herzl.

Another letter of amicable opposition from Lord Rothschild,
dated August 18, to which I am replying as follows:

This is to acknowledge, with thanks, your letter of friendly
opposition of the 18th. I cannot agree that the Jewish common
wealth which I would like to set up will have to be small, orthodox,
and illiberal. I worked for three years on a coherent reply to this
and similar misgivings.
It has turned into a book with the title Altneuland [Old-New-
land] which will appear in a few weeks; you shall be among the
first to whom I shall send it.
There is just one thing I would like to say now. Were the found
ers of the states which now are great mightier, cleverer, better
educated, wealthier than we Jews of today? Poor shepherds and
huntsmen have founded communities which later became states.
In our own time, Greeks, Rumanians, Serbs, Bulgarians have es
tablished themselves—and should we be incapable of doing so?
Our race is more efficient in everything than most other peoples
• Translator's Note: The conclusion (misquoted) of G. E. Lessing’s four-line
epigram to his readers.
1348 THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZt
of the earth. This, in fact, is the cause of the great hatred. We hav;
just had no self-confidence up to now. Our moral misery will Ik
at an end on the day when we believe in ourselves. Naturally then
will always be fights and difficulties, internal and external one
But what country, what state does not have them? And we shal
always produce the men to grapple with these difficulties.
The coming into being of the Jewish commonwealth, the Jev
ish colony—call it what you will at the beginning—will not k
regarded by the Powers with repugnance or mistrust. For this!
have much and sufficient proof.
B ook Thirteen
August 22, 1Q02

f'/ffraif/hg' anniversary o f m y parents,
n e /f/r a te d fo r th e first tim e
rry /A tfi/f m y g o o d fa th e r )
(Continuation of the letter to Rothschild:)
In particular, I am on the best of terms with the Turkish govern
ment. It is true that recently I had it published in the Zionist
papers that my last trip to Constantinople did not lead to any
result; I could have concealed this, but I had my reasons for this
disclosure.
The main thing, you see, is that I enjoy the Sultan’s confidence
to a rare degree. This in itself is a strange phenomenon, consider
ing that he has been told so many bad and stupid things about
me—that I want to become King of Palestine, and all that sort of
nonsense. I, however, have spoken to him with absolute frankness
and simplicity, not as with a tyrant before whom one trembles, but
as with a human being with human feelings, and I believe that this
has won him. It may also have been the fact that he has convinced
himself on various occasions that I am not on the lookout for
money. Imagine, Milord—I am telling you this, like everything
else, in the strictest confidence—quite some time ago he offered
me tremendous business opportunities and concessions which a lot
of people would probably run their legs off to get. I account for this
to myself by saying that he is satisfied that I would not cheat him,
and in this he is right.
My aversion to various deals which have been proposed by him
(by him!) is, to be sure, not just that of a man of letters. Their ex
ecution, you see, contains the danger that my financial helpers
might not be able to serve him as fairly as I require for my political
purposes and for the preservation of his gratitude and confidence.
Maybe in so thinking I have made mistakes bom of timidity.
The latest proposal he made me was to handle the conversion for
him which he entrusted to Rouvier with the greatest reluctance.
I am now wondering whether I shouldn’t have informed you of
this. With you I would certainly have been sure of the most im
peccable correctness. Was this a blunder? Please tell me your view
quite straightforwardly. From your reply I shall learn how to be
have in a similar situation, which may recur today or tomorrow.
What you tell me about the Hirsch Fund is of interest to me. I
1351
am only afraid that there will again be a hitch in the executioi
when the plan is carried out. But we shall see. I think you ought
to join the administration in order to bring about a change.

Herzl.

Letter to Crespi, whom I now want to get rid of at last, since ht
has been a financial burden on us for a long time.
Sent off after long deliberation on August 26, 1902: *
Dear Sir:
Thank you for your kind letters of the 17th and 20th. I am ven
sorry not to have seen you either at Constantinople or at Ausset
when you came back from Paris. Yet I had asked M. de D. to advise
you of my return. It was probably too late.
Here, then, is what I should like to tell you. I did not achieve am
results and do not want to wait any longer. More accurately: 1
cannot wait.
Knowing your good feeling for me and above all your discretion
I shall tell you confidentially what I expect to do. I shall try tt
obtain the territories necessary for our colonization in one of the
English possessions. My last trip to London already had this aim
Personally I preserve all my liking for 363, for he has been as
charming as can be to me. If I have an opportunity of being v.
service to him, I shall always take it. But 401 was quite different
Who have been the harmful influences I don’t know. Probably du
same ones who are slowly ruining him.
I am losing a chance with him, perhaps my last one. 401 coulc
have been his salvation.
You will understand, dear sir, that under these circumstance
our business affiliation has also become pointless. I was going tt
tell you this upon your return from Paris and inform you at the
same time that I shall continue to pay you your monthly stipend
until October.
It goes without saying that I shall always be glad to have personal
news from you, and I beg you to remember me kindly.
With friendly greetings,
Yours devotedly,
Herzl.
* * *
Letter to Mme. de Korvin-Piatrovska:

Dear Madame:
My dear and respected friend Attorney Yasinovski writes me
about your kindness in interesting the Ministry of the Interior in
our cause. Perhaps you could induce His Excellency to obtain an
audience for me with H.M. the Czar quite soon.
Maybe the Czar still remembers me. A few years ago I had the
privilege of transmitting to him a detailed memorandum on Zion
ism, for which H.M. conveyed his thanks to me through H.R.H.
the Grand Duke of Baden. Later the Czarina’s brother, H.R.H. the
Grand Duke of Hesse, wanted to introduce me at Darmstadt, but
the Czar happened to be indisposed.
During the Peace Conference at The Hague I once had occasion
to act for the Czar’s interests, and this was reported to H.M. by
Ambassador von Stahl, as I was informed by Councillor-of-State
von Bloch, since deceased.
Proof of this must still be in the Hague files.
Also, a Grand Duke once had the kindness of favorably mention
ing my endeavors to the Czar.
The purpose of the audience would be to request H.M.’s good
will for our movement. It would make the greatest impression, and
would in particular be a salutary stimulant for our young people,
who so easily go astray politically, as well as encouragement to
persevere with the Zionist ideal.
Please be assured of my most heart-felt gratitude, my dear mad
ame, for everything you do for our great cause.

Th. Herzl.

Letter for Chamberlain:
My dear Mr. Greenberg:
This is to acknowledge, with thanks, receipt of your telegraphic
communication that Mr. Chamberlain is willing to grant me an
interview.
I can understand that Mr. Chamberlain wishes to define the
limits of this interview in advance. On the other hand, at this
moment when I am still completely ignorant of Mr. Chamberlain's
point of view, there are some difficulties in finding out those points
that he might be interested in knowing more about.
There is the danger of tiring a busy man's patience with point
less remarks before we get to the heart of the matter. In conversa
tion, however, one clears a path for oneself through the under
brush in five minutes.
Nevertheless I will preface things with a brief aperçu [remark].
As the recognized leader of the Zionist movement in all countries I
have the opportunity of not only having a comprehensive view of
Jewish migration of the present and the immediate future, but also
of influencing it somewhat. To begin with, three to four hundred
thousand people will be involved.
It is a problem that does not involve only alien paupers* and
does not concern only the countries of Eastern Europe. For Eng
land the matter has gained a certain timeliness through the alien
immigration,* which, as we know, led to the appointment of a
commission. I don’t regard the question which this commission is
to deal with as burning yet and believe that the commission will
produce either a few regulations of secondary importance or noth
ing whatever.
But should the English government wish to look more closely
into my propositions, the first task would be to give the entire
matter an inconspicuous character. A sufficient explanation for
the outside will be the draining off of immigrants who might give
rise to friction or even economic disturbances in some parts of
London and England.
But in reality I mean more than this. I should like to interest
Mr. Chamberlain in a settlement of the Jews on a major scale in
the British possessions. It would be much too early to go into details
of implementation now. The preliminary question is whether I
can make him well disposed to the cause in principle. Like a
merchant applying for credit I will open all books to him and tell
him unreservedly how we stand, what we need, and what we
can do.
Should he then find that he will become an augmentor of the
British Empire if he helps push our propositions through, I shall
give him the details of implementation in oral discussion, and he
can even then modify, improve, or reject them.
Mr. Chamberlain may be assured of my discretion under all
circumstances.
Sincerely yours,
Herzl.
In addition to that I am writing Greenberg a few less formal
private lines.

Crespi is and remains a funny rogue, and the Orient is always
amusing.
Now at last he has managed a reply to his dismissal. He will re
main a Zionist quand même [just the same]. He reproaches me for
my lack of courage. He wants to go on fighting, “undaunted,” astit
Austrian politicians say, even though I don’t pay him every month
An enthusiast. Et puis ça ne lui coûte que des lettres [And it cos:
him nothing but letters].

It is one of the wondrous ironies of my life that I as an ok
warrior now have to defend the N. Fr. Pr. against the neut
founded Die Zeit.
It is on Zionism that the N. Fr. Pr. has done the worst jobc
suppression in its existence—and now Benedikt asks me to domi
best to bring the competition to its knees.
For tomorrow’s paper I am supposed to contribute the feuilleta,
and an editorial!
October 1, Vienna
Yesterday had another strolling conversation with Benedikt.
“Quantum mutatus ab illo [How different from his forme
self].”* I told him what point the movement has now reached
Sultan, Royal Commission, Russia, etc. He was very much sur
prised by this and said he was “beginning to believe in it.”
October 5
I herewith permit myself most respectfully to present to You:
Royal Highness my new book A Itneuland.
It is a fable which, as it were, I am telling by the camp-fires to
keep up the good spirits of my poor people while they are on tit
march.
• Translator’s Note: From Virgil’s Aeneid, II, 274.
To hold out is everything.
The book deals with a new society. I believe that all nations are
ever on the road to a new society. Perhaps this latent seriousness
in my fable will arouse the sympathy of the wise prince whom I
venerate so warmly and gratefully.
I remain
Your Royal Highness’ respectful servant,

D r.T h .H .
* * *
October 5
In my last letter, receipt of which you have not acknowledged as
yet, I promised you my book Altneuland. I am sending it to you
today.
There will, of course, be stupid people who, because I have
chosen the form of a Utopia which has been used by Plato and
Thomas More, will declare the cause to be a Utopia. I fear no such
misunderstanding in your case.
Nor will you blame me too much for the small but well-deserved
rap on the knuckles which I give to your Viennese cousin.
Sincerely yours,
Herzl.
October 5
To Phillip Eulenburg at Liebenberg:
Your Highness:
I am having my publisher send Your Highness my new book
Altneuland.
Kindly regard this as a token of the great and sincere veneration
with which I ever remain
Your obedient servant

Th. Herzl.
* * #
To Court-Marshal Eulenburg:
Your Excellency:
I take the liberty of presenting herewith my new book Altna
land with the request to transmit it to the Kaiser when the oppor
tunity ofiEers.
This will, I hope, bring back to H.M. not unpleasant memories
of his Palestinian journey of the year 1898.
Begging Your Excellency to accept the expression of my deepei
respect,

Dr. Theodor Herzl.
# * *
To Billow:
Your Excellency:
I am having my publisher send Your Excellency my new book
Altneuland. Please be good enough to accept it as a token of ms
constant veneration.
An Imperial Chancellor, to be sure, has no chance to do am
reading.
May I therefore briefly state the contents. In form it is a Utopia,
in subject matter it is not. In fact, I wrote the Utopia only to show
that it is none. The traveler to the Orient of 1898 will recognize
many things in it. Also, it deals with a future society—not only that
of the Jews. I don’t know if this society will really be like that, but
it is more likely to exist than the famous state of the future which
Richter in his blind zeal is demolishing.
est respect,

Theodor Herzl.
October 20, London, morning

Again bolted from the office like a schoolboy. At this moment
they don’t even know that I’m gone. The feuilleton for yesterday,
Sunday, I wrote on Friday and didn’t send it to the office until
Saturday evening.
In order to make my “Master” (drama) more favorably disposed
toward me, I flashed an interview with Chamberlain before his eyes
in my farewell letter which is to be delivered to him today.
He is to telegraph me here whether it is all right with him. This
would at the same time be the pardon for my slipping away and
make my return easier for me.
En route I often conversed (mentally) with Chamberlain.
I envisage the following as an introduction:
“You are accustomed to see great historical questions suddenly
rise before you” *
Actually, such a conference cannot really be calculated. Every
thing is inspiration, disposition of the moment, presence of mind.
October 21, London

There has been no wire from Benedikt. An indication of, or the
prelude to, the break, that is, my job quitting me.**
In any case, it is making me very nervous. After all, my liveli
hood is at stake. I will try to write a feuilleton today by way of
compensation for my trip, since I am not to see Chamberlain until
tomorrow.
••Translator’s Note: Herzl’s phrase, “m ein es G egan gen w erden s /' is a bit of
grim humor.
October 22, London, in the forenoon
Today I am to have the appointment with the great Joe.
Meanwhile, to placate my bread-givers, I am writing a feuille
ton, “October Evening in London.”
It is a miserable piece, but considering the things going round
in my head, it is an extraordinary performance.
It reminds me of how, seven years ago, while writing The Jewish
State, I took down “stormy sessions” at the Palais Bourbon and
telegraphed thousands of words about them.
October 23, London

Talked yesterday with the famous master of England, Joe Cham
berlain. One hour. I expounded everything I had intended to bring
up, and he was a good listener.
Unfortunately my voice trembled at first, which greatly annoyed
me while I was speaking.
After a few minutes, however, things improved and I talked
calmly and incisively, to the extent that my rough-and-ready Eng
lish permits it.
Addressing myself to Joe Chamberlain's motionless mask, I pre
sented the whole Jewish question as I understand it and wish to
solve it. My relations with Turkey, etc.
“I am in négociation with the Sultan,” I said. “But you know
what turkish négociations are. If you want to buy a carpet, first
you must drink half a dozen cups of coffee and smoke a hundrei
cigarettes; then you discuss family stories, and from time to timt
you speak again a few words about the carpet. Now I have time
to negociate, but my people has not. They are starving in the pale.
I must bring them an immediate help.” E tc*
At the “carpet” story the mask laughed.
Then I came to speak about the territory which I wanted from
England: Cyprus, El Arish, and the Sinai Peninsula.
•Translator's Note: Original text. Herzl's English and orthography have been
retained.
He began by saying that he could speak only about Cyprus. The
rest was not his concern but that of the Foreign Office. But as to
Cyprus, this was how matters stood: Greeks and Moslems lived
there, and he could not crowd them out for the sake of new immi
grants. Rather, it was his duty to stand by them. Now if the Greeks
—perhaps with the support of Greece and Russia—were to resist
Jewish immigration, there would be real difficulties. Personally, he
had nothing against the Jews; on the contrary. And if by chance
he were to have a drop of Jewish blood in his veins, he would be
proud of it. But voilà [behold], he didn’t have a drop.
However, he was prepared to help if he could; he liked the
Zionist idea, etc.
In fact, if I could show him a spot in the English possessions
where there were no white people as yet, we could talk about that.
In Cyprus there would be a trades-union* problem, like the one
here in the East End, which would arise from the influx of foreign
workmen.
(I am reproducing his statements in somewhat disjointed form,
the way they come back to me. He denied the existence of anti-
Semitism in England. Perhaps there would be restrictive legis
lation if Jewish immigration were intensified—this evidently was
a hint to me, the gypsy chieftain, to call off my hordes—but the
race question did not enter into it; it was solely a trades-union*
question).
Just as the Greeks would resist the Jews in Cyprus, the Aus
tralians were now opposing Indian immigration. They are afraid
of being swamped. And in his office he couldn’t do anyth ing against
the will of the indigenous population.
"In our country everything is out in the open, and if Cyprus
were discussed in this way, a storm would break loose imme
diately.”
To which I replied that not everything in politics is really dis
closed to the public—only results, or whatever may happen to be
needed in a discussion. I then unfolded my plan of first of all hav
ing a current created in our favor in Cyprus. We ought to bt
invited to come there. I would have this prepared for by half a
dozen emissaries. Once we establish the Jewish Eastern Company
with 5 million pounds capital, for settling Sinai and El Arish, the
Cypriots will begin to want that golden rain on their island, too
The Moslems will move away, the Greeks will gladly sell thei;
lands at a good price and migrate to Athens or Crete.
He seemed to take to the idea. But he said he could make no
statement on El Arish and Sinai. The government would want to
hear the views of Lord Cromer, of whom they thought very highly
Too bad that Lord Cromer was no longer here. He had alreadt
returned to Egypt.
“I can send somebody there,” I said.
"But you will have to speak to the Foreign Office.”
"Help me to do so, Mr. Chamberlain! I am leaving the day aftc
tomorrow.”
He thought it over and gave me an appointment for today at
12:15, when I would be able to see Lord Lansdowne.
Was it before or after this that I drew a map of El Arish for hit
on a piece of paper that lay on his desk? Along with this, my Haifa
hinterland idea: I hoped to induce the Turks to come to terne
with me sooner if I also turned up at the Brook of Egypt. Thenl
might get the Haifa area cheaper.
At this the smooth-shaven mask laughed once more and dropped
his monocle.
But he had no idea where El Arish was, and so we went to a biy
table where he pulled out an atlas from among other books, and
in the atlas located Egypt. While he did so he said: "But in Egypt
we would have the same difficulty with the present inhabitants
“No,” I said, “we will not go to Egypt. We have been there."*
He laughed again, this time bent deep over the book. Only not*
did he understand me completely, my desire to obtain a rallying
point for the Jewish people in the vicinity of Palestine.
In El Arish and Sinai there is vacant land. England can give us
that. In return she would reap an increase in power and the grati
tude of ten million Jews. All this I told him, and it made an im
pression on him. And I came right out with it:
“Would you agree to our founding a Jewish colony on the Sinai
Peninsula?”
“Yes!” he said, “if Lord Cromer recommends it.”
So that is the next thing I must attend to.
He dismissed me, and we arranged to meet again today.
His private secretary is a young lord with whom I once had lunch
at Sir Francis’s. He greeted me, but I didn’t recognize him.
In the anteroom, strangely enough, I found the South African
Langermann. I imagined that Chamberlain would ask him about
me, and gave him the “good tip” to say that he was a Zionist. Later
I ran into him at the hotel, and he reported that Chamberlain
really had inquired about me, just as I had foreseen. Langermann
claims to have replied: You and Dr. Herzl are my two chiefs.*
In any case, it must have made an impression on Chamberlain
that this South African promoter, too, should be one of my men.
Chamberlain does not give the impression of being brilliant.
Not a man of imagination, a sober screw manufacturer who wants
to expand the business.
A mind without literary or artistic resources, a businessman, but
an absolutely clear, unclouded head.
The most striking thing about the interview was that he didn’t
have a very detailed knowledge of the British possessions which
undoubtedly are at his command now. It was like a big junk shop
whose manager isn’t quite sure whether some unusual article is
in the stock-room.
I need a place for the Jewish people to assemble. He’s going to
take a look and see if England happens to have something like
that in stock.
The main result, a tremendous one, which I achieved yesterday
is that Joe Chamberlain does not reject a limine [outright] the idea
of founding a self-governing Jewish colony* in the southeastern
comer of the Mediterranean.
Today I am taking this to Rothschild, with whom I have a
midday appointment.
October 24, on the train, between London and

Folkestone
Yesterday was, I believe, a great day in Jewish history. However,
before recording it here I will write the memorandum which was
requested by Lord Lansdowne and which I shall send to Zangwill
from Paris for translation.
-------- Memorandum :
Milord:
In accordance with your kind oral request I have the honor to
submit herewith a brief sketch of my plan.
It is a matter of solving the Jewish Question of Eastern Europe
in a way that redounds to England's honor, but also to her advan
tage.
The stimulus for the British government to occupy itself with
this question is supplied by the immigration to the East End of
London.
It is true, this is still no calamity worth mentioning, and I hope
it will never become one to the extent that England would have to
break with the glorious principle of free asylum. But the fact that
a Royal Commission was appointed for the matter will make it
sufficiently plausible in the eyes of the world if the British govern
ment considers itself impelled to open up a special territory for
the Jews who are oppressed everywhere and thus gravitate to Eng
land.
This explanation is not superfluous, for the same Powers which
are now forcing their Jews out of the country and thus are not
obstructing the emigration endeavors of the Zionist movement
which I am directing might change their minds and impede us if
they discover that an increase in England’s power in the southeast
ern corner of the Mediterranean is in the offing. In the beginning
such jealousy would bother out emigrants a great deal; after some
time, when things are rolling, they can no longer do anything
about it.
To the southeast of the Mediterranean England has a possession
which at present is worthless and almost uninhabited. It is the
coastal area of El Arish and the Sinai Peninsula.
This area could be made the place of refuge, the home, of the
Jews hard-pressed all over the world, if England permits the es
tablishment of a Jewish colony there.
For a considerable period of time I have been negotiating with
the Turkish government, in the name of the Zionist movement,
for the cession of part of Palestine. Turkish negotiations take a
long time, and I intend to continue them with the Sultan, who is
personally favorably disposed toward me—if only to prevent even
the shadowof a doubt from arising about the absolute peacefulness
of the settlements in El Arish, etc., if we are granted them.
Practically speaking, the settlement might be carried out in
roughly the following way. The British government will give us
the necessary territorial concession into whose details it would be
premature to go now.
When the land concession is granted, the taxes to be paid to the
Empire by the Jewish colony should be determined, too.
On the basis of this concession we shall form a settlement com
pany, the Jewish Eastern Company, with, let us say, five million
pounds capital.
This Company will handle the settlement according to plan. A
staff of technicians and agricultural experts will immediately be
sent there, to prepare the construction of roads, railroads, and
harbors, survey the country, and divide it for allotment.
Immigration will not take place at once, but will be organized.
We have several thousand Zionist associations all over the world.
These are grouped into federations in each country. Thus, e.g.,
there is an English Federation (Chairman Sir Fr. Montefiore, in
London), a South African one (Chairman Mr. Goldreich, Johan
nesburg), a Canadian one (Chairman Mr. Clarence de Sola,
Montreal).
Naturally, the federations in Eastern Europe are much more
numerous.
All federations are now centralized in Vienna. Through them
we can make the individual associations into emigration authori
ties of absolute reliability and with uniform regulations. The
immigrants will be presented to us by the Local Groups, and each
such group will be responsible to us for the fitness of the people
selected.
The purpose of this is to assure us of a sound core of pioneers.
The settlement will be made according to the most modem
principles which science and experience furnish us.
The capital of the Company and the labor of the carefully se
lected first settlers will constitute only the beginning of the colony.
But if this were all, then this settlement too would only remain
something artificial and trivial, like other, earlier attempts at
Jewish colonization.
The undertaking will be made great and promising by the
granting of colonial rights. This is the tremendous attraction for
the outlawed, enfeebled, and unfortunate Jewish people.
Not only the hungry people of Eastern Europe will move where
they find work. People with some capital, too, will found enter
prises where they will be able to enjoy the fruits of their labors.
Even some very rich people will go along from Russia.
All these are facts which I know in detail and for which confi
dential proof is available.
In some short years the Empire would be bigger by a rich colony.
The fact that nothing exists in this territory at present does not
militate against my assertions.
Wherever there is a house now there used to be an empty build
ing plot, and at a technically much more helpless time Venice was
not even built on sand, but into the water.
Human beings are the wealth of a country, and England can
make an enormous acquisition of human beings—not only of the
hundreds of thousands who will immigrate within a few years in
order to fertilize the wasteland with their capital and their labor,
and to establish a peaceful home. All other Jews in the world, too,
will come into England’s fold at one stroke—if not politically, then
at least morally.
This is one of those imponderables that Bismarck had such an
appreciation of.
There are, at a conservative estimate, ten million Jews in the
whole world. Not everywhere will they be allowed to wear the
colors of England openly; but they will all wear England in their
hearts if through such a deed it becomes the protective power of
the Jewish people. At one stroke England will get ten million
secret but loyal subjects active in all walks of life all over the world.
They sell needles and thread in many small villages in the East;
but they are also wholesale merchants, industrialists, stock brokers,
scholars and artists and newspapermen and other things.
As at a signal, all of them will place themselves at the service of
the magnanimous nation that brings long-desired help.
England will get ten million agents for her greatness and her
influence. And the effect of this sort of thing usually spreads from
the political to the economic. It is surely no exaggeration to say
that a Jew would rather purchase and propagate the products of a
country that has rendered the Jewish people a benefaction than
those of a country in which the Jews are badly off.
When the other nations of Europe were still asleep, England
used the new means of communication to expand and fortify its
present colonies.
Similarly, there are values that fall to the share of the one who
acquires them at a time when they are esteemed lightly.
May the English government recognize what value there is in
gaining the Jewish people.
I am, Your Lordship.
Respectfully yours,
Dr. Theodor Herzl.
October 24
On shipboard, between Folkestone and Boulogne. Bright day.*
The congenial coast of England disappears.
# * *
This, then, was yesterday.

At 12:15 I entered Chamberlain’s business salon. For that is
what the Colonial Office reminds one of. The drawing room of a
shipping magnate.
Chamberlain rose, very busy* He could spare me only a few
minutes. But he said so in a most friendly manner. I believe the
tip* which I gave on my way out yesterday to the South African
who also happened to have an appointment contributed to his
friendliness. He was impressed* by my far-reaching influence.
I remained standing in order not to take his time. So, naturally,
did he.
He said to me:
“I have arranged a meeting between you and Lord Lansdowne.
He expects you at 4:30 in the afternoon. I have already smoothed
the way for you. Present the whole matter to him, but do not men
tion Cyprus. The Cyprus part of it is my affair. Tell him in par
ticular that your proposed colony is not a jumping-off place* aimed
at the Sultan’s possessions.”
As he said this, his face was all smiles. In fact, the mask was
amazingly alive today and merry all the time.
I said:
“Of course there can be no question of that, for I intend to go to
Palestine only with the Sultan’s consent.”
He gave me an amused look, as if to say:
“Go tell that to the Sultan.”
But aloud he said to me:
“Reassure Lord Lansdowne that you are not planning a Jameson
raid from El Arish into Palestine."
"I shall set his mind at rest, Mr. Chamberlainl” I said, also smil
ing.
We shook hands, and on parting I told him that I was happy to
have made his acquaintance.
# # #
At 1:45 I was at New Court with Rothschild and was taken to

the dining room at once. T he already familiar table with its al
ready familiar table mates: Leopold Rothschild, General Ellis, a
few minor figures, among them a rather unpleasant former con
fidential clerk—my Schlesinger in Altneuland. r
Trivial table talk. Afterwards I called Lord Rothschild out from
his public office. We went into the room where we had first met. T o
his visible astonishment I told him that I had seen Chamberlain
yesterday and today. Upon Greenberg’s advice I didn’t say anyr
thing about Lansdowne.
After I had told him that Chamberlain had received me well;
he said that he would call on Chamberlain next week, get his red
actions, and then write me.
When I told him that I planned to despatch six men to Cyprus
and have them create a popular demand for inviting in the Jews,
he broke into a big grin of approval. ^
He said he liked the Cyprus project better than the El Arish one.
But we must start with the latter, I explained to him.
He told me that Roosevelt and King Edward were great friends
of the Jews and were anxious to intercede on their behalf. I said:
“But that isn’t worth very much. I prefer the radical help of my
plan.”
He further told me that he had recently written to someone in
Paris—I think it was Paris—about the problem of the Rumanian
and Galician Jews, inveighing against the well-to-do Jews of
Austria for their indolence—“because they don't listen to Dr.
Herzl, who may bean enthusiast, but who is a great man.”*
“What?” I said. “Why, you’re embarrassing me.”
“No, it is my opinion. You are a great man."*
So we parted dans les meilleurs termes [on the best of terms]. The
Ladies Pauncefote were waiting for him and he had to leave.
Stante pede [Quickly] I called after him:
“If we get the concession, you must create the five-million-
pound Company for me. Without you it will be hard if not im
possible.”
The expression on his face said: Nous parlerons de ça plus tard
[We’ll discuss that later].
Previously he had said to me, as to the Sultan:*
“I didn’t write you about that, because the letters are opened.
You were quite right to decline his offers. At first he tried to bribe
you, in order to use you later for getting money from the Jews.
Only yesterday I received a letter from him, through a third party,
which ran something like this: Dear friend, lend me another 5
million on the cigarette monopoly.—I didn’t bother with it.”
After that remark of R.’s I dropped the whole question of
Turkish finances, because I could have no doubt that nothing
would come of it.
We parted friends.
• # *
At 4:30 I was back again in Downing Street, this time in the

more elegant rooms of the Foreign Office.
The amiable First Secretary, Mr. Barrington, whom I had al
ready met at Francis Montefiore’s table, came in and offered me
Lansdowne’s excuses for having to keep me waiting a little, as he
was being detained by a visitor.
Around 5 o’clock I walked at last into Lansdowne’s private
office (an exquisite salon) and was greeted by him charmingly. He
is a nice English gentleman, most modest in manner and not of
conspicuous intelligence.
Barrington had already told me that Chamberlain had been
very anxious* to have me received by Lansdowne.
So I knew beforehand that it would be smooth sailing. But this
very absence of obstacles, as well as Lansdowne’s gracious way of
listening, irritated me. I did not feel stimulated and my English
functioned badly. I was at a loss for words, etc., until I finally made
a quick decision and switched to French, whereupon l’affaire
marchait sur des roulettes [things rolled along].
That reminded me of how I had once decided that I would
speak to Salisbury in French, because of my superior command of
that language. I no longer found Salisbury in office, but Lansdowne
instead.
Once more I explained everything, but omitted Cyprus. He
listened most amiably, raised few objections, and finally asked me
to let him have a written memorandum of the matter—evidently
for the Cabinet. He for his part would write Lord Cromer for his
expert opinion. Whereupon I said that I planned to send a rep
resentative, Greenberg, to Cromer, and at once.*
He reminded me that Cromer might already have left for the
South, but said he was willing to give Greenberg an introduction
to Lord Cromer.
Charming, too, was the way in which Lord Lansdowne bade me
good-bye.
I think this has been a successful day.
October 27, on the Orient Express, beyond

Geislingen
I forgot one thing about the Lansdowne interview.
At the end I said to him: * *
“There is one other point. I have a good personal relationship
with the Sultan. I would be happy to be of service to you, in turn.
“I believe that English influence has suffered a bit in the
Orient.”
He lowered his eyes diplomatically as I said this, but seemed to
be delighted and said he would return to the matter some time.
•• In French in the original.
November 7, Vienna, Friday
I am broken down * am out of harness.
At the Annual Conference, and all that went with it, I wore my
self out to such a degree that since Sunday I have had all sorts of
heart symptoms.
All week I have been dragging myself around, incapable of
writing even a few lines.
Today, finally, I reported to the N. Fr. Pr. that I am sick.
I sent Greenberg to Egypt. I have just received a wire from
this excellent man, dated Cairo, where he arrived two days ago,
saying that he will leave there tomorrow morning—“everything
all right"*—and be back here on Wednesday.
Is it possible that we stand on the threshold of obtaining a—
British—Charter and founding the Jewish State?
The exhaustion of my energies makes it seem credible.
* * #
In his review of A Itneuland, Dr. Ganz put it very nicely:

“No Moses enters the Promised Land.”
November 13, Edlach.
My heart is working more normally again.

Greenberg is back from Cairo, with complete success, to the
extent that this was possible. He won over to our cause Lord
Cromer, also Boutros Ghali Pasha (the Egyptian “prime min
ister”*), and the more important English sous-ordres [subordi
nates] Mr. Boyle, Captain Hunter, etc.
'■ Of all my collaborators no one has hitherto accomplished any
thing like what Greenberg has done since the Royal Commission,
Rothschild, and Chamberlain.
He truly is my right-hand man now. T he question is whether
we can exploit our success further within a week, before Chamber
lain’s departure for South Africa. Otherwise the matter will fall
asleep again.
Together with Greenberg I welded together the draft which I
made for Lansdowne and which was revised by Zangwill, Nordau,
Cowen, and Alex and the one Greenberg wrote on shipboard be
tween Alexandria and Trieste.
Following Greenberg’s draft, I am writing to Chamberlain as
follows:*
The Rt. Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, M. P., etc. etc.

Dear Sir,
Enclosed I have the honour of forwarding you copy of a letter
I am despatching to Lord Lansdowne in reference to the matter
upon which you were so good as to accord me an interview last
month.
I have asked Mr. Greenberg himself to hand this letter to you, as
he has been to Cairo and seen Lord Cromer and others, including
Boutros Ghali Pasha, and would be able to tell you, in case you
care to know any details. Let me again thank you for all your kind
ness in the matter and wish you a pleasant and successful voyage
to S. Africa. Perhaps, however, you would desire to see me again
before you leave Europe, in which case, if you will let Mr. Green
berg know, I can either come to London or arrange to meet you
en route, so as to place myself at your disposal. Believe me to remain
Your obedient servant . . .
November 18, Vienna

Now I am again hanging on the end of a telegraph wire, expect
ing news from Greenberg. He has been in London since Saturday
evening, but has so far been unable to get to either Chamberlain or
Lansdowne.
• Original text.
Today he wires me that Chamberlain has given him an appoint
ment* for tomorrow. But tomorrow there will also be a Cabinet
meeting, the last that Chamberlain will attend before his depar
ture. I am wiring Greenberg immediately to give my letter to Lans-
downe at once* and not to Chamberlain first, as we had agreed
orally at Edlach.
Two days of this never returning week* have now passed, and I
am very reduced in my expectations. The earliest I could get to
London now would be Friday evening.
This greatly diminishes my chances of completing arrangements
prior to Chamberlain's departure.
• # #
To be on the safe side I am writing the following letter to the

Sultan in case I get an Egyptian Charter: * *
Sire:
I have the honor to submit the following advice to Y.I.M.’s

judgment. I have heard it said that the Imp. govt, is concerned
again with the match question. It seems that certain powers would
want to prevent this monopoly, which would be so useful and so
little trouble. It is on this point that I should like to take the
liberty of offering my opinion.
It would be easy to avoid the difficulty. Y.I.M. would only have
to declare that there is no question of manufacturing matches in
Turkey, but only of buying them in the countries where they now
come from. Since the difficulties are raised only in the interest of
these firms, it is clear that the objections will cease.
The Imp. govt, reserves only the monopoly of sale. The sale
might be administered by the tobacco shops. T he Imp. govt, would
make contracts with those foreign firms which now supply Turkey,
and, by purchasing in great quantities, it would obtain very ad-
vantageous prices. Or else, and this would be preferable, the govt,
would ask for bids on the delivery of matches to make the most
of the foreign firms’ competition.
The difference between the cost of purchasing in volume and
the monopoly retail sales will probably produce considerable rev
enues on which a loan could be floated later as the need arose.
Y.I.M. will decide if this completely disinterested advice is worth
anything or not.
At the same time I am taking the liberty of laying a modest gift,
my new book, at the foot of the Imperial throne.
It is an imaginative novel, showing in a picture of the future
the happy effect that Jewish colonization in Palestine would have.
I have had, alas!, to put my conception in the form of a fantasy,
not having been able to obtain Y.I.M.’s consent. It is elsewhere, on
other territory, that I am now trying to transform my schemes into
reality.
That will not prevent me from remaining sincerely grateful and
devoted to the magnanimous Sultan, who is my people’s friend,
and from always holding myself at his disposal, if my humble
abilities can be useful to him.
I have, Sire, the honor to remain Y.I.M.’s humble and obedient
servant
Dr. Th. H.
Nov. 19,1902
November 19, Vienna

Wire to Greenberg: *
Am well and have decided to go to Odessa (Cairo) if my meeting
Haven with Kipper and Company cannot be arranged. I shall then
leave Vienna aftermorrow and think it indispensable that you
join me. You must leave on Friday night, and we meet on the way.
Kindly wire me at once your resolution and today’s results.-------
• Original text.
For when I woke up today I decided not to give up the tactical
position even if Greenberg should not succeed in getting the
English Ministers this week.
Then I shall simply follow or precede Chamberlain to Egypt
and try to buttonhole him there.
November 20, Vienna

Satisfying wire from Greenberg. Yesterday he spoke with Cham
berlain, and the latter with Lansdowne.
My memorandum was in Lansdowne’s hands by the day before
the Cabinet meeting. Chamberlain plans to speak with Lord
Cromer and deal with the matter speedily.
Greenberg advises me not to go to Cairo, but wait here patiently
for Lansdowne’s call to London, to sign a preliminary agreement.
I am taking his advice.
Wire to Greenberg: *
I remain here following your advice.

But you must see at once Kipper, give him my thanks and urge
matters. Explaining that investigations must be started during
winter. I could easily come just now for a few days to London while
it would be rather difficult for me later on.
Wire Gloys answer.
Benjamin.
I am also sending him a letter urging him to hurry, for the Com
mission should be sent off in January at the latest, if colonization
is to start in the autumn.
November 22, Vienna

Letter to Mahmud Nedim (as a check that my letter gets into the
Sultan’s hands):
• Original text.
Your Excellency:
Permit me to ask you to transmit the following communication
to H.M. the Sultan by telegram and in your code language.
“I learn from Dr. Herzl that he has sent financial information to
Your Majesty in the usual way.”
Permit me also to give you my telephone number, which is not
in the telephone directory. It is 17 147.
Your Excellency’s obedient servant,

Th. H.
November 30, Vienna

Greenberg reports that things are going well. He has spoken with
Mr. Barrington, the First Secretary of the Foreign Office.
Today the A.C. met at my place. Kokesch and Kahn mildly
laughed at me when I mentioned the success that a Charter, even
only one from Egypt, would mean for us.
I reminded Kokesch of a statement he had made but a few years
ago: “No one is going to lend us even ten thousand guilders.” After
all, by today we have a few millions to administer which have au
fond [actually] been “loaned” to me, i.e., given à fonds perdu
[outright].
Then I outlined for the gentlemen my conception of how things
would go if we were to receive the Egyptian Charter.
Above El Arish, 1i/2 English miles to the north, there is a bay.
There I would construct the first harbor, build a breakwater into
the sea, and then construct a road leading from this harbor to the
Sinai mountains. I hope to find the initial economic basis for a
great settlement in the mountains.
December 2, Vienna
Yesterday another clash with Bâcher, the first in a long time.
The little shady politician of the Jewish Community, Dr. Stem,
was at the N.Fr.Pr. There was an irritated discussion of the last
Community elections.
Bâcher, annoyed: “I don’t know what they are fighting about.
After all, the Community is only peanuts.”
I: “That is only one point in the general battle. It is the same as
when they fight for a dairy farm in a battle.”
Ashamed, he realized that once again he had failed to understand
something. Both of us had raised our voices quite a bit.
December 9, Vienna
From Katzenelsohn the news that I shall perhaps be received
by the Czar. In that case I shall need the Austrian ambassador at
St. Petersburg, and therefore I am reviving my contact with
Koerber.
To Koerber:
Your Excellency:
Kindly accept my new book Altneuland (a political novel, an
ideal solution of the Jewish Question) as a token of my sincere re
spect.
I did not bother to apply for an audience for the purpose of
presenting it to you, since I know how precious your every minute
is.
The State is, after all, not a novel for you, but a reality that is
perhaps sometimes lamented.
Your Excellency’s ever obedient servant,

Th. Herzl.
December 10, Vienna

Fostering of the relationship with Eckardstein.
Dear Baron Eckardstein:
The friendly hours we chatted away together last summer en
courage me to offer you my humble but candid advice at a fate
ful moment for you. Even though you may not heed it, you will
recognize the sincere concern by which it is prompted.
It is true that I am more detached from the things involved, but
for this very reason I may be seeing them a bit more clearly.
I see by the papers that you are planning to convene your friends
next week for the founding of a “Kaiser Party.”
This party name is the most unfortunate that you could have
chosen, and it occurs to me that one summer night on your balcony
I drew your attention to the fundamental importance of a party’s
designation. The public knows only slogans. It is stupid, but that’s
the way it is. You will never get rid of the name under which you
make your debut, in jest and in earnest.* People are going to beat
away at the weak spots that you first show for as long as you give any
sign of life. But why jeopardize a promising and great thing right
from the start? Today you can still rectify it, otherwise I would not
bother you with this letter. But first the reasons why your party
should not have that name.
1) The name is not distinctive. With the exception of the Social
Democrats, every party will indignantly deny not being a Kaiser
Party, insofar as this means adherence to the monarchic principle.
2) If, however, only the present Kaiser is meant, you will do
yourself harm from the outset, without strengthening him.
I think very highly of your Kaiser whose personal acquaintance I
have had the honor of making. He is a brilliant personality, per
haps only too richly talented and too humanly impulsive for the
place above the clouds which providence has assigned to him. You
know with what frequency he mixes in public life and how he
sometimes goes too far for an emperor.
Will you commit yourself in advance always to go along? If you
do, you will be regarded as a quantité négligeable [negligible
quantity] from the start. If not, by virtue of your being the Kaiser
Party, even your tacit refusal will hurt the Kaiser more deeply and
be more detrimental to his authority than the most violent attacks
of the revolutionaries.
• Translator's Note: The well-read diarist's phrase is Schimpf und Ernst, the title
of a collection of short moral tales and anecdotes by the Jewish-bom Franciscan
monk Johannes Pauli (1522).
3) On a number of previous occasions the Kaiser has changed
his views of things and persons. Surely you are acquainted with
the opposition’s compilation of his contradictions. As Heyse puts
it,
Wer heute kliiger ist als gestern
Und es mit offenem M ut bekennt,
Den werden die Biedermànner lastem
Und schelten ihn inkonsequent.
[Anyone who is wiser today than he was yesterday and frankly
admits it will be maligned by the philistines and chided for being
inconsistent.]
Bismarck was inconsistent, too. A great personality’s incon
sistency contains its own excuse.
A party, however, must not bear the stamp of inconsistency. Of
course, I can conceive of a personal party, e.g., a Chamberlain
Party or the like, but not a Wilhelm Party. Why? Because Wilhelm
II is constitutionally not responsible, and the very premise of a
personal party is the political responsibility of the chief. You could
say: I, Eckardstein, am a vassal of the Kaiser, and you could found
an Eckardstein Party, but it seems to me to be misguided to start a
party with the Kaiser as patron.
4) You will be accused of sycophancy even if you agree with the
Kaiser of your own free judgment. On the other hand, the Kaiser
won’t get much out of you, because at the beginning you will not
seem as though you would resist him if need be. On ne s’appuie que
sur ce qui résiste [We can lean only on what is capable of resisting].
The reason the landed proprietors are a bulwark of the throne is
that they say: “if he does what we want.”
I could cite additional reasons. But perhaps these will suffice.
How, then, can you remedy this?
If you make an authoritative correction of the newspaper report
in the first Frankfurt meeting: “Our program is such and such. We
favor prudent progress. We are the party of the bourgeoisie, of
modem developments, and we believe that these are also the aims
of our emperor. In this sense a newspaper report was able to call us
the Kaiser Party. Naturally we would not dream of dragging the
Kaiser into party fights, etc.”
Choose any party name you wish. Colorlessness, even triviality,
does not do any harm.
You can choose Middle-Class Party, Moderate Progress Party,
New Empire Party, and umpteen other names, but not Kaiser
Party. I would like “Eckardstein Party” best.
You have the build of a standard bearer. And something else
that may also be of value in the future: You will keep all your peo
ple under your command.
Perhaps we shall meet somewhere in the near future. It may be
that the performance of my new drama at the Konigliches Schau-
spielhaus at the beginning of next year will give me an occasion to
come to Berlin. If you are in Germany at that time, we could have
a chat about all sorts of things, including the organization of pub
licity which is of paramount importance for your purposes. If you
wish to appear as a power in the next elections, you have to give it
some thought now. I know something about these things, but
would not care to go any further with my unsolicited advice than
I have in these lines, whose frankness you, my dear Baron, will
surely not take amiss.
Begging you to place my respects at the feet of the Baroness, I
am, with kindest regards,

Th. H.
December 82, Vienna

Yesterday I received Lord Lansdowne’s reply, written by Sir
T. H. Sanderson, an historic document.
Lord Cromer reports that the project for the Sinai Peninsula
will be feasible—if the Commission finds that the actual conditions
permit it. The Egyptian government would demand only Ottoman
citizenship and a yearly contribution for the preservation of order
internally and externally.
I shall send a Commission there: Marmorek the architect,
Kessler the engineer, Prof. Warburg, one of the Palestinian agricul
tural experts, and the geometrician Jennings-Bramly of the Sudan
whom Cromer has recommended.
I shall charge the Sultan dearly for accepting Ottoman citizen
ship (under an English guarantee). I shall demand in return a piece
of Palestine.
I shall promise the Egyptian government payment of the yearly
tribute and keep the promise, provided that the governor of the
Egyptian province of Judea is elected by the colonists for ten or
seven years and only confirmed by the Khedive—or nominated by
the English government and appointed by the Khedive.
The protective troops can be commanded by Anglo-Egyptian
officers; the personnel will be ours.
On the basis of these accomplishments Lord Rothschild will
have to get me the I.C.A. money—at least two or three million
pounds for the Jewish Eastern Company. The rest through public
subscription.
December 22, Vienna

Letter to Lansdowne: *
The Rt. Hon. the Marquess of Lansdowne K. G. etc., Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs to His Britannic Majesty.
My Lord,
Allow me to thank your Lordship for the communication you
sent me through Sir Thomas H. Sanderson.
As some of the points referred to require a personal explanation,
I hope to be able to call on your Lordship in London shortly after
New Year and answer principally the objections concerning the
"colonial rights.”
Believe me to be, My Lord,
Your Lordship’s most obedient humble servant
T h.H .
* Original text.
Allow me to thank you for the communication from Lord Lans-
downe which you kindly sent me.
As some of the points referred to require an oral explanation
—among others the highly important question of the colonial
rights—I have the intention to call on His Lordship in London
shortly after New Year.
Believe me to be, Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant

T . H.
# # *
What impresses me most is the coolness and calmness with which
the Foreign Office continues to pursue the Sinai matter amidst the
Venezuelan entanglement.
This coolness and calmness must be learned. It is the key to
greatness.
December 26
Upon Greenberg’s advice, changed the letters to Lansdowne and
Sanderson.
To Lansdowne I wrote the following, apart from the introduc
tory and complimentary claptrap: *
I have wired Mr. Greenberg to call at the Foreign Office and
tender to your Lordship, through Mr. Barrington, my warmest
acknowledgement of your kindness in the matter.
I shall take an early opportunity of laying your despatch before
my colleagues, and after consultation with them I shall reply in
detail.------
I informed Sanderson that I would come to London soon.
• Original text.
December 30, Vienna
Between last night and this morning the following occurred to
me:
Perhaps we could irrigate the desert land by means of the Nile!
A simple pipeline probably impossible, to be sure, on account
of the Suez canal; the water would have to be pumped over at
ship’s height (!?) or pumped through at a great depth. The latter
would seem much easier to me.
Such an aqueduct could cost millions and that still would not
be too high a price for it.
Or the mud (like dredging mud) could be loaded on boats, and
then not dumped in the sea, but taken to El Arish.
Also, perhaps filter ships could be built, have the mud settle in
the holds, and then wash it ashore at El Arish.
There might be many ways of execution. I am turning over this
and the phosphate matter to Marmorek and Warburg (who has
accepted the mission) as a secret assignment on this trip.
December 31, Vienna

This evening, after I had once again cleared the feuilleton files
at the N. Fr. Pr. preparatory to my departure, I had a severe défail
lance [fit of depression] which still continues.
I was away so often and for so long. If I leave again now . . .
Things are bound to come to a head some day. Then I shall either
have the worry of making a living, or be the holder of a stipend
from the movement!
What terrible small difficulties are paralyzing me in the face of
the big ones.
And yet: now that things are crackling east and west of the
Mediterranean, now that the Macedonian question will probably
be opened up in the Spring, the partition of Morocco may be im
minent, and the Italian annexation of Tripoli is definitely in the
offing, it is of the greatest importance that I speak with Lansdowne.
With Rothschild as well.
I have a harder and harder time leaving, presumably because I
am getting older, more timorous, and more worried about my
livelihood.
This time my good, wise mother, too, alarmed me by saying that
I shouldn’t gamble with my livelihood.
What to do?
First, sleep on it once more.
January 11, on the train, outside Calais

In Paris, where I had asked Greenberg to meet me, the reply
to Lansdowne was discussed. My plans, which had been approved
by the Vienna A.C., also met with the approval of Nordau, Alex,
and Greenberg. Then Nordau drafted the reply, whereupon
Greenberg corrected its English.
Greenberg took the letter to London. I wrote Lord Rothschild
that I was coming to London, and asked him for an appointment.
January 15, London

So far nothing of consequence.
The familiar Bank and East End hubbub.
Rothschild was very nice. He replied to my letter that he would
come to see me, and then he came to my hotel.
Two years ago he didn’t even want to meet me at Lady Batter
sea’s.
In three-quarters of an hour I explained everything to him, gave
him my correspondence with the government to read, which I be
lieve, impressed him.
I told him what I wanted from him: to get me three million
pounds from the I.C.A. for the Jewish Eastern Company. We
would then raise the remaining two million by subscription.
He promised me to ask Claude Montefiore to come and see him,
although he doesn’t like him.
This is supposed to be done tomorrow. Then I am to come to
lunch and he will give me a reply.
He told me that great conflicts were now going on in the I.C.A.
They had spent £900,000 annually, and the English members
were insisting that there be less waste and better accounts be ren
dered. Then both factions had turned to him for advice.
“Make use of this situation in our behalf, Lord Rothschild!” I
said to him.
He is a fine old man and I am really fond of him.
* * *
I asked Gaster to see me at my hotel so as to let Claude Monte-

fiore know even before he goes to see Rothschild what trouble is in
store for the I.C.A. if it does not cooperate with us.
* * *
On top of this, wrote a feuilleton for the N. Fr. Pr., “An Evening
in Paris.” I can’t get rid of the misery of this dependence.
* * *
Yesterday a letter from Barrington, Lansdowne’s secretary: Lans-

downe regrets being unable to receive me this week.
Unpleasant, but can’t be helped.
* * «
Gaster has begged off. At the same time Colonel Goldsmid came.
I immediately used him for the errand to see Claude Montefiore.
I promised Goldsmid the command over the military force* at
El Arish.
II est à mon dévouement [He will do anything I want].
January 17, London

Yesterday was a good day.
At noon with Rothschild. He told me that Claude Montefiore
was not in London (which I already knew from Col. Goldsmid,
who had gone to Southampton for me to see Claude), but had
wired that he would be here on Monday if it was something im
portant. “Telegraph him, Lord Rothschild!”
He did so immediately and also sent for Herbert Lousada of the
I.C.A. with whom he was not acquainted.
Then I said: “I have to go to the Foreign Office at 3 o’clock.
What are we going to do if the I.C.A. people don’t cooperate?”
Lord Rothschild: “Then we shall make the subscription. But
I don’t see how they could refuse.”
I further asked: “Shall I take in Cassel?”
Lord Rothschild: “If he’s willing, why not? But he always likes
to be at the head.”
I: “No, you should head the financial part!”
Lord Rothschild: “No, no, you will be at the head, Dr. Herzl.
I only want to be your co-worker. I am glad if I can be of help to
you.”
Voilà [There we are]! So we have achieved that much, unless he
backs out again. Put not your trust in princes (of finance, too), like
a cradle they will rock.*
Then we had lunch. His son Charles, a nice, intelligent, robust
young man, was also au fait [in on it], as was Leopold R. The house
of R. seems to have made the matter its own.
* * *
Afterwards went with Greenberg to see Sir Thomas Sanderson,

Permanent Undersecretary for Foreign Affairs, in Downing Street.
A lean, sharp, intelligent, suspicious old man who reminds me of
Freycinet. We spoke about this and that, not much that was new.
But when I mentioned the colonial rights which were to be estab
lished for the settlement, he got frightened. We must not think of
anything international—at the most, a Charter from the Egyptian
government.
The strange thing is that while the whole world believes in Eng
land’s determination to hold on to Egypt coûte que coûte [at any
cost], Sir Thomas gave me the feeling that they don’t consider
• Translator's Note: See Note on p. 886.
themselves so firmly in the saddle and regard the situation as pro
visional.
I gave him the itinerary of the Commission and its membership.
I said we still needed an irrigation engineer. Sir Thomas recom
mended that we contact Sir Benjamin Baker, the builder of the
Firth of Forth bridge and the Aswan Dam.
He didn’t want to go into the details of the Charter. We would
have to arrange that with Lord Cromer. T he English government
would go as far as Cromer did, and no farther than that. Sir
Thomas evidently was afraid that I might inveigle him too far
into an adventure.
In this referral from one to the other obviously lies a weakness of
the English administration. They are too precise in their jurisdic
tions. Politics cannot be carried on without exceeding authority,
and one person must bear all the responsibility.
* * *
After leaving Sir Thomas I drove in company with Greenberg to

the great engineer Baker. He looks like a shoemaker, but his square
face hacked out with a hatchet, his bushy commanding glance, his
thick drooping moustache which conceals the movements of the
mouth, the powerful jaw—all this revealed a man to me.
He recommended to us Engineer Stephens, who is on his way
back from Egypt right now.
Sir Benjamin was curious as to what we actually wanted; he
also asked little leading questions, but did not really take it amiss
when we gave no answers to them.
# * #
In the evening Col. Goldsmid, who had returned from his trip
to Southampton to see Claude, called me on the telephone. The
result of his trip has been satisfactory. Further details in person
today.
# * •
Then I made an agreement with Engineer Kessler to be the
leader of the expedition. Kessler has the knowledge and the calm
that the task requires. Oskar Marmorek is an artistic temperament
and in just a few days caused mischief back in Berlin by his rashness
and gabbiness.
The expedition will set out from Trieste on the 29th inst.
I am going to work out all the details, the whole provisioning,
etc., with Cook.
I am now studying the maps of the country.
This is a great ending for Book Thirteen.
* * *
Later.
Colonel Goldsmid was here. He wants to be in on the expedi
tion. I accepted him. He will get £ 100 for the trip, plus expenses.
He intends to win the Lord Mayor and the King for us.
Book Fourteen
Begun in London, January 18, 1903
January 18, London
It is a Sunday with heavy fog, the atmosphere almost impen
etrable. I am sitting in front of the fire-place in my little hotel
room. I will write a feuilleton for the N. Fr. Pr. and tide myself
over the idle Sunday.
When Colonel Goldsmid offered to go along on the trip, he
made a remark about money arrangements* which he would have
to make in advance.
“Do speak with me as with your frien d ”* I encouraged him.
Whereupon he said reluctantly that it would be about £100 in
addition to expenses.
Agreed. “You will have on Monday a check of 100 pounds"* I
told him.
Then he left to have luncheon with the Lord Mayor. As for me,
I shall be content if he introduces me to the King. Whatever other
service he performs for the expedition does not matter to me.
# # #
A wire from Oskar that Franz Oppenheimer, who had already

sent in his refusal, may go along after all.
From Alex a wire that Laurent-Brussels has accepted, but not
yet said what fee he asks.
Tomorrow afternoon I expect Engineer Stephens whom Sir
Benjamin Baker recommended to me.
If he accepts, the expedition will consist of the following:
Kessler, leader of the expedition;
Oskar Marmorek, architect and secretary;
Colonel Goldsmid;
Franz Oppenheimer;
Laurent;
Jennings Bramly;
Stephens.
1393
I also want Greenberg to go to Egypt at the same time as the
Commission. He is to introduce them to Lord Cromer, Boyle,
Hunter, and others.
If he can’t, this task will devolve upon Col. Goldsmid whom I
also want to win over the Egyptian Jews, Suarez, etc.
# # *
Today I gave instructions to Kessler. He must bring me a report

about the feasibility of settling the land, so that I may get the
Charter and the money.
I also confided to him my desire to have Cyprus and Haifa with
its hinterland, and my intention to start the colonization on the
best soil.
# * *
I gave Greenberg instructions for the Charter, which is to be

concise and flexible.
He is to take what he can get from the Egyptian government,
but should ask for as much as possible, because the quality of the
concession will determine the size of the investments and the
possibilities for prospering.
January 19, London

I am continuing to organize the expedition.
This morning Kessler, Col. Goldsmid, and a representative of
Cook’s came to see me.
I made all the arrangements as far as Ismailia. From there on
Kessler will take over. I gave them only the main outlines.
The expedition is to proceed from Ismailia (not Port Said) on
the caravan road to the Lake of Sirbonia, toward the eastern end on
the land side, and there have its first headquarters.
Col. Goldsmid will bring good maps from the War Office, and
is going to be very valuable in general.
At noon I was at Rothschild’s. He told me that Claude Monte-
fiore had begged off for reasons of health. A lie, of course. Claude
doesn’t want to expose himself.
But Lousada was coming—specifically, at 3 p. m.
We had lunch. Lord Rothschild told tales about the Times,
which had once concealed the source of its information about Sir
Robert Peel for 55 years, and things like that.
After lunch I said that I would come back at 3 (so that I wouldn’t
have to hang around in Rothschild’s office).
I returned 10 minutes late on purpose.
Lord R. was already deep in an explanation of the matter.
Next to him there sat, shy and respectful, a skinny grouch, Mr.
Herbert Lousada.
An unfolded map of Egypt was lying there; brother Leopold
and the Lord’s two sons were respectfully listening to the action of
state.
Lord R. behaved splendidly. He defended my plan as if it were
his own. "Dr. Herzl and I agree in that,"* etc.
The tricky yellow journalist Lousada attempted the difficult
feat of smiling amiably on the half of his face that was turned to
Lord R., and wearing a hard, forbidding expression on the half
that was turned toward me. The result was comical and disgusting.
When he (Lousada) replied to Lord R.’s invitation to think the
matter over, "I shall be happy to think over anything you may
desire,” Lord R. came back at him as follows:
“These Portuguese Jews always answer you with polite phrases.
But I don’t want phrases; I want the substance.”
(He had never met Mr. Lousada before. Voilà la puissance de
l’argent [There’s the power of money]).
He told Mr. L. to bear in mind that Dr. Herzl’s plan couldn’t
be treated so lightly. T he Secretaries of State for Foreign Affairs
and the Colonies had been persuaded.
The English and the Egyptian governments were patrons of the
thing, etc. Dr. Herzl was asking for five million pounds, and the
I.C.A. should supply three of these, whereupon the remainder
could easily be raised by subscription.
Then I let loose:
“Get your colleagues together and put it before them. Do it we
shall. The only question is whether with you or without you.’’
The greyhound was in a real squeeze, and I think he was glad
when Lord Rothschild ended the session.
He said good-bye contritely, I, nonchalantly.
“Lord Rothschild, I should like to have you as a lawyer!” I said
and left.
Lousada was waiting for me in the hall.
I walked with him for a few blocks and continued to hammer
at him. He should notify Claude and Alfred Cohen, but no one
else. It was an English affair, and I wouldn't want to alarm the
patriotism of the French members of the I.C.A.
He promised me this.
I also said that we would bury the hatchet and work together
in the future.
He thought that in principle the question need not be investi
gated; only when we had the concession and the report.
With this I agreed and promised to let him know as soon as I had
the concession, so that he could convene the I.C.A.
# * #
When I got back to the hotel, I found Stephens the engineer,

who had been recommended by Sir Benjamin Baker, already wait
ing for me.
In five minutes we had reached an agreement. He will get £40
a week. He is a colorless Englishman in his fifties, with a stutter,
quiet and amiable.
Col. Goldsmid also came again. I introduced the gentlemen to
each other.
Then a wire from Alex. Laurent has definitely accepted.
The Commission is complete.
January 21, London
Worked yesterday until afternoon with the general staff of my
Commission.
Because of his composure I like Kessler very well as the leader.
Colonel Goldsmid is already making himself useful by procuring
general-staff and admiralty maps.
G. H. Stephens, the irrigation engineer,* seems to be a solid
Englishman, with the cool enthusiasm of a real engineer.
The harbor in Lake Sirbonia was the first thing we discussed.
He would like to extend the fresh-water canal that runs from the
Nile to the Suez Canal. This canal was built for the canal workers
in the time of Lesseps.
(As a 10-year-old boy I talked about making a Lesseps-like proj
ect, cutting the Panama canal!)
* * *
Goldsmid has received £100. Stephens gets £40 a week, Laurent

500 francs a week. Greenberg asked for “no payment,” but a £500
loan for his firm without a repayment limit. I granted everything.
Greenberg is the most expensive man, but also the most important
one, for he is to secure the Charter. So far he has done very ex
cellent work and is worth any amount of money.
* * *
From afternoon to midnight I worked on a feuilleton for the

N. Fr. Pr.
Covering letter to Maledikt: * *
Dear Friend:
Please find enclosed a feuilleton.
Originally I planned to go from here to the Riviera, because I
still don’t feel well. But something has come up here which I must
•• Translator’s Note: Herzl’s sardonic pun on the name of his superior, whom
he had come to regard a smore maleficent than beneficent.
take care of in Vienna. Therefore I shall be in Vienna next Tues
day.
It is possible that within the next few months I shall have to ask
you to accept my resignation from the staff of the N. Fr. Pr. Until
then I shall naturally be at your disposal as always when I am in
Vienna, and send you a feuilleton a week when I am traveling.
I shall notify you in time if the indicated eventuality should
arise, so that you can arrange for a replacement, which will not be
hard to find.
With my best regards to yourself and Dr. Bâcher,
Yours sincerely,
Herzl.
January 26, on the train, between Munich and Salzburg

From London I sent Chamberlain the letter which is pasted in
here:*
Dear Sir,
During my absence from Vienna, I find to my great annoyance
and regret, that an article has appeared in the Neue Freie Presse,
with which as you know I am connected, violently attacking you.
I cannot tell you how sorry I am that this should have found its
way into my paper.
So strongly do I feel, however, about this, and so deeply grate
ful am I for all you have done for our people recently, in con
nection with the proposed settlement in the Sinai Peninsula, which
I hope soon to see an accomplished fact, that I feel bound in honour
to leave my position on the Neue Freie Presse in your hands; and
if you think that I ought to sever my connection with the paper as
a demonstration of my personal loyalty to and regard for yourself,
I am quite prepared to do so. I should have done so without putting
the matter to you, were it not that I should thereby be withdrawing
a strong pro-English element from the personnel of the Journal.
• Original text.
Still, as I say, I leave myself in your hands, and will do as you desire
I should under the circumstances.
We are hoping to send out the preliminary Commission of In
vestigation to the Sinai Peninsula in a few days, and I need scarcely
say our deepest feelings of thankfulness are with you for the aid
you have rendered us in respect to the scheme.
Hoping you are having a pleasant and successful journey,
Believe me to remain
Sincerely yours,
Rt. Hon.: Joseph Chamberlain M.P.
Address: Vienna-Wàhring, Haizingergasse 29.
From Paris—after my arrival I sat down in the cafeteria without
washing up—I wrote the letter to Lansdowne which is pasted in
here and is dated January 22: *
My Lord,
I regret you were unable to see me when I was in London. I
however had the pleasure of seeing Sir Thos. Sanderson, and he
doubtless will have informed you that the Commission of Inves
tigation in the Sinai Peninsula will start from Ismailia about 4th
Feb.
Mr. Greenberg who previously saw Lord Cromer and others in
Cairo, will proceed there shortly in order to confer on my behalf
with the authorities as to the Charter to be obtained from the
Egyptian Govt.
Mr. Greenberg will have full powers to act for me and for the
Executive Com. of the Zionist movement, and I shall feel favoured
if your Lordship will be so good as to intimate this to Lord Cromer.
I beg sincerely to thank Your Lordship for your kind assistance
in the matter, and to assure you that we shall do everything possible
to make the scheme a success. I am
Your Lordship’s obedient servant.

* Original text.
In Paris I received a coded telegram from Greenberg saying that
there had been an answer to this letter from Sanderson and that I
would find it in Vienna. Since Greenberg informs me at the same
time that the Commission is leaving on Tuesday, I assume that
nothing unfavorable has happened.
# # #
In Paris I had a wire from Kessler saying that Stephens had come
down with bronchitis. In consequence Kessler asked for assignment
of a physician, Dr. Joffe of Jaffa. I wired Joffe and instructed
Kessler to leave on Tuesday with or without Stephens. If necessary,
Stephens might follow two or three days later with Greenberg, via
Marseilles.
• * *
I have arranged the itinerary of the expedition in the following

manner.
Kessler, Oskar, Goldsmid, Laurent (whom I met in Paris at the
ailing Alex’s and won over) and possibly Stephens arrive at Alex
andria on Monday, February 2, where they are joined by Jennings
Bramly, from whom, to be sure, I still have had no word so far, and
by Joffe, if he goes along.
On Tuesday, February 3, Colonel Goldsmid will go to Ismailia
as quartermaster, along with Laurent, Stephens, and Joffe, in
order to inspect the camels, provisions, etc.
Meanwhile Kessler and Bramly go to Cairo, if there is anything
to take care of there.
Oskar is to go along to Cairo, too, in order to take a look at the
neo-Egyptian architectural style whose airy Gothic arches are to
stimulate him.
Wednesday, February 4, Kessler and Bramly meet with Green
berg at Port Said.
Greenberg makes Bramly’s acquaintance on the trip to Ismailia.
On Thursday, February 5, the expedition starts out on the
caravan road, either from Ismailia or from El-Kantara, toward
Lake Sirbonia whose surroundings are to be explored first, to find
out whether the lake, through dredging its deep spots and drain
ing its shallow ones, may be used for a harbor and a city site.
Greenberg goes to Cairo to negotiate for the Charter.
The expedition will send all reports to Greenberg who will
forward them to me by telegram or by letter.
Stephens’ job is to investigate the harbor, the canalization from
the Nile, the drilling of wells, dams—in short, all water problems.
Laurent’s concern is all problems of plantation. I spoke with
him in the presence of Nordau and Alex. I told him that we plan to
start with a company with a capital of five million pounds and
will later have the proportionate amount of money that corre
sponds to the capitalized tax power of the settlers. Therefore he
should base his calculation of the feasibility of settlement not only
on the factor of the natural resources available, but also on the
other two factors, money and working power.
When we begin, we shall have the necessary financial backing,
and the inexhaustible reservoir of Eastern Europe will supply us
most cheaply with desperate masses of workers, who are therefore
of the best quality. He is to report to me whether, taking these
factors into account, colonization is possible, and what kinds of
culture there can be.
Goldsmid’s function is more decorative, but he will be useful for
dealing with English authorities and, if need be, supplying mili
tary protection. As a quartermaster, too. He is in command of the
movements which are decided upon in the expedition council
under Kessler’s chairmanship, with Kessler casting the deciding
vote in case of a tie.
Oskar Marmorek is general secretary, in addition to his specialty,
i.e., questions of housing and settlement, construction of roads,
city planning, etc.
Dr. Joffe (if he goes along) is to study problems of climate and
hygiene and make a report on this.
Bramly: general exploration of the country.
Kessler is chief, treasurer, and geological specialist. I have asked
Warburg to wire Blanckenhom for a brief statement (which we
shall pay for) pointing out usable camping sites. I hope to find this
statement waiting for me in Vienna and to give it to Kessler.
Three sets* of maps are being prepared, one of which will stay
with the expedition, one with Greenberg at Cairo, and the third
with me.
I was going to suggest dividing the map into squares, so that the
reports would only have to refer to the square where the expedition
happened to be. But Col. Goldsmid has worked out something
similar and even more ingenious for the English army: squared
tracing paper which only needs to be mounted on the map. The
squares are marked by letters. So we shall use that.
I think I have forgotten nothing, neither the code books nor life
insurance for the travelers nor the phonographs which they are to
use in their tent for the amusement of the bedouins in the desert.
I plan to buy presents for the bedouins in Vienna tomorrow.
• • *
Authorization for Kessler:
My Dear Colleague:
As Chairman of the Actions Committee of the Zionist Move

ment and in the name and on behalf of the Inner A.C. in Vienna
I hereby appoint you as leader of the expedition commissioned by
us for the exploration of the feasability of settling the northern
half of the Sinai Peninsula.
You will be kind enough to follow the instructions given you,
to the extent that conditions which cannot be foreseen in detail
permit.
It will be your assignment to investigate and determine, with
the help of the gentlemen of the expedition, the opportunities and
possibilities for rural as well as urban colonization of the territory
located on the Mediterranean between the Suez Canal and the
Turkish border, as well as of its hinterland.
The route to be taken is, to begin with, from the point of de
parture, Ismailia or El Kantara, to the Lake of Sirbonia.
In the daily deliberations of the expedition you will determine
the further course whose approximate destination should be the
petroleum depots near Suez (you are not bound to this destination).
You will preside at these meetings, cast your ballot last, and have
the decisive vote in case of a tie.
The minutes of the council will be taken by Dr. Joffe.
In addition to the record of decisions, a record of reports is to
be kept in which the results of the day are to be entered each
evening.
However, it is very desirable that besides this each member of
the expedition keep a diary (to be purchased in Alexandria, to
gether with fountain pens) and enclose concise extracts from it
with the mail which should go off to me as frequently as possible.
I must receive the informational reports (carbon copies) in
extenso [in full] with each mailing.
The gentlemen who have not yet given me a pledge, in London
or Paris, not to publish anything about the expedition without my
prior consent, either in writings of their own or in interviews,
are requested to put this pledge in writing before their departure
—preferably in a joint statement signed by all.
(Text: The undersigned, members of the expedition ordered
and equipped by the leadership of the Zionist Movement to ex
plore the feasibility of settling the Sinai Peninsula, hereby pledge
their word of honor not to publish anything about this expedition
either in writings of their own or in speeches or interviews, unless
they receive the consent of the chairman of the A.C. beforehand.)
Mail is to be sent to Mr. Greenberg in Cairo who will forward
it to me. Use every possible opportunity to send us news—prefer
ably daily. Do not spare any reasonable expense in this. Do not
hesitate to telegraph if need be.
And now, Godspeed I
As great collaborators, show yourself equal to the historic task
that we are placing in your hands.
With Zion’s greetings,

Dr. Th. H.
* * #
Hints for Greenberg, Kessler.

If Stephens unable to go along, an expert must be acquired in
Egypt-
South as far as the Gulf of Aqaba.
Laurent rock-salt fertilization.
January 29, Vienna
On the train going to St. Pôlten yesterday, worked out with

Kremenezky, Kokesch, and Kahn the draft of the Charter for
Greenberg.
Kokesch and I then copied it, in the coffee-house and finally at
the station.
The Ostend Express came in; Kessler, Goldsmid, Stephens,
Laurent were on it. We went on to Vienna with them; I discussed
a few more details with Kessler. Then we gave them a vin d’hon
neur [stirrup cup] at the Siidbahn [Southern Railroad] station.
Oskar arrived.
At 7 o'clock they left, bound for Trieste.
* # *
I am now trying to get Trieste on the telephone, because I want

to instruct Kessler not to lose a day in Cairo, contrary to his under
standing with Greenberg.
January 29, Vienna
Telegram to Greenberg: *
Rabbis (Commission) left. Every day costs about forty pounds,
and by your new arrangements at least three days are simply lost.
I think therefore better that Rabbis go Monday at once to Mar
seilles. Hump (Kessler) with Pater (Goldsmid) will see Copy
(Boyle) and prepare meeting Bauer for their return. Tuesday
night they leave for Wilna and meet you.
Benjamin.
January 29, Vienna

Telegram to Kessler, Brindisi.
Please all go Cairo Monday, even without Greenberg. Kessler
and Goldsmid call on Boyle, ask him whether introduction desir
able now or on way back. Latter would be preferable. In any case,
please arrive Ismailia Tuesday evening, at latest Wednesday morn
ing, await Greenberg Wednesday, Thursday start out without fail,
with or without Bramly.
Benjamin.
January 30, Vienna

Yesterday Greenberg requested me, for reasons he could not
state in a telegram, to withdraw the instructions I had given Kess
ler.
Although I don’t like confusions by withdrawing instructions
I shall withdraw them if your letter contains sufficient reasons.
You can post it on your way. I can get it Sunday in time to wire
* Original text.
Hump to Avignon. I hope you leave tonight. Don’t forget ad
vise Woolf to send letters during absence to Joe.
Benjamin.
Telegram to Dr. Joffe: *
Start immediately. Our friends won’t wait. They will leave Is-
mailia next Wednesday. Meeting place Cook Agency, Chief
Kessler. Wire me your arrival and address at Port Said or El-Arish.
I prefer Port Said, if quarantine lifted.
Herzlingen.
January 31, Vienna

Wire to Joffe who sent a confused telegram:
Partez vous immédiatement? Oui ou non [Are you leaving im
mediately? Yes or No].
* * *
Greenberg has asked for withdrawal of my instructions to

Kessler and re-establishment of the London arrangement, because
the Egyptian government is sending along someone other than
Bramly.
February 1, Vienna
Telegram to Kessler (Cook, Alexandria):
Nasardant (most important news*) disregard Brindisi wire.
Greenberg’s London arrangement valid.
Benjamin.
February 2, Vienna
Telegram to Kessler:
Joffe arriving Tuesday El-Arish, expects wired instructions for
meeting.
* * *
From Kessler: *
Cookscamp has been put into quarantine for five days. Cannot
start until eighth. Under the mentioned circumstances I (we) will
proceed Cairo unofficially. Joffe may proceed Ismailia if it is not
possible must remain until further orders El-Arish.
February 3, Vienna
Telegram to Joffe, El-Arish : * *
Friends detained by quarantine, will leave Ismailia Sunday.
Await Kessler’s instructions El-Arish.
* * #
February 3
To Kessler, Cairo: *
Impugnais (wire instructions direct to) Joffe El-Arish.
February 3
This evening Greenberg arrives at Port Said. He wrote and
wired en route that Lansdowne and Sanderson have been in fre
quent touch with Cromer during the last few days, in order to
get our expedition a substitute for Bramly, who can’t get away
before the end of February. The English and Egyptian govern-
• Original text.
ments would not want to accept the responsibility for the ex
pedition if this replacement for Bramly did not go along.
Welcome. For if we accept the man, they thereby take a respon
sibility implicite [implicitly].
* # *
Authorization for Greenberg, dated February 3:*

Dear Mr. Greenberg,
In the event of any question arising, I am writing this to say
that it is quite understood that in the matter of the négociations
and everything concerning the proposed settlement in the Sinai
Peninsula you have the fullest powers to act on my behalf person
ally as well as on behalf of the Executive Committee of the Zionist
Movement of which I am Chairman. You are at liberty to hold this
letter and to show it to anyone whom it may concern, and I am
prepared both in my individual capacity or as Chairman of the
Executive Committee to replace it at any time that it may be nec
essary by a proper legal document.
Signed
Th. H.
February5
Greenberg reports from Cairo that he will be received by Lord
Cromer this morning and the Commission this afternoon. Satis
factory.
On Saturday (February 7) the Commission leaves Cairo, on Mon
day, Ismailia.
February 6, Vienna
Chaulmage (have you communicated with) Joffe.
• Original text.
February 9
Greenberg reports that the expedition left Cairo for Ismailia
this morning. Today he will see Boyle (Cromer’s chief official) and
tomorrow, perhaps, Cromer and Boutros.
February 9
Today a little incident at the N. Fr. Pr.
Benedikt came into my room when Bâcher happened to be with
me. He asked me to wire Heyse and ask him if he cared to reply to
Minister Hammerstein’s speech. I looked like someone who hadn’t
read Hammerstein’s speech in yesterday’s paper. When he asked
me, I admitted it. T o this the ungracious lord said: “Well, if you
don’t read even that any more, you are a half-lost person!”
From his point of view, sure. I am a collector of old newspapers
only in part any more.
I dropped the matter. I hope with time will come counsel.
* * *
But the whole shameful irony of my situation lies in the fact that
I have to let this finance journalist treat me en bagatelle [like
dirt].
God improve it!
Letter:
February 10
Confidential.*
By now the seven gentlemen of our expedition are underway
on the Sinai Peninsula to explore the area for settlement. For this
expedition I have selected first-rate and highly reputed experts
from England, the Transvaal, Belgium, Austria, Egypt, and Pales
tine. At the same time I have instructed our authorized agent to
go to Cairo to conclude negotiations for the Charter.
I hope the expedition will return in just a few weeks safe and
sound, and soon thereafter I hope to be in possession of the Charter.
However, I must prepare the further steps right away.
Your saying, Lord Rothschild, that you wish to help me has
pleased me greatly, and I am grateful to you with all my heart for
the aid you have already given me. We shall see what effect your
intervention with Mr. Claude Montefiore and Mr. Lousada has
had. As soon as I have the desired news from Cairo, I shall notify
the gentlemen so that they may call a board meeting of the Jewish
Colonization Association. They will probably call it for Paris, out
of consideration for the continental members.
Now comes my big request of today.
I beg you, Lord Rothschild, to come to Paris for the days of this
meeting; I shall also be there. I expect a decisive effect from your
generally respected personal authority. If we can make the public
subscription easier for ourselves in such a way from the outset, it is
certainly sensible to save strength.
Another thing could be accomplished at the same time. Apart
from the I.C.A. people, to whom I wouldn’t care to confide every
thing, a discussion with Baron Alphonse and Baron Edmond
Rothschild would be of the greatest value. I would meet the gentle
men at your place.
They could be of great help to us in the political part of the proj
ect, by nipping in the bud any misgivings that may arise on the
part of the French government. As you probably know, French
jealousy exists in this quarter, and your Paris cousins could easily
allay it at the right place.
I hope to forestall the other political difficulty which I foresee as
a remote possibility in my worries, an unfriendly attitude on the
part of Russia, by going to the Czar myself. I have an access to him,
but do not plan to go there until there is some distinct point to it.
Naturally, neither France nor Russia can frustrate the project
once we have the agreement in our pocket, but they could cause
us trouble some day; and I am always in favor of clearing away the
obstacles before one stumbles over them.
Above all, I don’t want to lose any usable moment; then, when
we have the Charter, we must turn the first sod in the autumn.
When our technicians return home, we must immediately set
up a work schedule with them, and the migration must be or
ganized. Of course, I have long-prepared outlines for all that, as
well as a tight organization at my disposal, but the implementation
requires careful action.
Then, too, our life span is a short one; and we have to hurry if
we want to do good while we are still on earth.
I hope to have pleasant news from you soon, dear Lord Roths
child. Until then I am
Yours devotedly,
Herzl.
February 11, Vienna

To the Grand Vizier (to be dated later) : *
Dated February 16
Your Highness:
I have the honor to return to a subject which I had discussed by
Imperial order last year with H.H. Said Pasha, Your Highness’s
predecessor.
Invited on two occasions by H.I.M. the Sultan, who honors me
with his lofty benevolence, I went to Constantinople in February
and at the end of July to reach an agreement with the Imperial
government about a financial transaction to be organized by the
Jews. The basis of that arrangement would have been a concession
for colonization granted to the Zionist Organization of which I
am the leader.
To my great regret we were not able to reach an agreement. But
in dismissing me H.I.M. deigned to express his gracious disposi
tion toward us and to say that I would be allowed to return with
other proposals.
The misery of our poor persecuted people, however, has not
lessened. On the contrary. Once again Spring will be the signal for
a painful migration of our Rumanian Jews and others.
Under these conditions we have had to work at a practicable
plan. And, in fact, at this very moment we are at an advanced stage
of very serious negotiations with a government to obtain a colonial
concession in an African country.
But at this supreme hour I have thought of returning once more
to that place to which I am drawn by my well-known devotion to
the august person of your master and by the sympathy that exists
between your people and mine.
Much is said of the political difficulties expected in the Spring.
You will perhaps need financial assistance. I am in a position to
procure it for you without delay. Moreover, we are not at all de
manding. The new proposal that I have the honor to submit to the
lofty wisdom of the Imp. govt, is in every respect the same as the
one we are submitting to the government with which we are
negotiating for colonization in Africa.
There is only one difference. It is that we guarantee you in ad
vance an annual payment of one hundred thousand Turkish
pounds, whereas the other government does not demand and will
not be given a previous guarantee.
The meaning of this guarantee is that you will be able at once
to float a loan of two million Turkish pounds on this new security.
My friends will make you this loan as soon as the concession is
granted.
I am taking the liberty of submitting a draft of this charter to
Your Highness.
This proposal may be summarized as follows:
You will grant us the right of colonization for our persecuted
people, who will become Ottoman subjects, as the colony will of
course remain under the sovereignty of H.I.M. the Sultan. And
not only will we bring you industrial and capital resources, we will
also procure you a loan of 2 mill. Turkish pounds whose amortiza
tion will cost you nothing, being covered by the annual guaranteed
payment of 100,000 Turk. pds.
I beg Your Highness to be good enough to take this proposal
under consideration and to submit it to the council of ministers.
At the same time I lay it at the foot of the Imperial throne.
I have the honor to remain Your Highness’s most humble serv
ant
D r.T h .H .
February 11
Greenberg wires: *
Commission started Kantara today. Have heard from Kessler

all well. Have had interview with Cromer quite successful. I hope
to see tomorrow Boutros with others of the Egyptian Government.
Telegraph as soon as possible if I can find you Vienna all next
week. Can most probably fix as much as possible about end of this
or beginning of next week.
# • *
Answer to Greenberg: *
Sinuato I shall stay at
Pinsk Vienna
Welkend All next week
Laimodon Do not leave before
Rumoren Charter signed by
Chisel Egyptian Government
Laimodon Rumoren Chisel. Sinuato Pinsk Welkend.

* # •
* Original text.
Sire:*
I have the honor to lay a new proposal at the foot of the Imperial
throne in the present grave situation. Perhaps Your Imperial
Majesty will need, in the near future, all the loyalty at his disposal;
and if I were summoned with my friends to serve him, we would
not fail.
There is still another reason that causes me to act now. In several
countries the situation of our poor Jews has become so intolerable
that we must find a refuge for them at any cost. That is why the
Zionist Committee, of which I am the head, has entered into nego
tiations with a government that controls sufficient territory in
Africa. These negotiations are quite serious and quite advanced.
But at the last moment I return once more to the place to which I
am called by my profound devotion to Y.I.M.’s august person and
the secular sympathies between the Turkish people and the Jewish
nation.
The proposal may be summarized as follows:
For a concession to colonize a part of Galilee we will procure
a loan of 2 million Turkish pounds for the Imperial treasury.
The colonists would become Ottoman subjects and the colony
would remain under the sovereignty of Y.I.M.
For greater clarity I have sketched a plan for a Charter, and I am
transmitting it at the same time to His Highness the Grand Vizier.
The happy consequences of such a Charter granted by the gen
erous Caliph would probably be immense.
Spread by newspaper cables to the four corners of the earth, the
news would produce, outside of the immediate financial result, a
current of friendship for the Turks among the Jews of the entire
world, one that would grow from day to day, and, in these perhaps
difficult times, the Ottoman Empire could count on unfailing grati
tude.
May it please God to make me heard by Y.I.M. in this grave hour.
I am and remain Y.I.M.’s most humble and obedient servant
Dr.Th.H.
In French in the original.
February 15, Vienna
Dated February 15
My Dear Excellency:
I have the honor to enclose herewith a letter for H.I.M. the
Sultan, containing a new proposal relative to the Sanjak of Acre
and to a loan of 2 mill. Turkish pounds.
I am at a very advanced stage of negotiation about a plan for
Jewish colonization in Africa. Before bringing the matter to a
conclusion, I wanted to apply one last time to that quarter where
so many sympathies draw me.
I hope you are well and I beg you to maintain your good will
toward me. Accept, my dear Excellency, the assurance of my high
regard and of my friendship.
Herzl.
• # *
Letter to Izzet: *
My Dear Excellency:
Today I am sending H.I.M. a new proposal about which I am
taking the liberty of giving you confidential advance information.
My new proposal might be acceptable. We are not asking much:
only the right to colonize in the Sanjak of Acre in return for a
guaranteed annual payment of 100,000 Turk, pounds, nominally
based on that annual rent. T he issue would have to be calculated at
80%, in order to allow a profit for the syndicate.
Since my last departure from Constantinople I have sought and
found another arrangement for Jewish colonization, this one in
Africa. But before concluding negotiations I am making one more
attempt with you.
It would be so good for everyone if we could reach an agreement.
I beg Your Excellency to maintain your good will toward me and
to accept the assurance of my high regard and of my friendship.
Herzl.
* * *
ToTahsin:*
Your Excellency:
I now have the honor to lay a new proposal at the foot of the
throne, one which I am taking the liberty of telling you about in
advance and in confidence, a more advantageous one than my last.
We are asking only for the right to colonize in the Sanjak of
Acre, in return for an annual payment of 100,000 Turk, pounds,
and we are offering, based on this guaranteed annuity, a loan of
2 mill. Turk, pounds nominal value, issued at 80 per 100, the
margin of 20 per 100 being sufficient to allow a profit for the
syndicate.
I could now make another proposal, as well, for the consolida
tion according to a new plan of my friends: but as it is said every
where that the consolidation is a closed matter, I should not like to
take any steps in that direction without first having been invited to
submit the new plan.
I beg Your Excellency to maintain your good will towards me
and to accept the assurance of my high esteem.
Dr.Th.H.
February 16, Vienna

Today I finally finished all the letters to Constantinople and
mailed them. Unfortunately late, because of all my other work
(feuilleton about the actress Niese, and the like, for the N. Fr. Pr.,
etc.), so that my parade had not reached Constantinople when my
expedition started to cause a stir in Cairo.
This is the reason I give to myself for Greenberg’s telegram of
today: *
Have private information from Cromer that Cohns (Sultans)

man here is doing all he can to oppose us. It is very serious. He is
acting in conformity with instructions from the Sultan. Do not
forget Khedive is subject to Sultan.
# * #
To this I am answering: *
Perexile you may promise

Cohnsman turk. Commissaire
Both two
Guy thousand
Months pounds
after after
Rumoren Charter signed by
Chisel Egyptian government
The idea of tackling the Turkish commissar’s resistance with

the Egyptian government by the baksheesh method is the result of
today’s conversation with Dr. Abdullah Djevdet Bey.
This new acquaintance has a curious origin. Djevdet thanked
me for a review of his poetry in the literary section of the N. Fr. Pr.
and asked me for an appointment. I invited him, and the conversa
tion soon turned to my project. Abdullah Djevdet revealed himself
as a Young T urk and a friend of the Jews. A second conversation
gave me the idea of using him to translate my letter to the Sul
tan. He agreed to do so; I telegraphically cancelled Badi whom I
had planned to bring from Constantinople, and in three laborious
days Djevdet completed the letter and the Charter for the Sultan.
As a gift of honor I gave him a pair of diamond-studded cuff
links. He was somewhat reluctant to accept them, and was more
pleased with Altneuland which I also gave him.
9 Original text.
But then he started in: did I have someone in Constantinople
who could talk with the Ministers? He was on very good terms with
Memduh Pasha, the Minister of the Interior.
Et de fil en aiguille [And, going from one thing to another] the
pock-marked man with the dark eyes told me all sorts of things.
He said he had been one of the leaders of the Young Turks, but
Memduh had “appeased” him. He now drew 1500 francs a month
in his sinecure as “Embassy physician.”
And he outlined for me a program of shares—but regarding
which I expressly stated: not until after the Charter is signed—as
follows: two thousand pounds each for Grand Vizier Ferid, Min
ister of War Hassan, Minister of the Interior Memduh, Minister
of Justice Abdurrahman, Minister of Finance Nasif, Minister of
Education Djellal, and the Sheik ul-Islam.
Probably others will be added. Further, I promised him £2,000
as well as £100 each for Memduh’s secretaries (Taik Bey and Dr.
Beha Bey), and while we were at it, another £100 for General
Shiikri Pasha’s secretary, Captain Vasfi Bey. General Shiikri Pasha,
however, is to get a pair of horses—because he is the son of the
Minister of War. Incidentally, tomorrow I am to call on Shiikri.
Djevdet plans to get him this very day to write to his father who is
to win over the other Ministers. The Minister of War, according
to Djevdet, is a billionaire, but he accepts even the smallest
amounts, such as £2, as a present.
I easily agreed to all this, because I won’t have any obligation
until after the Charter has been signed. Then, too, I consider
Djevdet’s prices for the Ministers cheap by comparison with the
Constantinople ones. Djevdet even spoke of only £1,000 to 1,500
per Minister, evidently because as a literary colleague he wanted
to charge me a colleague’s rates. As for himself, he declared his
intention of collaborating pour Vamour de la bonne cause [for
love of the good cause], whether he was given anything or not.
When I offered him the Ministers’ rate, he thought that a thousand
would be enough for him. In any case, in this, as in all his behavior,
he makes a wholly likeable impression. The fact that he too takes
is simply the morality of his environment. He was visibly dumb-
founded when I told him in reply to a question that I myself took
nothing in any form, that in fact I even contributed money to the
movement. I believe this even made him suspect my “honesty.”
Can someone who doesn’t take anything be honest?
Of course, we shall see whether his claims were merely those of
an hâbleur [braggart].
He promised to write a supporting letter to Memduh this very
day.
February 16
Today I received a pleasant letter from Lord Rothschild who
enclosed an obsequious communication from the I.C.A., signed
by Leven, which will gladly do His Lordship’s bidding if at all
possible.
February 17
I have been to see the Turkish military attaché, General Shükri
Pasha. A young, effeminate pasha’s son, 28 years old, but as son of
the Minister of War in a high position, rich, indolent. I think I got
him interested in the matter, and he promised to write his father.
Abdullah Djevdet will draft the son’s letter to his father, and
Shükri will copy it, according to Captain Vasfi Bey, a Georgian,
who came to see me yesterday. Vasfi completed his military educa
tion in Cologne, as a Prussian officer. He is smart and good-natured,
and says jokingly that his friend Djevdet is getting “hush
money.”
* * *
In the evening, a wire from Greenberg:

He says it is impossible to obtain a Charter from the Khedive.
He (Greenberg) had made an alternative proposal which was now
being considered. He was acting in accordance with Cromer’s in
structions, awaiting the Khedive’s consent, hoped to leave on Mon-
day, and planned to do only what was absolutely necessary in re
gard to my instructions about the Turkish commissar.
I wired back: *
Elkaite Do not understand what you mean

Alternative
Mancinus Please give full explanation.
February 19, Vienna, evening.
Wire from Greenberg: *
Cannot leave until next Monday vessel not to go beyond Brin

disi. It is urgent arrive London next Saturday week urgent I can
call upon Sanderson. Can you endeavour to meet Paris last Friday
in the month.
Telegraph whether you can, to enable me to arrange.
# * *
My immediate answer to this: *
Laquucule I cannot leave

Desigual W hat are you doing with
Wolf Sanderson
Ufanidad I do not understand
Talgbrot Telegraph me fully
Accultos Present state of affairs
Lamswel Do not leave before all is arranged.
I have received this telegram from the expedition:*

# Original text.
Camp opposite mount Casius lake Sirbon. Report posted.
Kessler.
February 20, Vienna

Greenberg’s actions are inexplicable to me. I can’t get a straight
answer out of him. He wants to go back to London. Why, I don’t
know.
He wires:*
Your telegram to hand this morning the risk is too great tele
graph by the ABC Code 5th Edition present state of affairs. Dan
(Greenberg) is being closely watched. I think the immediate future
prospect good. Cromer urgently advised I will see Sanderson soon
as possible before next Monday week, if I can arrange satisfactorily.
Boutros have made an appointment next Sunday. I cannot proceed
Vienna within the time mentioned. What have you to propose if
I do not meet Paris. Telegraph as soon as possible to enable me to
arrange.
February 21
Reply to Greenberg.*
Waldbrand I am writing for
Cohn-matters Cohn matters
Talookah Telegraph date of departure and
probable date of arrival to
Turin Brindisi
Chaldron If you cannot come
Pinsk Vienna
Talgbrot telegraph me fully
from from
T urin Brindisi
Najade If absolutely necessary
Chaletos I will come if possible
Juk Paris.
• Original text.
1422 TH E COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZL
In answer to this a long-winded and again vague wire from
Greenberg: *
If I can finish (with) Boutros will leave Monday morning vessel

to arrive on or about Brindisi during Wednesday night. I can get
Paris on Friday evening. Must arrive at London not later than
during Saturday night. If you can see your way if you can proceed
Paris much prefer to avoid delay arising from any cause whatever.
If you cannot arrange satisfactorily I do not consider it absolutely
necessary. Telegraph as soon as possible during the morning to
morrow morning if you can come Paris.
February 22, morning
Reply: *
Chalazien I will not come

Juk Paris
Waldport I am anxiously waiting
Recru Report as soon as possible.

Late last night this wire from Greenberg: *
Mazzeltov [Congratulations]! Document is received the sig

nature (of) Egyptian government is in order. Very satisfactory.
Further particulars will be sent as soon as possible by telegraph
(from) Brindisi. Will leave tomorrow morning.
* * *
• Original text.
If I understand this wire correctly, he has received a letter of
concession, but no Charter. I must be patient for at least another
four days.
Mais déjà mon imagination a brodé [But my imagination has
already been spinning fancies].
Made plans in the sleepless dawn.
As soon as I have the “document,” I shall draw up the by-laws
of the Land Company here with Kokesch and Kahn.
The board of directors of the J.C.T. will be convened at Vienna
and raise the price of the shares to £2.
Then I shall have Rothschild assemble the I.C.A.
In the meantime the expedition will be back.
I shall let the Sultan know that I have the concession.
The Congress will be called for June.
The subscription of the Land Company will be handled either
through the I.C.A. or by public propaganda.
But unfortunately I can’t do the most necessary thing, resign
from the N. Fr. Pr.!
# * *
Letter to Crespi, who wrote me under the date of February 17

that everything could be obtained now for a million pounds: *

Dear Sir:
I received your letter of February 17 too late, for on February
151 had sent a much higher proposal to 363.1 did not know that in
your opinion 1 million would suffice.
But since I have not had a reply to this date, it seems that you
and I were mistaken.
Like you, I believed that in the present circumstances they
would need me. And I had another reason for making this last
attempt now. My negotiations elsewhere are completed; a prelimi
nary agreement will probably be signed next week. I cannot wait
any longer. This time it is accomplished.
363 does not understand, or is being prevented from understand
ing, this opportunity. He is marching to his ruin. I regret this.
Best regards,
Herzl.
February 24
Letter to Wellisch.
He is to call on Faik Bey, the private secretary of Memduh Pasha,
the Minister of the Interior (with the card of introduction that
Abdullah Djevdet gave me), and tell him that each Minister will
get £2,000 from me if what I demanded in my last letter is granted.
Faik Bey himself will get a present too (£100).
* * «
February 25, Vienna
This morning a wire from Kessler, dated El-Arish:*
Arrived in good condition vicinity has made a favourable im

pression. No news from you since starting telegrams should reach
here not later than 6th day of March.
Marmorek Laurent will leave end of this week.— (Oberati?
Joskin?)
I presume these last words mean that they plan to call in Soskin.
Oberati—I have obtained
Joskin—Soskin, Palestine agricultural expert.
Thus evidently a replacement for Laurent who is leaving.
* Original text.
February 25, Vienna
My reply to Kessler: *
Tahmasp your telegram to hand this morning

Nasmullen the news has given great satisfaction
Naseberry send all the news you possibly can.
February 26, at night
This evening I received the following peculiar telegram from

Greenberg, sent from Brindisi:*
Document agrees to concede territory in Leith to Check (Jewish

Eastern Company) upon report of Rabbis and to create of territory
a municipality. Latter was alternative to jam (Charter). Seeing
Sanderson so that he may make (refrexutation?) to coin (evidently
Cohn) in our favour. Think best if you cannot leave Vienna me
to come to you after have seen Sanderson next week. Wire me
Zionist what you wish.
* * *
What strikes me unpleasantly about this wire is the obscurity

of its wording. To whom has the “document" been given? To me,
to the Trust, to Greenberg, or to whom? The Jewish Eastern
Company is not yet in existence. Why didn’t he come to see me first,
anyway? According to my calculations he will arrive in London on
Saturday where he won’t be able to meet with Sanderson before
Monday.
# # *
I got up at the crack of dawn, because Greenberg’s wire keeps me

from sleeping, and am wiring him: *
• Original text.
Greenberg voyageur venant de Brindisi [To Greenberg, sea
passenger on his way from Brindisi] :
I should like to congratulate you but I don’t understand com
pletely.
I regret that you came not to give me full particulars. I must
know before all which part is conceded. Leith and Cork altogether,
or not? If not the whole, I should call Rabbis back at once because
they have seen enough and I want report. Please wire to Max 8 rue
Léonie exact time of your arrival. He will wait you. I don’t know
yet whether it will be necessary to trouble you with travelling to
Pinsk as you came not now. First I must see document and read
your explanations.
Benjamin.
* * *
ToNordau:
Greenberg is likely to be there at midnight today. I asked him
to telegraph you his arrival. In case you don’t receive anything
from him, kindly meet the express train at the Gare [station] Lyon
with Alex at noon tomorrow. Wire me whether results satisfactory,
particularly whether he has Leith and Cork. My dispositions which
I must make at once depend on it. Take down for me complete
text of agreement.
Benjamin.
February 27, Vienna

Yesterday a very interesting report from the expedition also
came.
Oskar paints the desert picture with good colors.
Colonel Goldsmid gives a real English log-book.
Kessler is brief and clear.
Wire to Greenberg at London: *
I hope I can congratulate you, I don’t understand completely.

First I must know if Leith and Cork altogether or not. If not the
whole I should call back Rabbis at once because they have seen
enough and I want urgently report. I don’t know yet whether it will
be necessary troubling you to Pinsk, as you came not now. First I
must see document and read your explanations. I urgently request
you not to speak with Courtier or anybody except Joe. Am writing.
February 27
Telegram to Kessler, El Arish: *
Adizzo Arrangements are in fair progress

Chiffrais Have you arrived at any conclusion
Recroitre When will the report be out
Sdegnero Can you send
Durchoxar durch [by] Oskar
February 28
Telegram to Cowen: *
Issachar’s silence inexplicable. He came not to me sent no letter

nor gives full particulars. Please give me full report at once. Wire
the important points and write the rest.
* * •
In the evening I received a wire from Nordau for whom I had

arranged a meeting with Greenberg via Modane. It is his impres
sion that "Greenberg had obtained everything that can possibly
be conceded in an official agreement.”
• Original text.
March 2, Vienna
Today came Greenberg’s report and the "document.” The
report is the masterpiece of a not completely loyal agent. I
had already concluded from Greenberg’s conspicuous eagerness to
avoid Vienna that he was unable to look me quite straight in the
eye. This presentiment was fed by his long-winded and yet indef
inite wires. He has been in Europe since Thursday morning, and
only today, Monday, do I know where I stand.
The “document” is a rather inconclusive letter from the Egyp
tian Prime Minister, Boutros, to Greenberg about a Jewish Na
tional Settlement Company which is to be founded. It says nothing
about either the Jewish Colonial Trust or the A.C. or myself as
concession holders. In Greenberg’s draft,* i.e., the sketch for a
Charter, of which he also, incautiously enough, sends me a photo
stat, the name of the applicant for a concession is conspicuous by
its omission. It looks as though "L. J. Greenberg” was supposed to
be inserted there at the last moment. And for this he took £200 for
the first two weeks’ trip, and for this second, three weeks’ one, the
travelling expenses,* a letter of credit for £100, and on top of that
a “credit” of £500 which we shall obviously never see again.
The Boutros document consists of hypothetical promises and
very definite restrictions. The granting of a Charter is flatly re
fused. The only valuable thing is one concession which grants
something implicite [by implication], although it too was intended
as a negation: the statement that the non-Ottoman settlers must
subject themselves to the laws of the land. I.e., the settlers need not
be Ottoman subjects* (if they were not brought there by the Land
Company).
Greenberg’s report effectively veils a fact which nevertheless
peeps through for my textual-critical eyes, namely, that in Cairo
G. didn’t behave like an authorized agent at all, but like the boss
and on his own authority. By doing so he didn’t do the cause any
good, I feel, and harmed himself in my eyes.
I am writing him:
My dear Greenberg:
Many thanks for your report which I received today. The report
gives me an excellent picture of the situation. But unfortunately
it does not justify your mazel-tov wire. I don’t see that we have
attained anything worth mentioning. The Boutros “document” is
a quite indefinite note with very definite rejections and restrictions
on the very things we desire. I cannot and must not indulge in
any illusions.
If you tell me now that no more could be attained, I must bow
to your judgment of the situation, which you know better than I do.
On the other hand, even in this there are aspects of the situation
which I know something about. When I wired you on February 16
“Perexile Cohnsman Both Guy months after Rumoren Chisel,”
I knew what I was doing. You could safely have followed my in
structions and left the rest to me. But that is over and done with.
Furthermore, my dear Greenberg, you were wrong in not
coming from Brindisi to see me—not to the head of the movement
which had made you its authorized agent and representative, but
to a friend who has gathered much experience in these matters
over a period of eight years and with many sacrifices. Only now do
I know why you were supposed to see Wolf today, Monday, because
you did not tell me beforehand. If it is a matter of intervening with
Cohn only—after all, I know Cohn much better than Wolf or any
one else in England does. Above all, you ought to ask me whether
a stranger’s intervention may not be downright harmful. It is true,
I don’t know even now what Wolf’s course of action is to be. I have
to await further information from you. But in any case, I could
have given you useful hints for Wolf, whatever his plans may be.
But that too is over, and we are not old women who gossip about
closed matters.
But I wish to state for the record that you could easily have come
to see me. You could have gone to Bologna on the same train you
boarded at Brindisi. There you would have had a connection with
the Vienna express (arrival at Bologna 1:05, departure 2:05). You
could have arrived here on Friday evening. You would have stayed
in Vienna overnight, left Vienna on Saturday morning, and would
have been in London on Sunday evening. You could have re
quested the meeting with Wolf by simply sending a telegram from
Dover and easily have had it confirmed by this morning. The way
things stand now, we can’t do anything but wait for our expedition
to return.
Today Kessler telegraphs me from El Arish that they will stay
for about another month. Now they will apparently turn south
ward.
I shall inform you of major developments and wait for your
news about Wolf, etc.
Permit me only to repeat to you herewith my request which I
have already wired you: that you don’t tell even a syllable to any
one but Joe—particularly not to Courtier. Please follow this faith
fully, dear friend.
Mrs. Greenberg must be pleasantly surprised to see you again
after such a short absence. Please give her my regards. She probably
thought as I did that you would be gone longer and would only
return with the Charter or with the Commission.

Herzl.
* * *
Yesterday a little incident with Prof. Kellner. I have an old lik

ing for him. Before Greenberg’s report, which so reduced our
hopes, came and when I still visualized us on the threshold of
founding a city and a country, the Pelusiac-Sirbonian city idea
occupied me. I thought that in the founding of a city one ought to
follow as far as possible the traces of an old settlement, for reasons
of climate and meteorology. A city is an accumulation of ex
periences, observations of wind and weather over many decades
and centuries. To be sure, in our historic times the climate of a
region can change through deforestation, drainage, etc. But the sea
and the shore area of Pelusium have probably changed little since
the times of Psamtik, apart from the cutting off of the Nile arm
through the Suez Canal. So I thought that in old documents, espe
cially in Greek historians, traces of the habitation of that time must
be found. Therefore I planned to have Kellner, whom I had in
mind for the position of secretary-general anyway, prepare a mono
graph about Pelusium and Lake Sirbon from ancient sources.
For this reason I let him in on the Egyptian expedition and ex
plained to him what I wanted. But how chilled I was by his an
swer. I had expected jubilant enthusiasm. But that is probably
found only among young people.
He said: “I don’t want to be stupid any more, as I used to be.
My answer is: Five hundred guilders.”
I agreed to that. But when I received Greenberg’s report I can
celled the assignment for the time being.
It is true, he is an overburdened and troubled teacher. But I too
am overburdened and troubled. How much ought I to ask for,
then?
March 2, Vienna
Wire from Kessler, El-Arish:*
Commission considers charter desirable under favourable con

ditions. Until conclusion of inspection in a month’s time cannot
form an opinion with regard to conditions, (or if?) colonies practic
able.
March 2
Wire to Greenberg, London.*
Thanks for report, but mazzeltov seems unjustified. Your com

ing here now not necessary. Am writing. Do not speak with any
body except Joe. Kindly send another copy of report.
# Original text.
March 3
Telegram to Kessler, El Arish: *
Fangled Finish as quickly as possible
Magallon about middle of March
Greenberg —
Refrayer Mr. has now returned

Narguames I will negotiate the business through you
and —
Goldsmid —
Repont If you can return

Cairo —
Maggiore 23rd day of March

Maggotish 25--------------
Impunium Instructions will be sent very shortly
Cairo —
Talgseife Telegraph what you do.
March 3
I am now confronted with a new situation. I shall not send
Greenberg to Cairo again if it can be avoided. Goldsmid will be
good now; he is more of a diplomat than a soldier, anyway.
Matters stand like this, however. On the Sinai Peninsula the
situation is confused in a way favorable to us. I must differentiate:
Possession, power, and right.
The Egyptian government has possession, the English govern
ment has the power, the Turkish government has the right.
First I shall have possession assigned to me by the Egyptian gov
ernment, then I shall demand from the English government as
much power as possible, and, finally, I shall acquire the right to go
with it from the Turkish government, moyennant [by means of]
baksheesh.
My instructions to the new negotiators, Goldsmid and Kessler,
will be in keeping with that.
• Original text.
March 3
Katzenelsohn reports today that the audience with the Czar has
moved within the realm of possibility.
March 8, Vienna
Greenberg wants to come here now; but now I don’t want him
to come. To his wire of today I am replying: *
Do not come here. I shall probably leave. Kindly send express
another copy of your report and my jam instruction which I sent
you through Hump.
March 10, Vienna

My dear Kessler:
When you receive this letter in Cairo, your expedition will, with
the help of God, be safely over. I don’t know the final result, of
course, but to the extent of our dear Col. Goldsmid’s log-book**
that has reached me to date I see that the expedition has proceeded
purposefully. Accept as early this my hearty congratulations and
the thanks of the Zionist Movement.
Now, in the name of the A.C. I should like to entrust you with
a second assignment which is connected with the one you have
just completed.
You see, I wish to entrust Col. Goldsmid and you jointly with
the completion of the negotiations which Greenberg started on my
instructions.
On March 3 I telegraphed you to El Arish: “Finish (etc.,
p. 1432).”
Up to now I have had no reply to this from you. I account for
this by the assumption that you have moved on to the South and
have no mail connection.
• Original text
You will find enclosed:
1) His Exc. Boutros’ letter to Greenberg, revealing the fun
damental disposition of the Egyptian government;
2) our draft of a patent;
3) our instructions regarding this;
4) the draft of a charter which Greenberg submitted to Lord
Cromer, whose approval he received, whereas the Egyptian gov
ernment declared it was unable to give such a Charter out of defer
ence to H.M. the Sultan;
5) a joint power of authority for Col. Goldsmid and you.
The final result which you will achieve lies somewhere between
Boutros’ letter and Greenberg’s draft which was approved by
Lord Cromer. I think highly of Col. Goldsmid’s diplomatic skill
and your calm prudence.
Achieve whatever is possible 1Try to complete matters as quickly
as possible, for at Eastertime I am to meet in Paris with Lord
Rothschild and other gentlemen in order to found the Land Com
pany.
Today I am sending you only these brief suggestions in order to
get this letter on tomorrow’s Lloyd boat.
Laurent and Marmorek are arriving here tomorrow, Greenberg
the next day. According to the outcome of these conferences I shall
let you have amplifications or restrictions of the present letter.
I shall probably also send you written and particularly oral in
structions by Dr. Adolf Friedemann of Berlin, one of our most
trustworthy representatives.
With Zion’s greetings,
Yours devotedly,
Herzl.
Gentlemen,*
As Mr. G. is no more in Egypt I withdraw the powers I had given
him in the event of any question arising in the matter of the nego-
* Original text.
ciations and everything concerning the proposed Jewish settlement
in the Sinai Peninsula.
I hereby give you the authority to act on my behalf and on be
half of the Exec. Com. of the Zion. Movmt. of which I am Chair
man. You can show this letter to anyone whom it concerns.
Should either of you be absolutely prevented from acting as
our representative, the other may act alone.
Believe me to be, Gentlemen, yours very faithfully.
March 10, Vienna

Now Greenberg importunes me with wires: he wants to come
here. Matters of great urgency,*etc.
I am answering:**
In your telegrams and letters I find not explained the necessity
of your coming here. Kindly give me first the reasons by wire or
letter. I cannot find presently any urgency before Rabbis return.
Nothing is changed since you left Marseilles unless you have
got news unknown by me.
Benjamin.
March 11, Vienna

My dear Colonel Goldsmid, **
the letter I wrote to Kessler is in the meantime meant for you
also.
I am not able to put that in faultless English. Kindly excuse me,
and let our friend Kessler translate it.
I had last week a letter from Mrs. Goldsmid who is quite well,
as are your daughters. I sent her by wire news about you.
With kindest regards yours sincerely
Herzl.
•• Original text.
March 16, Vienna
Greenberg is here. He is unable to give me any better explana
tion orally. My impression is that he wanted to bypass me and get
the whole thing in his hands. T he reason he went back directly to
London is that he didn’t want to appear either in Cairo or in
London as though he had to consult me or pay any attention to me.
He wanted to speak only with Lord Rothschild. However, I had
sensed that and by my repeated telegraphic prohibition (to make
disclosures to Rothschild) had forced him to toe the line or rebel
openly.
The conversations with him were unpleasantly exhausting, be
cause I don’t trust him now and always keep trying to look behind
his arguments. He declares it is impossible to entrust Kessler and
Goldsmid with the further negotiations. This could be done only
over his dead body. But on the other hand, he refuses to return to
Cairo immediately. He says that it isn’t round the corner.* All
counter-requests he rejects as absurd and ridiculous.* His greatest
argument is that he knows Egypt and we don’t. He says we must
definitely do what he wants, i.e., let him act whenever, wherever,
and however he chooses.
He doesn’t want to go to Cairo now, but wants to wait until the
Commission returns to England. He wants to have Stephens give
him a report, etc. However, I don’t quite see what intention he has
behind that, for his arguments don’t give me the impression of
being complete. Nor does he look me straight in the eye. In short,
the impression is deplorable, without my knowing anything def
inite, however.
Under these circumstances I have decided to go to Cairo myself,
hard though it will be for me.
At today’s session of the A.C., in Greenberg’s presence, I am
having Marmorek and Kremenezky, both of whom he considers
more favorably disposed toward him, present a motion calling
on me to go; for the time being I don’t want him to realize that
I no longer have any confidence in him.
Meanwhile, things are already starting to pop in the Jewish
papers. Dr. Joffe of Jaffa has committed indiscretions. The Ha-
yehudi in London and the Volksstimme in Brno are running
notices about the expedition.
We’ve got to hurry up.
March 18, Vienna

Letter to Rothschild:
Strictly confidential.*
This is to acknowledge receipt, with thanks, of your friendly
letter of the 13th.
I am writing you only today because I had no clear results before.
I have satisfying reports from the expedition of experts which
I sent out to explore the Sinai Peninsula. Three gentlemen of this
Commission have already returned, while five others are still
examining the southern mountain region in order to be able to
furnish a complete report.
But even the results which are already at hand in the reports and
memoranda show that the territory we have in mind is suitable for
a great settlement. In addition, we have received a written pre
liminary assurance from the Egyptian government, granting the
desired settlement to the Zionist Movement in principle.
This assurance has, of course, materialized with the cooperation
of the English authorities, and its only condition is that the Com
mission we sent off come to the conclusion that the land can be
settled.
As I have already mentioned, this conclusion has since been
reached.
The Commission will return at the beginning of April.
Thus the eventuality to which our earlier conversations and
letters referred seems to me to have come about.
I ask you, therefore, to get the I.C.A. to convene in Paris where
you too are planning to be at Eastertime.
From you, Milord, I have no secrets. But as of the moment I
don’t want to tell the gentlemen of the I.C.A. what I am confiding
to you. I shall tell you the reasons for my caution in person.
Therefore I ask you to advise the president of the I.C.A., M.
Narcisse Leven, who has written you, roughly as follows, either
in writing or orally, through the London member Mr. Lousada:
“I (Lord R.) request you to convene the administrative board
of the I.C.A. at Paris on Easter Sunday, April 12. I shall also go
there and make an important announcement to the gentlemen.”
For this announcement I shall send you, Milord, all the neces
sary material and documents, clearly arranged, two days in ad
vance, in case I am prevented from coming to Paris myself. Today
I am leaving for Cairo to put things in order with Lord Cromer
and the Egyptian government. I hope to be back in Vienna on
April 8, and in Paris on April 11.
By complying with my request to inform M. Leven of the fore
going, and of nothing but that, you will render our great cause an
unforgettable service.
If you are willing to do this, I beg you to telegraph me the follow
ing words at Shepheards Hotel, Cairo: "A ll right, M eyer”*
With the kindest regards and sincere respect, I remain
Faithfully yours,
Herzl.
March 18, Vienna.

Greenberg has already left. He did not improve the impression
that his behavior so far has made on all of us.
He claimed he had to stay in London now no matter what.
Thereupon it was decided that I should go to Cairo.
All of a sudden Greenberg too was able to go to Cairo. But it was
too late. He realized too late that we saw through his game.
a In English in the original.
Now he wants to follow me to Cairo—and he even telephoned
from the station and asked for a fresh advance.
Which will then give him a thousand pounds for 3 trips.
# # #
I am leaving this evening, via Trieste.

Book Fifteen
Begun in Vienna
on March 18, 1903
March 18, Vienna.
Confirmation that he will do as I request will be: all right,
Meyer.*
March 18, Vienna

Telegram:**
Kessler, Suez,
Lakplant Cairo Chascado Shepheard Electrise altogether.
Benjamin.
March 22
On board the "Semiramis” on the Mediterranean Sea, about
12 hours from Alexandria.
At Brindisi I received a wire from Greenberg informing me that
Lansdowne wishes to speak with me earliest possible.*
Greenberg concludes from this that I ought to turn around at
Brindisi and go to London instead of Cairo.
He evidently counted on my perhaps making a quick decision,
perhaps too quick a decision, at Brindisi, where there was only an
hour’s lay-over, and trusted that Lansdowne’s wish would be my
command.
Under different circumstances I would have followed his advice
at once. But since I have lost confidence in him, I quickly made my
decision and wired him at London: **
Kindly inform Schneider (L.) I shall come immediately London
after having seen Bauer (Cr.).
Please remain therefore London.
•• Original text.
1443
Benjamin.
I certainly don’t want to have him in Cairo now, and if it can at
all be avoided, I shall see to it that he doesn’t go there by himself
either.
As for his wire to Brindisi, it is again purposely vague and tricky.
It is not made clear whether L. or he (Gr.) wants me to turn back
immediately.
* * *
Tomorrow morning I plan to telegraph Humphreys from Alex

andria that I am coming. Humphreys is to take care of my intro
duction to Cromer, Boyle, etc.
* # #
At Brindisi I also heard from Oskar Marmorek that my wire to

Kessler at Suez had come back because they had been unable to
deliver it.
Tomorrow morning, at Alexandria, I shall telegraph to Kessler
and Goldsmid again: *
Just arrived am waiting Cairo Shepheards. Please come there
at once.
Herzl.
* * *
I shall also try through Cook’s to have an express courier sent

out into the desert to meet them. If necessary I shall send Dr.
Friedemann, who boarded the “Semiramis” at Brindisi, to meet
Kessler with a small Cook caravan.
March 24, Cairo

Arrived yesterday noon.
From Alexandria I had wired Kessler and Goldsmid at Suez.
I had asked Humphreys by telegram to call on me.
The first thing I did in Cairo was to get Cook's manager to have
an urgent search for the caravan started by his Suez agent.
# Original text.
In the afternoon Humphreys came, a young, inconspicuous-look
ing Englishman, blond, quiet, built like a tennis player, but with
deep blue eyes.
I asked him to notify Lord Cromer and Boyle of my presence.
(Greenberg couldn’t have done any more than this for me either.)
In the evening I received a note from Boyle to the effect that
Cromer wished to receive me tomorrow, Wednesday.
At almost the same time in the evening I received a message from
Cook’s saying that their Suez agent had reported the caravan was
approaching—they had sent someone ahead to Suez to get their
mail; there was also the following wire from Vienna: *
Ramipare Have received the following

Hump Kessler
Admunitum will most likely arrive
Suez
Magiares 26th day of March.
In any case, I hope to have them here the day after tomorrow, at
the latest.
* • *
Letter to Boyle: *
Dear Sir,
pray accept my best thanks for the message you were kind
enough to send me.
I shall therefore have the honour to call on His Lordship to
morrow at 11 a.m.
Believe me, dear Sir, to be yours very obediently
Th.Herzl.
• • *
* Original text.
March 25, Cairo
Lord Cromer is the most disagreeable Englishman I have ever
faced.
I entered his office at 11 o’clock. He came to meet me.
A tall old gentleman with a tendency toward obesity, a white
moustache, and a high forehead.
The conversation was quickly underway. I gave a brief outline
of our plan. When I mentioned that we wanted to build railroads,
he interjected: “We’ll talk about that later.”
I: “Naturally we shall accommodate ourselves to the wishes of
the British government in this.”
I mentioned the report. We would need water, and from the
Nile.
“I can’t give you a definitive answer until my expert on this
(the name was something like Gastyne) gets back, in about a
month.”
“We are asking,” I said, “only surplus Nile water, what comes
from the winter; the water that would otherwise flow into the sea,
unused. We will build reservoirs for it.”
In this connection I mentioned that by establishing public works
projects we would employ about 20,000 people. From that I pro
ceeded to the financial question and showed him the telegram
from Rothschild which I received yesterday.
He scanned it with an imperious air and said:
“Very cautious. He will discuss only.*”
After that I also showed him Rothschild’s letter of February 13.
I now believe that both were ill-advised. He must have thought R.
was more deeply involved with us. His tone became cooler.
We also discussed the "rights.” The immigrants must have none
different from those of the Egyptians.
I said that I would prefer British protection for them. He said
that would probably amount to the same thing.
He referred to Boutros’ letter to Greenberg. We couldn’t man
age anything more than that. Within this framework, however, the
Turkish government could have no objections.
Then I asked whether I should call on Boutros.
“Yes. I already told him this morning that you are here.”
And the Turkish commissar?
“No, he has no say here. I don’t recognize him. Don’t have any
contact with him at all. Now then, I will wait for the return of your
Commission and then see Humphreys, too.”
He terminated the audience regally. A bit too much morgue
[arrogance], a touch of tropical madness, and unlimited vice-
regalism.
I think he didn’t like me.
He said: “When is Dr. Greenberg coming back?”
I: "My Lord, I don't see him coming back."*
Incidentally, he had casually mentioned that he was willing to
support the project.
However, not in a hurry,* but in a businesslike way.*
Ileft.
It may have been a mistake that I didn’t speak French; I would
have had an advantage over him.
* * * *
Then I drove to see Boutros.

An Egyptian Ministry in which the Egyptians can't give any
orders.
Too many servants idling about in spacious waiting rooms.
I sent in my card and was immediately received by Boutros. An
old, seedy-looking, obese man, a Copt.
At first we carried on a tourists’ conversation and then got to
the point.
“Where are you going to get the water from?” he too asked.
I briefly sketched our irrigation plans. Gold, too, would be an
irrigation. He kept agreeing with me while we drank coffee alia
turca [Turkish style], until the Austrian Consul was announced.
At that point I took my leave.
I drove back to Cromer’s house in order to call on Boyle, his
secretary.
Boyle was not in, i.e., he refused to see me.
A bad sign.
So that I have a miserable impression of this forenoon.
What mistakes I have made I presumably won’t find out until
later.
* * #
When I got home, I found Kessler-Goldsmid’s wire from Suez

waiting for me. They will be here tomorrow.
March 26
The Right Honourable
the Earl of Cromer, G.C.B. etc. etc.*
My Lord,
I beg to submit to your Lordship the enclosed telegram which I
received yesterday.
The commission will arrive this afternoon at five.
I have the honour to remain
Your Lordship’s
most humble and obedient servant
Th. Herzl.
March 26, Cairo

I consider yesterday franchement [frankly] bad.
A large part of the blame for the failure goes to my weariness and
exhaustion. I was not in full possession of my faculties.
An even greater mistake was my failure to call on Cromer’s sec
retary, Boyle, on Tuesday. From him I could have learned the
necessary things about Cromer’s character and disposition, and
would have been prepared to treat him accordingly.
• Original text.
This way I became acquainted with the man only while I was
losing the game. Or let us say: the first round.
* # #
Yesterday afternoon I went to a lecture about the canalization

of Chaldea by Sir William Willcocks, a locally celebrated authority
in matters of irrigation. Chaldea is the land which the Sultan of
fered to me last year.
Apart from a few details, the lecture was dreadfully boring.
What interested me most was the striking number of intelligent-
looking young Egyptians who packed the hall.
They are the coming masters. It is a wonder that the English
don’t see this. They think they are going to deal with fellahin for
ever.
Today their 18,000 troops suffice for the big country. But how
much longer?
It is the same English boldness and cold-bloodedness which
makes them give the notes of the Bank of England only weak metal
backing.
This boldness makes them magnificent merchant adventurers;*
but it also always makes them lose their colonies later.
What the English are doing is splendid. They are cleaning up
the Orient, letting light and air into the filthy comers, breaking
old tyrannies, and destroying abuses. But along with freedom and
progress they are also teaching the fellahin how to revolt.
I believe that the English example in the colonies will either
destroy England’s colonial empire—or lay the foundation for
England’s world dominion.
One of the most interesting alternatives of our time.
It makes one feel like coming back in fifty years to see how it has
turned out.
March 27, Cairo

Yesterday spent another day in a most unnerving state of wait
ing.
The commission didn’t arrive until 11 o’clock at night, in good
spirits and brown as berries.
Then, in my drawing room and in the presence of the others,
Goldsmid spent till 12:30 reading to me the report as I had roughly
foreseen it.
I only wish that the first part of this sentence were omitted:
“Under the present circumstances, cannot be settled—but if water
is made available, it can be settled."
Also, the reason why we want to have the land up to the 29th
parallel should not be mentioned.
* * #
Today I am sending Goldsmid to see Boyle and am having the

report typewritten.*
March 28, Cairo

Yesterday morning the commission met at my hotel. I began
listening to the oral reports and had the preliminary work plans
sketched for me.
Stephens is the pearl of the expedition. It is true that he has a
stutter, but his explanations are wonderfully clear and based on a
great knowledge of the subject.
I sent Goldsmid to see Boyle; however, he came back two hours
later and reported he had spent the entire time with Cromer, who
had sent for him immediately.
Cromer had spoken with him in somewhat the same vein he had
with me—but obviously for much longer.
This shows that Cromer wishes to deal with Englishmen. So I
decided to entrust the continuance of the negotiations to Gold
smid and Kessler, since I don’t want to have Greenberg operate
here by himself any longer.
His advice (Brindisi wire) not to submit the report to Cromer
but to Lansdowne bears the stamp of insincerity anyway. They all
tell me—Kessler as well as Goldsmid and others—that it would
run quite counter to English custom not to get the report into
Cromer’s hands first.
Therefore there are only two explanations for Greenberg’s ad
vice: either he wants to drag things out and gain time, or he wants
to create hostility between Cromer and myself.
Cromer told Goldsmid he must have one of us here—on the
spot*—so he could send for him at any time.
This proves how right I was to instruct Greenberg to stay here
until the expedition returned.
The reasons for his departure are getting more and more mys
terious.
Levontin has sent word that Greenberg drew the £100 for
traveling expenses although he didn’t take the trip. We’ll see if he
returns it. But I wouldn’t mind if he kept it.
March 27
I have decided to send the commission’s report, which Goldsmid
dictated to a typewriter,* * to Cromer with the following letter: ***
My Lord,
I have the honour to submit for your consideration the report of
the commission that has just returned from the Sinai Peninsula.
I need hardly remark that should Your Lordship wish to see the
members of the Commission, they will be happy to wait on you
at any time you may be pleased to appoint.
I purpose leaving in the course of the week for London with
the object of furnishing a copy of the above report to Lord Lans-
downe, should you have no objection, and will be happy to wait on
your Lordship before leaving whenever it suits your convenience.
I am, My Lord,
your most humble and obedient servant
Th. H.
•• Translator's Note: Herzl obviously confused the English term for the machine
with the designation of its operator.
• • • Original text.
1452 T H E COMPLETE DIARIES OF THEODOR HERZL
Shepheard’s Hotel.
# # #
Toward evening I made a call with Stephens which I believe was

the best one to date: on Sir Hanbury Browne, the Under-Secretary
for Public Works.
Sir Hanbury, who is retiring now, is spending these last days
of his stay in Cairo on a Nile yacht.
We visited him on this houseboat.*
A well-mannered, intelligent, quiet Englishman of some fifty
years.
Stephens explained things to him, and I listened intently. I
didn’t understand much of the technical details, of course, but I
did learn enough to join in the conversation, and not foolishly.
Sir Hanbury had already been consulted by Lord Cromer, since
the chief expert, Sir William Garstin, is in Mombassa right now.
But Cromer had mentioned to Sir Hanbury an enormously
larger territory—50,000 square kilometers—while only 250 are
involved. For that, Sir Hanbury had declared, they could supply no
water.
According to Stephens’ explanation it turned out that only about
two to three million cubic meters of water per day would be re
quired, and those could be spared without any trouble, said Sir
Hanbury.
This is a point won, and I will wave it under Cromer’s nose.
But for me, a former poet, an even more affecting thing was the
atmosphere on this houseboat* on the Nile, with the sun setting
behind palms in the fragrant distance.
And two English engineers* were having an up-to-date* dis
cussion in technical jargon of the capacity of the legendary stream
which was to be conducted to the parched land of the homecoming
Jews.
Whenever I didn’t understand any of their figures and calcula
tions for a while, I looked out the cabin window at the brown river,
which flows along as it did in the days of Moses, our teacher.
March 28
At 9:30 a telephone message* came from Lord Cromer: I was
to come out there at once. Goldsmid had received the same message.
I took Stephens along too.
Cromer received us briskly, but not unamiably. He tried to
address himself mainly to Goldsmid. But I had taken the first
seat next to his desk which was my due.
The conversation was brief and to the point.
Cromer stated that we should now demand the concession from
the Egyptian government.
(I had instructed Greenberg to hire a lawyer, but he had neg
lected to do so. The work we are just starting ought to have been
ready by now.)
I asked whether we should use Mcllwraithe, the legal adviser* of
the Khedive, for this purpose.
No, a lawyer.
I asked His Lordship to recommend one to us.
He recommended Carton de Wiart.
Stephens corrected Cromer’s erroneous assumptions about the
size of the Pelusiac Plain and the amount of water necessary.
Cromer also remarked that granting the concession would take
several months. However, the matter would be settled here and
not in London. So he was miffed. Of course, I could send the report
to London, if I wanted to.
He dismissed us.
Goldsmid found Cromer’s statements very satisfactory.*
* # #

Then I signed my name in the Khedive’s guest book.
Carton de Wiart is an Anglicized Belgian of 50. I briefly told
him what it was about and asked him to see me at my hotel in the
afternoon, when I would give him instructions.
March 29, Cairo

Attorney Carton de Wiart was here. I gave him instructions. We
will give up the word “Charter,” but not the thing itself.
I think he understood.
I quoted to him what Talleyrand said when Napoleon was con
ferring with him and Sieyès about a Constitution.
“Une constitution doit être courte et [A Constitution must be
brief and] . . . ” said Sieyès.
“Et obscure [and obscure],” Talleyrand completed the sentence.
# # #
He plans to have the draft of the patent of concession ready on
Monday.
# * #
I had asked Sir William Willcocks, the Tigris Canal man, to
have lunch with me.
II faisait le beau [He put on airs], i.e., he posed as the surmounter
of all obstacles.
However, I want to keep him in my game.
* * *
In the evening, a drive to the pyramids. Met Lord Cromer, the

master. I regretted that I didn’t have an elegant carriage, but only
a shabby cab.
But perhaps he feels that I look more businesslike* that way.
The misery of the fellahin by the road is indescribable.
I resolve to think of the fellahin too, once I have the power.
• # *
I will have to be patient.

March 30, Cairo
Yesterday’s big thing was my conversation with the “legal ad
viser"* de facto [for all practical purposes] Minister of Justice,
Malcolm Mcllwraithe.
He is a splendid fellow. A jolly Englishman, shrewd but honest,
adaptable but firm. With him it was a meeting of minds quick as
a flash. He is a hussar of laws.
At first he wouldn’t admit me. It seems he didn’t know my name,
or he probably took me for only a bit player, which I evidently
had stalwart Greenberg to thank for.
I wrote Greenberg's name on my card which the secretary had
brought back, whereupon he asked me to come back in half an
hour.
I came, and five minutes later we understood each other.
Mcllwraithe has a comical and characteristic feature in his often
laughing face: he has cut his reddish moustache too short parallel
to his upper lip. His purpose is clear: he doesn’t want to bathe his
moustache in his soup.
This is how purposeful everything he does, writes, and says is.
He laughs a lot, as if he were amused by all rogues and as if
he regarded all people as blackguards or blockheads.
He talked de omni re scibili [about everything under the sun].
He gave me his report about the judicial year 1902. I read it this
morning; it is absolutely first-rate.
I amused him with stories about Yildiz Kiosk. He enlightened
me about Egypt’s administrative situation, to the extent that I
didn’t already know it.
I think he was somewhat impressed when I told him that
Chamberlain had helped me and that Lord Rothschild would
handle the financing.
I mentioned how good our project would be for England.
“And where are the advantages for Egypt?” he asked like pince
sans rire [a dead-pan joker].
“The advantages for Egypt are of an economic character,”* I
said with composure. “A t least the money which we bring in will
be there"*
“Yes, if it does not sink into the ground ”* he joked.
Bref, la cordialité la plus franche ne cessait de régner [In short,
the frankest cordiality prevailed throughout].
But I think he laughs most at the fez which he wears Khedival-
Egyptian style.
In conclusion we arranged to meet with Carton Wiart tomorrow,
Tuesday, when we plan to place the draft of a concession before
him.
# * #
In the afternoon I saw Attorney Carton, who informed me that

Lord Cromer had sent for him the previous evening and discussed
our project with him for an hour and a half.
So His Lordship is giving our matter more expeditious treatment
than he wants to let on.
March 31, Cairo

Yesterday was a day of piétinement sur place [marking time].
Carton de Wiart seems to be the only lawyer in Cairo, for every
thing that happens is in his hands.
That is why he hasn’t been able to draw up the patent of con
cession as yet.
But he has spoken with Mr. Roccassera, the Egyptian govern
ment’s attorney. The latter recommended that he keep the conces
sion brief {ce qui me va parfaitement [which suits me perfectly]);
also, it should be only a lease** and not a freehold.*
I am demanding a 99-year lease and the fixing of the tribute ac
cording to the average of the last 20 years.
• • I n English in the original. Herzl here translates "lease” into German in paren
thesis: also Pacht.
Today I will work out the patent with Carton myself.
* * *
Col. Goldsmid asks, via Kessler, for another £150 "to send to
my wife” as well as a letter of credit for expenses,* if he is to stay
here.
A bit expensive.
* * *
Questions de préséance [Questions of protocol] are more im

portant than one would believe. On the first day after the return
of the expedition Dr. Friedemann, who is usually well-behaved,
committed the mistake of taking the seat at the head of the table,
which is my due.
As a subtle punishment, at the next meal I invited Goldsmid "to
take the chair.”
But Goldsmid is treating this as a permanent institution, now
considers himself the head man, and—
—and demands too much for staying here.
* * *
If I succeeded in getting the concession this week, I would leave

the Nile water question in suspense* and leave Goldsmid here to
deal with it.
Then he’ll get it from them.
April 1, Cairo
Yesterday morning I first went to see Mr. Carton de Wiart. He
held his head, saying that he had had to put ice packs on it all
night. A weak head. I think it was our contract, which he couldn’t
cope with, that caused him to rack his brains so. I helped him.
He had made a few measly starts on a draft for a concession— et
ça nous coûtera les yeux de la tête [and that will cost us our shirts].
However, he does have the inestimable advantage of routine.
The sentence “la Compagnie pourra jouir . . . comme d’une
chose lui appartenant [the Company will be able to enjoy . . .
like a thing belonging to it]” is worth its weight in gold.
I attached the greatest importance to taking over the wording of
Boutros’ letter to Greenberg, because that is already terrain acquis
[ground won] and will save us complications. In Paragraph 14 the
Nile water question was reserved for a later agreement—for which
I will leave Col. Goldsmid here.
Carton breathed a sigh of relief when I had completed the con
tract for him.
At 11 :go we had our appointment with Mcllwraithe. The latter
was already waiting for me and Goldsmid. He had a giant English
man with him who was also wearing a tarboosh. The giant, a Mr.
Buriant or something like that (name incomprehensible) was in
troduced to us as an important man. Probably a sort of section
head.
Until Carton’s arrival, Goldsmid’s military humor footed the
bill of a dragging conversation. Goldsmid is of the greatest use
fulness for filling pauses.
Carton came, but didn’t have the documents on him. They were
telephoned for. Another 20 minutes dragged by in which all sorts
of things were discussed: jurisprudence, travels, and the theater.
Mcllwraithe spoke about Brieux’ Robe Rouge and about a
court-room drama in which the Italian Novelli is appearing here
now.
Carton’s papers finally arrived.
Carton read our draft. Mcllwraithe grinned when he heard the
Charter tinkling out of the concession.
The giant with the tarboosh, however, clamped down:
“That’s a Charter. The sovereign rights are in it.”
Which I disputed. I referred to Paragraphs 4, 5, and 10, which
were taken over verbatim from Boutros’ letter.
The tarboosh giant further took exception to the word territoire
in Art. 6. That meant Charter.
I said that in French the word territoire had not only the inter
national-law sense, but also meant a suite de terrains.
We are not asking for terrains; the soil is too bad for that. We can
accomplish something only if we have a continuous area.
The giant also wanted to criticize the expedition commission.
But when he heard that the English colonel who was present had
participated in it, he became milder. For such purposes Goldsmid
is really valuable.
At parting I asked Mcllwraithe to expedite matters, because I
had a whole general staff of engineers to assemble, as well as any
number of other tasks.
Mcllwraithe amiably promised to do all he could. But a number
of formalities were required. First of all, the government would
make me a counter-proposal.
However, he believed that arrangements would be completed
before I landed at Brindisi.
Would Goldsmid have full powers* to conclude an agreement?
Yes!*
• • *
In the afternoon I saw Maître [Attorney] Carton de Wiart.

Carton said the tarbooshed giant didn’t have much influence.
Incidentally, he (Carton) had gone back there again about some
thing else and had overheard Mcllwraithe telling the giant he
shouldn’t make any trouble.
Lord Cromer too is well disposed toward our cause, in Carton’s
opinion (which I don’t share). Carton didn’t remember Cromer
ever showing so much interest in any cause in 20 years as he was
showing in ours.
I asked Carton to tell Lord C. (since he was going to see him that
evening) that we have eliminated the Nile water question, in ac
cordance with his wish, so we can get the concession right away.
# # •
Yesterday this wire came from Greenberg: *
Perdrigon What progress have you made

Chisel Egypt. Govmt.
Najeranas It is absolutely necessary I must know
Kalkleber Negotiations still pending
Nardus Schneider Lansdowne.
* # *
I didn’t give him any answer.

If Lansdowne wants to know anything, he can learn it more
quickly through Cromer.
And my confidence in Greenberg is badly shaken.
Yesterday morning I wired him that I will leave on the 4th. That
is all he needs to know.
April 2, Cairo
Yesterday, from my point of view, an idle day, and I don’t know
whether it was good or bad for us.
My proposal for a concession was evidently examined and
weighed.
What will the Egyptian government’s counter-proposal be like?
I now believe that it was a mistake to give Greenberg’s draft **
to Mcllwraithe. For there is too much in it, while my draft con
tains fewer details and thus looks more harmless.
Bref—attendre [In short—wait].
I didn’t hear a thing from the overworked Carton de Wiart
yesterday.
* * *
Baron Oppenheim, the German Legation Councillor, has twice
left his card at my hotel and invited me to lunch today, although I
have never met him.
• Original text.
On the other hand, the Austrian Consul, Baron Braun, hasn’t
even replied to my card which I had sent in to him.
Counterpart to Okolicsânyi at The Hague.
As far as the diplomats of my fatherland are concerned, I don't
exist. They treat me as though I were air, these idiots of whose exist
ence not a soul will any longer have an idea when my name will
still shine through the ages like a star.
April 2
The luncheon* at Baron Oppenheim’s (de Cologne) has been

explained in a most funny way indeed.*
A party of German professors and diplomats gathered in O.'s
house, which is very tasteful in the Oriental manner. The host
came waltzing in late: of below-average height, a scar on his cheek,
officer’s moustache, dashing, a trim waistline—a good, but some
what too labored copy of a Prussian** Junker [member of landed
gentry].
All the discomfort of an alien, stiff society.
But when he asked me about my scholarly field, I felt even more
uncomfortable.
“None at all,” I said, for I guessed that he hadn’t wanted to in
vite me in the first place.
The Mosses, a quaint mixture of Miihlendammers*** and
étrangers de distinction [distinguished foreigners], were also there
and thought things “elegant.”
Only after lunch was I able to pull the host aside and ask him
whether there wasn’t some misunderstanding.
“You were kind enough to leave your card with me.”
9In English in the original.
99Translator’s Note: Here and a bit further on Herzl writes preu’sche instead of
preussische, to mimic the clipped speech and stiff bearing of these would-be
Prussians.
999 Translator’s Note: Jews engaged in business on the Mühlendamm in Berlin.
"No, dear Baron, you did so first; you came to my place twice.’’
"Once.”
In short, it turned out that the first card had been left by
mistake.
To be sure, he had known Gottheil in New York (that is what
I had surmised, remembering one of G.’s letters); but he wouldn’t
hear of the Zionist movement, even asked me not to get him in
volved with it in any way. (Plus O. de Cologne que jamais [More
O. de Cologne than ever]).*
Whereupon I told him, by way of reply to this Jewish convert
fear of his, about the Kaiser and the Grand Duke.
After that he claimed to be against Zionism from political ex
perience. I felt sorry for him. This O. de Cologne scion is the best
proof of what a life-long strain assimilationism involves.
A life-long comedy.
He acts the Prussian Junker; but I believe he would be happiest
if he could say sh’ma yisroel [Hear, o Israel] when, in fencing, he is
hit by a thrust in quarte.
And on top of it, Mr. and Mrs. Mosse, advertising agency from
Berlin, who find him "elegant.” What an effort these Jews make to
play comic roles.
April 3, Cairo
Yesterday, after sunset, I went with Goldsmid to see Mcll-
wraithe. He received us in a tennis outfit. T h at’s how he had just
returned from the lawn** at Chesireh.
This time he made a doubtful face at our request for a conces
sion. Mr. Bruniant, the giant with the tarboosh, seems to have
brought him round in the meantime.
At any rate, he said that an immediate counter-proposal was
out of the question. The matter would have to be put before the
Cabinet, etc. The procurement of judicial personnel would cause
• Translator's Note: A pun on eau de Cologne.
excessive difficulties, for the language of the negotiations would
have to be Arabic.
I referred to the example of Austria where there are also all sorts
of languages in ordinary use. Interpreters would have to be re
sorted to. This was not exactly convenient, to be sure, but after all,
the language question was a disease with which a state could live
hundreds of years.
To this he agreed, with a grin.
And what about taxation?
We shall levy no taxes, and the net profit* is to come from the
yields of the economy. But we cannot engage in the venture if the
land and the people are free from taxes. T he state will have only
the Company and its books before it; in dubiis [in case of doubt],
the Committee of Three.
The size of the territory requested by us was the chief misgiving.
They are willing to give us plots all right, but no land.
“But as for us,” I said, “we can use it only as contiguous territory.
We are not real-estate speculators, such as exist here in Egypt. As a
land speculation the undertaking we have in mind wouldn’t be
good enough. The land is worthless. We have to make something
out of it first.”
“And the duration of the contract? In 99 years the disposition
of the land is to be withdrawn from our government. And what if
you don’t take enough pains to make the thing good?”
“It could be stipulated,” I said, “that the concession will lapse
if we don’t make productive investments* in the amount of two
million pounds within twenty years.”
“Twenty years!”
“All right, let us say ten years. Actually, we shall complete the
investments* of two million pounds very quickly. I would simply
like to be assured of a liberal space of time.”
And I kept coming back to the question of legal security. If it
were certain that the English occupation would last, we wouldn’t
need so many precautionary measures. But we couldn’t take it on
our conscience to see the settlers exposed to Oriental caprice at
some later period.
He understood that well enough.
As we were leaving, he started speaking German, and fluently,
too.
“And yet you looked on while I was struggling with English?” I
reproached him.
“No, it was pretty good,” he jested, “your pronunciation is re
markably good.”
“But the legal niceties were lost,” I lamented.
But he said he had understood me.
However, this amiability shall not blind me to the fact that
matters now stand considerably worse.
Today I am sending Goldsmid to see Mcllwraithe and request
ing Greenberg’s draft of a charter back, since it is only designed
to confuse the issues, as well as being outdated.
• # *
In the evening I sent Lord Cromer a letter which I had asked

Goldsmid to draw up and in which Goldsmid is designated as
acting as my representative* This draft from his hand replaces my
promise that he will stay here only as my representative. Other
wise I would have a Greenberg No. 2.
My Lord,**
I have the honour to inform you that it is my intention to leave
Egypt by the Austrian Lloyd steamer on Saturday next, and to state
that should your Lordship wish to see me before my departure, on
any matter connected with the concession on the railway, I shall
be happy to wait on you at any time you may appoint to-morrow,
Friday.
Colonel Goldsmid is remaining in Cairo and will have the nec
essary power given him to act as my representative.
## Original text.
Thanking Your Lordship for the trouble you have taken in the
affair of the Concession,
I have the honour to subscribe myself
your obedient humble servant.

Drawn up by Goldsmid personally. April 2, 1903
April 3, Cairo

This will acknowledge receipt, with thanks, of your friendly
wire.
I have discussed everything necessary here with Lord Cromer
and the Egyptian government and am leaving for Europe to
morrow. I shall stay in Vienna until Easter Monday and then go to
London where I have some things to arrange with the government.
On the 18th I shall be in Paris.
Please telegraph me at Vienna (Address: Vienna-Wâhring,
Haizingergasse 29) the date of your departure from London. Per
haps I can still see you in London.

Herzl.
April 7, on the Adriatic Sea

Aboard the “Bohemia.”
I have given Goldsmid instructions to get from Cromer, if at
all possible, the concession without Nile water, for the time being,
but to leave the water question, since Cromer won’t do it any other
way, until Sir William Garstyn’s return (May).
As soon as he has the concession, he is to see the Lesseps Company
at Ismailia and secure the wharf wall,* the railway station at Port
Said, and one fresh-water siphon (from Port Said), while for the
moment the Ismailia siphon should not be mentioned to the Suez
people.
• # #
This morning, at Brindisi, I received a wire from Goldsmid:*

“Have had an interview with Cromer, no news, matters in
consideration.”
Cromer didn’t want to receive me before my departure and
wrote a cool letter of refusal, saying that many modifications**
would still have to be made in our draft before it could be accepted.
* * *
I am now pinning my hopes on Chamberlain, whom I plan to

see next week. He is more detached from the matter, therefore has
a higher view of it—and does not know the value of the big tract
of land I am requesting.
April 15, Vienna

Before my departure for Paris where Rothschild is expecting
me.
Telegram to Goldsmid, Cairo: *
Talgfett Telegraph what you have done

Paris Hotel Chatham.
Benjamin.
April 17, Paris

Yesterday the following from Goldsmid in Cairo: *
• Original text.
Peregrino Making as much progress as can fairly be ex
pected
parchment Mcllwraithe
Aftertopas will be away for a short time
Paper Goldsmid.
April 17, Paris

Yesterday, right after my arrival, had the showdown with Green
berg in the presence of Nordau, Cowen, and Wolffsohn.
I reproached him moderately, confining myself to reprimanding
him for failure to follow my instructions.
At 6 o’clock in the evening I was with Lord Rothschild at 2 rue
St. Florentin, in the truly princely house of Alphonse, the Roths
child reigning in France.
Pleasant eighteenth century in the drawing room.
Lord Rothschild had me report to him on the present situation.
His intellectual mediocrity is distressing; but he is a man who
is truly good and devoted to me.
The conclusion of his wisdom (and helpfulness) was: I should
prepare a memorandum which would be studied by the I.C.A.
The I.C.A. was in trouble right now because of the bill* by
which it hoped to straighten out its conflicting by-laws.
He also mentioned Zangwill’s attacks on the I.C.A., everything
vague, without conclusion.
The I.C.A. people Leven and Zadoc had been to see him; he had
told them that he was going to see me today. He further told them
that through me they had the opportunity of doing something
great.
He recommended that I tell the I.C.A. only about El Arish
and the most immediate settlement of 5, 10, or 15,000 families.
Any further and bigger things they would consider a dream.
Finally, I told him to convene them for a conference with me
tomorrow.
He asked me to call on him in London next week, if we don’t
see each other before that.
Above all I should try to get my concession.
And other advice of that sort.
I said: “I want to know right now what I am at. Whether you will
make the subscription for me or not. If need be I shall make it
myself. If I was able to obtain the country (I hadn’t quite yet), I
shall certainly be able to raise the money.”
He seemed convinced of it.
“Besides,” I said, “that is chicken-feed: 5 million pounds for such
a big undertaking.”
He promised me that once I had got that far he would write to
Jacob Schiff in New York and do everything possible.
I yelled at him so loudly that when I left an hour and a quarter
later the three servants in the hall were trembling when they
handed me my coat and umbrella.
* * *
On the slip which is appended here I sketched the plan of action

for him.
He advised me not to tell the I.C.A. about Pelusium for the time
being. For that I would get the money in Manchester afterwards.
April 17, Paris

Don’t you think that a meeting with Baron Alphonse would be
more important than a conference with the I.C.A. people?
I would like to clarify two things:
1) That I don’t want a financial contribution to the cause from
the Paris House of Rothschild either, but only moral support.
2) That I don’t presume upon the I.C.A. to give money for any
thing à fonds perdu [outright], but only want it to participate in
productive investments for a great Jewish colony for which I have
created the necessary political basis.
If you think it is a good idea to bring me together with Baron
Alphonse, I shall be at your disposal and his at any time up to and
including Monday. I shall probably not leave for London until
Tuesday.
Respectfully yours,
Herzl.
April 18, Paris

Yesterday the reply from Lord Rothschild, saying he thought it
better if I conferred only with the I.C.A. now.
In the evening a letter from Zadoc Kahn: Baron Alphonse had
asked him to discuss the matter with me. I should call on him.
April 19, Paris

Result of yesterday’s rather lengthy conversation with Zadoc
Kahn.
He will arrange for me to meet with the I.C.A. members with
whom I am not yet acquainted.
The I.C.A. will examine my proposals, since for the first time
they contain something practical.
April 20, Paris

Went to see my “irreducible” opponent Salomon Reinach yester
day.
“Puisque nous nous combattons, il faut bien que nous nous
connaissions [Since we are fighting each other, we should really
know each other],” I said; and in this tone of badinage [banter] I
continued the causerie [chat] which made him more and more
favorably disposed toward me. In the end he wanted to keep me
there for dinner, and when I was unable to stay because of Alex, he
joined Alex and me at the restaurant. If Alex had not irritated
him again, I think I would have put a ring through his nose and
dragged him to the Université populaire [University Extension],
where Nordau was giving a lecture.
April 20, Paris

To Col. Goldsmid, Cairo:*
My dear Col. Goldsmid,
many thanks for your very interesting log-book and kind letters.
In reply to your remark page 6 (April to). “It is a matter for
consideration” etc.:
You can, if such alteration is demanded by the Government have
the concession made out “to Dr. Th. Herzl. Président du conseil de
surveillance du [Chairman of the Council of the] Jewish Colonial
Trust Ld. London.”
And kindly observe: conseil de surveillance, not conseil d’ad
ministration [Board of Directors]. I am not a financial man.
I should prefer it to be given to Dr. H., President du Comité
d’action du mouvement sionniste [Chairman of the Actions Com
mittee of the Zionist Movement].
Only as they probably would not like to raise on this occasion
certain political questions relative to the boundary line, it is
preferable to put there only my name.
I hope to go soon to London and to see Mrs. Goldsmid.
With kindest regards, my dear Colonel, I am yours sincerely
Herzl.
April 23, London

Please find enclosed the report of the hydraulic engineer. The
reports of the other engineers and agricultural experts deal with
# Original text.
other aspects of the problem. Stephens’ report will also give you
an idea, although it treats only of the water questions and goes into
greater detail on Pelusium than on El Arish.
This report isn’t known to anybody yet. I am entrusting it to
you alone and request that you return it tomorrow.
Faithfully yours,
Herzl.
April 23, London
When I arrived Wolffsohn told me he had found out that Green

berg had taken about £ 1,000 from the Colonial Trust in uncovered
checks.
This explains everything. If the concession had been in his
name, everything would have to be made good.
The wrong-doing of this man is counterbalanced only by his
splendid achievements.
I shall act as if I didn’t know anything.
When the project is a success, he will be paid off and removed.
* * *
Was at Rothschild’s yesterday.

He reported that he had written to Zadoc Kahn: if the bill*
needed by the I.C.A. is to be passed by the House of Lords, Zadoc
should write Lord Morley that the I.C.A. is hand in glove* with
Dr. Herzl.
Furthermore: Alphonse R. had vigorously declined to col
laborate with us, because this was a political matter (Alphonse had
guessed that)!
Edmond R., on the other hand, was delighted with the plan.
He (Lord R.) had also written to Jacob Schiff in New York to
give us a helping hand.
# Id English in the original.
April 23
T o Goldsmid in Cairo: *
Naseberry
Taladra
Juedische
London
Benjamin.
# # *
To Joffeat Jaffa:**
How many hectares and money needed per family El-Arish
valley? Consult Soskin by wire. Telegraph reply Juedische
London.
Benjamin.
• # #
I need these data for the I.C.A.

I also asked Stephens for project figures for El-Arish yesterday.
April 23, London
Answer from Cairo: *

Parchment Mcllwraithe
ragwool will not be ready until
welfisches next week
Dazzling It will not be decided
Afanismo until—arrives
bloater Sir W. Garstin
welfisches next week.
Pater
• Original text.
• • In French in the original.
April 24, London
With Chamberlain yesterday noon.

He received me amiably, like an old acquaintance. He struck
me as having grown a great deal older and more care-worn, though
still mentally alert.
"Since we last met, I have seen quite a bit of the world," he
began. And in a moment we had got down to cases.
“I spoke with Lord Cromer about your project when I was in
Egypt. What have you done?"
I told him, and referred to the Commission’s report which I
had sent him the day before and which was in front of him.
“That is not a favorable report,” he said.
"Well," I said, “it is a very poor country; but we will make some
thing out of it."
“I have seen a land for you on my travels," said the great Cham
berlain, "and that’s Uganda. It’s hot on the coast, but farther in
land the climate becomes excellent, even for Europeans. You can
raise sugar and cotton there. And I thought to myself, that would
be a land for Dr. Herzl. But of course he wants to go only to Pales
tine or its vicinity."
“Yes, I have to,” I replied. "Our base must be in or near Pales
tine. Later on we could also settle in Uganda, for we have masses of
people ready to emigrate. But we have to build on a national foun
dation, and this is why we must have the political attraction offered
by El-Arish. But they don’t understand that in Egypt. It is true that
I wasn’t able to make myself as plain there as I was here.
“There I was obliged to ask for a totally inadequate concession—
in view of the political situation—and it only looks like a financial
concession. As a land speculation it would be a bad deal. No one
would give money for such a country. No one but ourselves—be
cause we have underlying political motives. It should be clearly
understood that we shall not place ourselves under Egyptian rule,
but under British rule.”
He: “I feel that things are likely to remain as they are. We shall
not leave Egypt.* Originally that was our intention. I am able to
tell you this, for I was in the government. We planned to pull out
of Egypt again in the eighties. But we have had to invest so much
money and now have so many interests there that we can no longer
get out. Thus you and your settlement will share the fortunes of
that British possession. Should a different solution ever turn up,
and if your colony is strong enough, I am sure you will assert your
self appropriately.”
We spoke about this and that.
“In Asia Minor,” Chamberlain said, “we have fewer and fewer
interests. Some day there will be a showdown over that region be
tween France, Germany, and Russia—whereas we are increasingly
drawn to more distant points. I am wondering, in such a case, what
would be the fate of your Jewish colony in Palestine, supposing
you have succeeded in establishing it in the meantime?”
I said: “I believe that then our chances would be even better.
For we shall be used as a small buffer-state.* We shall get it not
from the goodwill, but from the jealousy of the powers!* And once
we are at El-Arish under the Union Jack,* then Palestine too will
fall into the British sphere of influence."*
That seemed to make quite a bit of sense to him.
I spoke next about raising the money (through the I.C.A. and
Rothschild). True, with 5 million pounds we couldn’t go very far
in that desert. The country would have to be made attractive, and
then he, Joe Ch., would get credit for providing England with
another colony.
His reaction to this, too, was not unfriendly. He said we would
have to have Rothschild with us in any event, for the English
government counted on him.
“We have him,” I said. “Of course, I could also do it without
him. The main thing is that I finally get the concession, otherwise
I cannot go ahead. Man's life is short.*
In English in the original.

We also discussed the Jewish immigration. He said that the
opposition to aliens* was merely the effect of competition .* The
same thing could be observed in other parts of the Empire against
other ethnic groups subject to England, e.g. in South Africa. I
think he mentioned Indians who were being resisted in South
Africa. Similarly, the government in England might suddenly be
faced with the necessity of passing an Alien Bill* against the Jews,
because popular pression** might be brought to bear on the gov
ernment.
"If you allow me to say so, Mr. Chamberlain, I should prefer for
England's glory that you do not make such a Bill. Drain them else
where, but don't make an Alien Bill."*
In conclusion he promised me that he would speak with Lans-
downe, so that pressure might be brought to bear on Cromer to
expedite matters.
He accompanied me as far as the door, and helped me into my
overcoat.
* * *
In the afternoon I went to see Lansdowne. Good reception, futile

conversation.
I presented (in English) everything I had in mind, left the report
and the draft of the Commission with him for study, and also spoke
about the I.C.A. bill.*
At this point a remarkable thing happened: he asked me to give
him a memorandum about the I.C.A. bill* which he said he would
turn over to his friend Lord Morley (on whom the bill* depends).
Cowen, Greenberg, and Zangwill danced with joy when I
brought them the news that I was commissioned to hand in an
authoritative memorandum about the bill* of the I.C.A.
Zangwill and Greenberg are going to draw it up.

• • Translator's Note: In English in the original. Herzl obviously meant "pressure."
April 25, London
Rothschild thought the memorandum by Zangwill and Green
berg excellent. But he said I shouldn’t tell the I.C.A. people about
it.
April 25, before my departure

This is roughly how I imagine the letter to Mr. Hallgarten of
Frankfurt (Charles Hallgarten, I think) which I asked you to
write yesterday:
You have heard about his philanthropic and pro-Jewish ac
tivities. Therefore bespeak his warmest support in the I.C.A. of my
project with which he will become acquainted. My project, to
be sure, does not require a donation, but a sensible, productive
capital investment which will not be lost. The letter should be
addressed—today, if possible—to Grand Rabbi Zadoc Kahn, 17 r.
St. Georges.
In view of the respect which everybody has for you this letter
will doubtless produce an effect.
I will let you know the results.
My address in Paris will be Hotel Chatham, r. Daunou.
Respectfully yours,
Herzl.
April 27, Paris

Yesterday morning I spoke with Philippson of Brussels, and in
the evening, until midnight at Reinach’s, with Claude Montefiore,
Alfred Cohen, and Lousada. Iterum atque iterum [Again and
again] the same arguments, refuted in the same way.
They seem amenable to Pelusium, but apparently they don’t
want to contribute three million pounds towards a total of five,
but only one towards two.
April 27

I have spoken with five of the I.C.A. people and let them read
Stephens’ report.
Their reaction was favorable, but they are making reservations.
They don’t want to give three million pounds, but, as I gathered
from a remark made by Philippson (Brussels), only one million.
Also, they want to confine themselves to Pelusium, because Ste
phens mentions, among other things, that a similar piece of land
near Abukir yielded about 16 per cent net profit after a few years.
Financially speaking, Pelusium is the raisin in the cake, while
El Arish is much more valuable to me politically. I need coloni
zation in El Arish because it can be started at once, because I shall
be alleviating a piece of misery, and because I can inspire the
masses with it. Then, too, it is the beginning of a diversion by
means of which we may forestall the Alien Bill.* Now as before
I consider this Alien Bill* as one of the greatest moral losses that
we are threatened with.
Now I ask you, Lord Rothschild: shall I agree to I.C.A. par
ticipation with a smaller amount and restricte
that we would then have to raise approxii
million pounds by public subscription?
Your immediate reply will still reach me her-
Vienna on Wednesday evening.
In any case, the treatment of the I.C.A. Bill*
Lords is important. This bill is in your hand |
•In English in the original.
House of Lords that could decide such a question differently from
what Lord Rothschild proposes to it.
If you will just say a few words on this bill,* in the spirit of the
memorandum which I transmitted, after you approved of it, to
Lord Lansdowne for Lord Morley, then matters will be in order.
Following your advice I didn’t tell the I.C.A. people anything
about the memorandum for Lansdowne. It will also be well if your
statement on the bill* does not get out beforehand.
Gratefully yours,
Herzl.
Enclosure: the Lansdowne memorandum.
April 27
I am instructing Cowen to work out a memorandum for the
I.C.A. and the subscription together with Stephens, Zangwill,
Greenberg, and Kessler.
April 29, Paris

Following my conversation yesterday with the hidebound ped
ant Councillor-of-Justice Lachmann of Berlin and of the I.C.A., in
which I demanded a clear answer from him as to whether the
I.C.A. according to its constitution could give us the money and
got no definite No from him, I told Nordau and Alex at lunch:
“I regard the game against the I.C.A. as won."
• • •
Quelle cour de miracles [What a court of miracles] this admin

istrative board of the I.C.A. is!
And the fate of a poor people is to depend on that.
April 29, Paris

Many thanks for your wire of yesterday and today’s letter with
the enclosure for Hallgarten.
Hallgarten is in New York. I shall forward the letter to him the
quickest way.
I shall follow your advice and take from the I.C.A. what it gives;
but I feel that we should not take any less than one million.
However, I consider it sensible not to let the people know for
the time being that we shall accept less than three million pounds
too. Anyway, they will not make a decision until their next meeting
on June 7th.
I am now working out a memorandum for the gentlemen, and
as soon as it is finished, I shall send you, Milord, a copy of each sec
tion—about the middle of May.
Tonight I am leaving for Vienna (Haizingergasse 29, Wâhring).
Respectfully yours,
Herzl.
May 1, Vienna
Wire from Goldsmid, Cairo: *
rundblum e I have had an interview with

Bloater Sir W. Garstin
School Sir Eldon Gorst
mamede considering the m atter
recuada nothing sufficiently definite to report
Pater Goldsmid.
• Original text.
May 5, Vienna
Wire to Goldsmid: *
galleine Go ahead all you can

readmitias You can rely upon
Brown Chamberlain
Schneider Lansdowne
hactenus Please hasten
hafertanz I (we) have
Window British Govt.
May 5, Vienna
Goldsmid’s reply: *
tagamina Telegram to hand, and it has every attention

Pater Goldsmid.
May 6, Vienna, evening
Bad news from Goldsmid: *
Bloater Sir W. Garstin

ruodlieb he is opposed to us
ehering (he gives) estimate
fivefold 4,045 cubic meters
Fireman Stephens
watermos supplying water
Rumvet Pelusium plain
palmearon further particular by first post
Pater Goldsmid.
# Original text.
May 6, evening
ToGoldsmid:*
paysage Is it possible
rundbild our application for a concession
abocetado not accepted in consequence of
Bloaters Garstins
offixi Opposition
talagarsa Telegraph immediately
taloneros Telegraph what I am to do with
Brown Chamberlain
knodland He is favorable, inclined to assist us.
Benjamin
May 7, at night, Vienna

Even worse news from Goldsmid: *
Bauer Lord Cromer

abbasso recommends abandonment
abbattere have protested against abandonment
Pater Goldsmid.
# * •
From Greenberg in Cardiff: *
Am sending you from London most important communication

and beg you immediately to cable Pater not to push on with present
negotiations pending receipt by you of my letter let him delay
things till then.
Issachar.
• Original text.
May 8, morning, Vienna
ToGoldsmid.*
Desdemona Do nothing
Wagring wait till you receive my instructions.
Benjamin
* # *
T o Greenberg-Cowen: *
Significatio London,
laughable
Garstin opposed. Negotiations stand bad. We have no time to
lose. You must wire me at once your news. Letters are too slow.
If we interrupt now we risk to lose Courtier and Cigar.
Benjamin.
* * *
To Stephens Newick, Sussex: *
Garstin opposed. Estimate 4,045 cubic meters supplying. Kindly

wire at once Benjamin Wien your views. W hat should we do?
Which is the smallest amount we could accept?
Benjamin.
May 8, Vienna
Stephens replies: *
“Think would pay financially to cultivate down to one third of

estimate reducing water supply page 36 accordingly.”
# Original text.
May 8
From Goldsmid at Cairo: *
Yes
abgekniet In the absence of
waterboon water
Rumvat Pelusium plain
Bauer Cromer
choeriti consider
rundbild our application for concession
snobbish success very doubtful
rundblik Egyptian ministers
recopiait Reply expected by
welche about beginning of next week
ratapoil with regard to
Brown Chamberlain
laonde wait my letter of
manalgie 6th may
manamina 8th may
Pater Goldsmid.
May 8, evening, Vienna

ToCowen:*
Chisel will decide begin of next week. Decision expected to be
unfavourable, therefore Brown’s intervention indispensable at
once.
Benjamin.
May 8, evening
In reply to Greenberg’s wire in which he says that nothing was
known to the Foreign Office and that his telegram had referred
to Willcocks’ plan: *
• Original text.
I know Willcocks and his scheme perfectly, nothing for us.
Pater wired me reason of G’s opposition estimate 4045 cubic
meters supplying water.
But of Pater’s former communications I clearly understand that
it is only a question of goodwill.
We ask only for the superfluous. Chisel can do it easily if willing.
Now you must see Brown if possible tomorrow and explain him
the necessity of his immediate intervention. Chisel will probably
take formal decision begin of next week. Afterwards it would be
too late and all the gained ground Courtier Cigar lost.
Benjamin.
May 9, Vienna
To Cowen:*
Issachar has again other plans. I lunched with Willcocks and

know his unpracticable scheme. You know I refused Cohn’s prop
osition and as I ascertained Brown has no interest in it.
Please secure immediate execution of my instructions by Is
sachar.
He has now the idea of withdrawing Pater. I shall certainly not
do that. Every delay would be fatal. Cigar would escape and per
haps Courtier too. If Issachar is not willing to fulfil my instructions
concerning Brown I expect from his sincerity to let me know it at
once.
Benjamin.
• • *
For on top of all the difficulties there is the additional one that
Greenberg wants to get something—probably money—for him
self. From Wolffsohn I learned that G. took unauthorized credits
of £500 to £1,000 from the J.C. Trust. Since the action was not
# Original text.
above-board, Wolffsohn and Cowen examined G’s books and found
that he was deeply in debt, about £10,000 which he cannot pay.
To him our schemes seem to be the straw the drowning man
clutches at.
And I cannot depend on his statements.
Considering the importance of his function as an intermediary,
this difficulty is downright enormous.
« * *
May 10, Vienna
To Goldsmid:*
Fireman Stephens
accongesto advice from—states
rapsaret I can make some reductions
cultivating —
dracenois 331/3%
rumvat Pelusium plain
abritant according to circumstances
dracenois 3314%
galleine Go ahead all you can
readmities You can rely upon
Brown Chamberlain
rukwind Take the best you can get whatever it
smerelli Subject to confirmation by wire
talgbrot Telegraph me fully
Benjamin.

The end of a scheme.
Goldsmid telegraphs: *
• Original text.
Bauer Lord Cromer
imbriglia has informed
Pater Goldsmid
Chisel Egyptian government
raspatoir refuses
altogether
recouverts reply expected any moment
chaldaic shall I come
bildwort Vienna
Augenweh Austrian Lloyd
sbaglio next Saturday
Pater Goldsmid.
What has happened there I presumably won't learn until later.
Did Goldsmid blunder, or did he think of himself? Nous verrons
tout cela [We shall see all that].
First of all, I forwarded the wire to London, for Zangwill, Green
berg, and Cowen.
I believe that even Chamberlain can’t do anything further now.
It is simply all over.
May n
Reply to Goldsmid: *
tahapanes your telegram to hand
halieto do not come here before
thesicle I will try what can be done
Benjamin.
* *
To Ch. Hallgarten, Frankfurt, a.M.:

Dear Mr. Hallgarten:
In the enclosed letter Lord Rothschild tries to interest you in
a plan that we should like to carry out for the benefit of our sorely
suffering fellow Jews.
# Original text.
I hope that the Jewish Colonization Association, in which you
have such an important voice, will let itself be persuaded to join
in the good work.
As soon as negotiations with the Egyptian government are com
pleted, I shall inform you and your colleagues of the I.C.A. about
everything necessary in a detailed memorandum.

Th. Herzl.

Superfluously enough, Goldsmid reports once more: *
narigona Negotiations have fallen through

ecarteler embark
Pater Goldsmid.
May 13, Vienna

Letter from Goldsmid, dated May 6. T he explanation: Sir
William Garstin has declared that we would need five times as
much water as Stephens stated; also, the laying of the siphons
would involve tying up traffic in the Suez Canal for several weeks.
In the fruitful morning hours of yesterday and today I made the
new plan which is necessary after the miscarrying of this scheme.
I started out from Chamberlain’s Uganda suggestion—and hit
upon Mozambique. I will try to get this inactive land for a Char
tered Company from the Portuguese government, which needs
money, by promising to meet the deficit and to pay a tribute later.
However, I want to acquire Mozambique only as an object of
barter in order to get for it from the English government the en
tire Sinai Peninsula with Nile water summer and winter, and
possibly Cyprus as well—and for nothingl
• Original text.
May 13, Vienna
I also suspected Goldsmid of acting, more than was proper, his
own boss of the concession. I found a trace of this in his suggestion
that the administrator of the colony (by which he evidently meant
himself) should also be appointed governor by the government.
In the report that arrived today there is another trace! Namely,
his writing to Sir Eldon Gorst that he had to supply information
in reply to urgent cablegrams from London and Vienna.
From London? Who sent him a cablegram from there?
C'est donc pourse donner une contenance [So it is to make him
self look important].
Book Sixteen
Begun in Vienna
on March 14, 1903
May 14, Vienna
To Goldsmid:*
Chalicore Come as quickly as possible.
Vienna Benjamin.
May 16, Vienna

I thought the Sinai plan was such a sure thing that I no longer
wanted to buy a family vault in the Dôbling cemetery, where my
father is provisionally laid to rest. Now I consider the affair so
wrecked that I have already been to the district court and am ac
quiring vault No. 28.
May 16
I was in doubt as to whether to start the Mozambique scheme
through Nordau in Lisbon or here directly with the Portuguese
ambassador. Decided on the latter, because Nordau’s skepticism
would settle like a blight on this germ of an idea. This way, to be
sure, I shall be at the mercy of a probably clerical hidalgo [noble
man], for they wouldn’t send any other kind to Austria.
May 16, Vienna

Letter to Joe Cowen, asking him to call a conference with
Stephens, Kessler, and Greenberg at Zangwill’s place and inform
them of Garstin’s report. Stephens, for his part, is to write me a
letter I can show around (for Chamberlain and Lansdowne).
All conferees are to keep silent, including Greenberg, vis-à-vis
Rothschild.
Greenberg is to request Chamberlain’s help for acquiring part of
it immediately.
* Original text.
1491
May 17, Vienna
Letter from Sir Eric Barrington, dated May 9 (forwarded five
days late by Greenberg), re I.C.A. B ill*
I am answering Lansdowne under date of May 18.**
My Lord,
allow me to thank your Lordship for the communication you
sent me through Sir Eric Barrington with reference to the Bill
of the Jewish Colonisation Association.
I think, there should be a clear understanding that the money
of the Hirsch bequest is not going to be used to keep Jews in
Russia etc. under the pretext of fitting them for Colonisation else
where. Hirsch’s idea was to take the people out, and the money
must not be used to keep them in. On the other hand it is quite
clear from the failure of the Argentine colonies that the way to
take them out is not by the creation of small colonies which would,
and do, form no attraction. That can only be gained by broad and
big schemes which recognize the national sentiment of the Jewish
people; and therefore to fulfil Baron Hirsch’s intentions the Bill
should provide for such a scheme.
I have the honour to remain.
Your Lordship’s most humble and obedient servant

Th. Herzl.
May 19, Vienna

The local Portuguese Ambassador told Hechler, whom I had
asked to get me an appointment with him, that I should have
Rothschild present me to him (the Ambassador).
To do this, it would first be necessary for the Portuguese Am
bassador to introduce me to His Baronial Grace.
I am writing to Koerber:
Your Excellency:
As you know, I am a sort of poor man’s lawyer for unfortunate
Jews, and as such I am quite busy. I am now occupying myself with
a case of poor Jews in which I am to intervene with the Portuguese
government, and for this reason I should like to speak with the
local Portuguese ambassador.
This gentleman probably doesn’t know me ni d’Adam ni d’Eve
[from Adam], and if it isn’t too much trouble for you, I would like
to ask you for a few lines of introduction.
Let me take this opportunity to say that I have been following
the well-deserved successes of your government from a distance
and with sincere interest, and am glad to have seen things correctly
back at the time I predicted that you would be in power for a long
time.
With sincere respect, I am

T h. Herzl.
May 19,1903
* # *
To Plehwe:
Your Excellency:
My name may perhaps be known to Your Excellency as that of
the leader of the Zionist movement.
The deplorable events at Kishinev force the pen into my hand—
but not to bemoan what is irrevocable.
I hear from reliable sources that despair is beginning to take
hold of the Jews in Russia. They feel that they are being delivered
up to the evil instincts of the mob without protection. In con
sequence the elderly people are being seized by paralyzing fear
in the activities of their livelihood, and the younger people are be
ginning to listen to the doctrines of revolution. Fifteen- and six
teen-year-old children, who don’t even understand the revolution
ary madness preached to them, are letting themselves be deluded by
theories of violence.
In past years it has been the great achievement of the Zionist
movement to have given all these unfortunates a higher ideal that
comforted and reassured them. This cannot have escaped Your
Excellency’s notice.
Now I am informed by very earnest people that there is a way
of calming the desperate mood of our poor people at once—and
this would be the granting of an audience to me by H. M. the Czar.
This fact alone would have an immediate soothing effect, even
if not a word about the course of the conversation should be made
known.
I am used to justifying such confidence; proof of this is the fact
that the substance of my repeated conversations with His Majesty
the German Kaiser and with the Sultan has never reached the
public.
I could use the occasion of my audience, if one were granted me,
to give the government of His Majesty the Czar all desired informa
tion about our movement and to request its future aid.
Years ago I described the aims of our Zionist movement to the
Czar in a memorandum written in French which H.R.H. the
Grand Duke of Baden was gracious enough to transmit, and I re
ceived Imperial thanks for it.
The Grand Dukes of Baden and Hesse, with whom I have the
honor to be personally acquainted, as well as a Russian Grand
Duke, were also kind enough, years ago, to intercede with His
Majesty on behalf of my reception. Chance obstacle always inter
fered; on one occasion, at Darmstadt, it was the Czar’s indisposi
tion.
But now the occasion is so grave, and I believe that I can make,
on behalf of the Russian government, a contribution so important
for calming inflamed passions, that I herewith request an audience
through official channels.
If my request is granted, may I ask that the laissez-passer [pass]
which I need for the trip be most kindly sent to me directly, or that
telegraphic orders be given to the local Russian Embassy to issue
me one. If need be, I am ready to leave this week.
respect, I am
Faithfully yours,
Th. Herzl.
* * *
Letter to Pobedonostsev:
ifour Excellency:
I am taking the liberty of enclosing for Your Excellency a copy
of a letter which I sent off today to Minister von Plehwe, with the
request that you support my application.
May I explain what emboldens me to make this request.
I once spoke with a well-known writer about the bleak situation
of the Jews in Russia, and mentioned the prevalent view that it
was your fault. To this my friend said: “Let me tell you a story. A
few years ago I was in Marienbad (or did he say Carlsbad?) and
went walking on forest paths. On a deserted path I passed a
wretched-looking beggar woman of pronouncedly Jewish type.
Hardly was I a few steps past her when—whom should I meet?
Pobedonostsev I I let him pass and then turned around, because I
wanted to see how the notorious Jew-hater would behave to the
Jewish beggar woman. But how great was my astonishment when I
saw him stop in front of her, reach into his pocket, and give her a
coin.”
Naturally Your Excellency no longer remembers this infinitely
trivial incident which made a remarkable impression upon me. I
believe that was when I began to understand official Russian anti-
Semitism. Russian statesmen are up against one of the most com
plicated problems of government, and they would probably prefer
it if it could be solved without cruelty.
Should my request for an audience be granted, may I even now
request the honor of being received by Your Excellency.
Begging Your Excellency, etc.
May 23, Vienna

Bertha von Suttner, whom I have asked for assistance, is writing
the following letter to the Czar which I shall have sent off sealed by
Ambassador Kapnist: *
Your Majesty:
Some Jewish subjects in Y.M.’s Empire have requested the head
of the Zionist Movement—Dr. Theodor Herzl—to beg an audience
with their puissant Sovereign. Such an audience would bring hope
and peace to restore a people driven wild with terror.
Mr. Herzl had previously been recommended, through the inter
cession of the Grand Dukes of Baden and Hesse, for the favor of
being granted an audience, without having been able to obtain it.
Now he has requested it through official channels, addressing him
self to Messrs, von Plehwe and Pobedonostsev, who would them
selves probably be glad to see that a little calm could be reborn
among the desperate. One does not leave 7 million wretched peo
ple in fear of being assassinated.
But for the audience to become a reality, a sign from Y.M. would
be required, and for Y.M. to give that sign, some confidence in the
person of the petitioner would be necessary.
For many years I have been a friend of his; I saw him at work
in 1899 at The Hague, performing services for the Peace Confer
ence—services that were recognized by Messrs, von Staal and von
Bloch; I esteem him as an outstanding writer and a courageous
champion of all humanitarian movements. The sovereigns of Ger
many and Turkey have had long conversations with him. But now,
if he were received by the Emperor of Russia, he would be able to
promote the peace of the Empire and of mankind.
And who am I to dare to convey this request to the foot of your
throne in my own voice? Your Majesty knows, I believe, that I am
only a simple servant of that sublime ideal of which Y.M. is the
most powerful Champion in the world, the ideal of Peace.
And it is by appealing to this ideal, by remembering that the
Czar is not only the lord and father of his subjects, but—better
than that: the apostle of a universal cause, that I have found the
courage to write these lines in the hope my request will be under
stood and granted.
With the deepest respect,
Your Majesty’s humble admirer

Baroness Bertha Suttner.
Harmannsdorf Castle, May 22, 1903
Covering letter from Mme. Suttner to Count Kapnist:*

My Dear Ambassador:
The letter herewith enclosed contains the offer of a great service
that someone wishes to render to the Russian government.
This person (it is not I, but I vouch for his integrity) has made
the condition that the matter be communicated directly and under
sealed orders to H.M. the Emperor.
I remain, Your Excellency,
Most respectfully yours,

Baroness B. von Suttner.
May 23, Vienna

Koerber writes me today that he has given me an introduction to
the Portuguese ambassador, Count de Paraty, directly.
I am now writing to Count Paraty: *
Dear Minister:
H.E. Prime Minister von Koerber has had the kindness to intro
duce me toY.E.
Will you do me the honor of receiving me one of these days?
Please accept the expression of my high regard.
Dr. Theodor Herzl.

# # #
And to Koerber, thanks for his kindness.
May 23, Vienna

From Greenberg a long, good report about his conversation with
Chamberlain on the 20th of May.
Chamberlain is offering us an area for colonization large enough
for a million souls, with local self-government.* Not in Uganda,
but in that vicinity.
I am telegraphing to Greenberg: **
Having Paters report, who left yesterday for London, I con
sider Cork impossible for next years. We must take therefore
Browns proposition into serious consideration, provided it is really
advantageous. I agree with your letter page six from first to fourth
line. I beg you therefore to ask him at once for details. If his pro
posal is suitable, I should like to have ready the outlines, instead of
Cork, for Cigars meeting seventh of June, which had to decide
upon now abandoned matter.
May 26, Vienna

Yesterday I went to see the Portuguese ambassador, Count
Paraty. A shabby-looking, feeble man of some 50 years, whose first
attempts at acting aristocratic I beat down by my nonchalance.
I explained matters to him and asked him to inquire of his gov-
emment whether it was willing to give us a Charter for an adequate
territory. Being lary, like all diplomats, he asked me to write such
a letter for him. However, I refused to write to the Minister for
Colonies and the Navy. I was willing to write a private note setting
forth my wishes, and the question préalable [preliminary ques
tion]. He mentioned his son-in-law, who was a colonial and yet an
artillery officer. Showed me the picture of the dissipated-looking
young man.
Then he apologized for not having received me upon Hechler’s
introduction. Now he would be able to write his government that
he met me through the Austrian Prime Minister.
I am now writing him: *
My Dear Count:
As I had the honor to tell you yesterday, the preliminary ques
tion to submit to the Minister is the following:
Is there a territory sufficiently habitable and cultivable by Euro
peans? The settlement would embrace at least fifty thousand
families.
As for your son-in-law, if you would be good enough to get him
interested in our affairs, this is what I would permit myself to
ask of him: that he send you, or directly to me, the reports of the
last general meetings of all the colonial companies.
He would be able to obtain the complete collection at the Min
istry of Finance. The study of these reports would give us some use
ful indications about the agricultural, industrial, and commercial
possibilities of systematic colonization on a large scale in these
countries.
Pray accept the assurance of my high regard.
Herzl.
May 26, Vienna

Today, in the fruitful morning hours, it occurred to me: perhaps
a Trust of all the Portuguese land companies that seem to have
failed could be established. They would be glad to give up their
bad shares in return for the shares of a big land company. Paraty
told me the Cie de Mozambique [Mozambique Co.] was almost
autonomous, had protective troops, etc. Perhaps I could obtain
options and then get Nile water and Cyprus for these.
May 30, Vienna

Now I have to swallow the bitter pill and cancel the I.C.A.
T o Zadoc Kahn, dated July 3:
My Dear Grand Rabbi:
When I had the pleasure, a month ago, of speaking with you and
your colleagues of the I.C.A., I informed you that for your next
meeting I would supply all the material that you would need to
reach a decision about your participation in colonization on the
Sinai Peninsula.
The reports of our Commission, etc. actually were completed
and ready for me to send off—when a development arose which
made their despatch pointless for the time being.
We had already received oral and written assurances from the
government. Our plan had been approved in principle.
Then, at the last moment, the Department of Public Works de
clared that they could not let us have the amount of Nile water we
need for a sound implementation of the plan.
Under these circumstances we have to abandon the whole
scheme for the time being. This is all the more painful to me, and
probably to all of you as well, because the Kishinev riots have once
again demonstrated how great the distress in the East is.
I am trusting my whole communication of today to your discre
tion and I ask you to inform only the members of the I.C.A.’s board
of directors of it on a strictly confidential basis.
Respectfully yours,
Herzl.
May 30
Strictly confidential.*

My whole Sinai plan has broken down. Everything was ready. It
now depended simply and solely on Sir William Garstin’s verdict
as to whether we could get the Nile water that we needed. How
ever, after his return from Uganda Sir William questioned the
calculations of our engineer, Stephens. He declared that we would
need five times as much Nile water as Stephens had calculated, and
Egypt could not spare that much. W ith this the whole project col
lapsed.
A great deal of time and effort as well as some money have been
lost, but I am not discouraged. I already have another plan, and
a very powerful man is ready to help me. As soon as I get to the
point where I can make an announcement, you shall be the first
one to learn it. I assume that you will want to hear about it, and that
you will continue to be ready to help—with which, of course, I
never have a financial contribution in mind, but only your counsel
and influence.
Kindly tell me whether you have received an answer from Mr.
Schiff in New York and whether he is willing to go along with a sen
sible, great plan for aid. When he comes to Europe, I should like to
talk with him at your house.
Kishinev is not over. The effects are yet to come. According to
my information, a terrible fear has taken hold of the Jews in Rus
sia. The immediate consequence will be a new emigration move
ment. Where? T o America? T o England? Henry Norman and
Evans Gordon have a chance to get an Alien Bill* through.
Yours,
Herzl.
May 30, Vienna
Joe told me he had recommended to de Haas that he suggest
at the Conference of American Zionists a Congress of the Powers
for the Solution of the Jewish Question, to be convened by Roose
velt.
I thought this idea brilliant and immediately wired de Haas: *
Joe Cowens suggestion is mine. Get conference and press them

to demand a Congress. Teddy should call it.
Herzl.
June 3, Vienna
Dear Mr. Hallgarten:
I am sorry to have to inform you that the project of great im

mediate help for the poorest among our brethren has come to
naught at the last hour. This eliminates the necessity of submitting
the very voluminous material to you.
At any rate, I thank you for the willingness which you expressed
in your friendly letter of 5/18, and remain, with deep respect,
Sincerely yours,
Herzl.
June 3, Vienna
Quite agreed your suggestions Brown. Go ahead at once.

• Original text.
June 4, Vienna
To Izzet:*
Your Excellency:
Time passes, and I hear nothing about my last proposition, dated
February 16,1903.
But events are pressing. You have certainly heard about the
Kishinev atrocities. Our poor Jews are certainly miserable, and
something must be found for them.
Perhaps we could make some arrangement that would be a com
bination of the proposal you made me in February of 1902 (the
memorandum of February 18, 1902, at Yildiz Kiosk) at the com
mand of your august master, and my last proposition. T hat is, an
arrangement for colonization in Mesopotamia as well as in the
Sanjakof Acre.
In a few weeks our Zionist Congress will convene, and if I haven’t
obtained anything by then, I shall be obliged to announce that all
hope of concluding an arrangement with the govt, of H.I.M. the
Sultan is gone. And we shall be obliged to find some other territory.
There will be no lack of opportunities.
Pray accept, Your Excellency, the assurance of my high regard
and my devotion.
Th. Herzl.
And I am enclosing, in a separate envelope, the following lines: *
My Dear Friend:
Permit me to call you that and to speak as a friend.
How much do you want for yourself if the scheme works out?
Write me the amount and the way in which I should make it
available to you on an unsigned piece of paper, and put it in a
sealed envelope on which you put only my name.
The bearer of this letter will not know what it contains. You can
entrust your reply to him. Everything will remain absolutely secret,
between you and me.
If the scheme does not work out now, I must give it up forever.
Your sincerely devoted friend
Herzl.
June 4, Vienna
Confidential.
Dear M. Reinach:*
I regret to inform you that the project which almost united us

has run aground. We are unable to obtain enough Nile water.
I am embarrassed to communicate this unpleasant news to your
colleagues who, I believe, were not displeased to see a refuge
opened to all the unfortunates with whom you are concerned.
But—and this is between us—I still have a glimmer of hope;
and if my efforts are successful, I count on you—yes, on you, my
distinguished opponent—to support my proposals on your Board.
Believe me to be, dear M. Reinach,

Herzl.
P.S. Another thing, one of lesser importance. We have been
offered for sale some territory in the Valley of Jezreel. The seller
is a Mr. Soursouk, of Beirut, I believe. I am told that he said:
“Either the I.C.A. or the Zionists will buy this land from me.” It
would seem, then, that certain speculators want to make a profit
from what they believe to be our rivalry. Manoeuvres of this sort
are easily thwarted if we forewarn one another. As for me, I will
inform you about this even without reciprocity. I shall let you
know at what price we are offered land in Palestine. If you don’t
breathe a word of this to anybody, perhaps we shall be able to ex-
pose one or the other of the shameful speculations which you have
told me about.
Mr. Soursouk asks 25 francs per dunam, which, according to
our reports, isn’t worth more than 15 to 18 francs.
If you wish to buy, we shall withdraw. If you do not, state this
plainly to Mr. S., so that we may buy at a better price.
June 11, Vienna

Yesterday I went to see Paraty the Portuguese. He still had no
answer from his government.
If I should decide to go to Lisbon, he wants to give me introduc
tions to the Prime Minister and the Minister of the Navy (Col
onies).
Overnight I weighed the idea of going there. I telephoned Privy
Councillor Jettel of the Foreign Ministry and told him that I
wanted to see him today. But an hour later I heard about the as
sassination of the Serbian royal couple, which means that Jettel
probably has no time today. So I missed the appointment, at which
I was going to ask him for introductions to the Austrian representa
tives in Madrid and Lisbon.
I had called the A.C. to my house and acquainted them with my
new Portuguese-African plan. Kokesch raised his eyebrows and
declared himself flatly opposed to it. Kahn was in favor. Kre-
menzky saw its rightness after I had explained things, i.e., that we
shall be able to demand Palestine with more force and vigor once
we have a gathering place assured under public law. Marmorek
accepted my idea only insofar as it aimed at creating an object of
barter for Sinai.
I had their reactions put down in a memorandum that I shall
keep.
June 14
I am giving up the trip to Portugal for the time being. Qui trop
embrasse mal étreint [Grasp all, lose all].
The English government could—in fact, would be bound to—
find out if I took steps in Lisbon, and that could have undesirable
repercussions in the Nairobi plan. First I want to have that Charter.
Greenberg wires that Chamberlain has written him he is willing
to receive a preliminary draft of an agreement and to propose to
the government that they consider it.
June 16
If Cohns operation fails there is chance for sixteen. Please con
sult immediately Joezang about quickest steps to be taken failure
depends from haven. Decision in a few days.
Benjamin.
June 17, Vienna

Strictly confidential

Today I have no time to tell you in detail what new scheme I am
working on now. You shall learn everything in timel All I will
tell you now is that the key people who were willing to help me
with the matter you already know about are completely on my
side again.
Today I come to you with a very urgent matter. I have reliable
news from Constantinople to the effect that we have an excellent
chance to get a good piece of land from the Sultan if the consolida
tion miscarries. As everybody knows, the consolidation is counter
to British interests too.
With your huge influence in financial circles it will probably
be a trifling matter for you to keep the Syndicate of Foreign Bond
holders** from giving their consent to the consolidation.
• Original text.
For a man of your power, Lord Rothschild, it is a small matter,
and the help which you will be giving thereby is enormous.
Please do it right awayl
With sincere gratitude and respect,
Yours,
Herzl.
June 18, Vienna

Yesterday asked coal-Gutmann to cooperate in thwarting the
consolidation. He is to speak with the manager of the Kredit-
Anstalt.
June 18
Kann writes that he can get the interested parties in Holland
to side openly with England, in order to thwart the consolidation.
I am wiring him back to do so most speedily and forcefully.
June 18, Vienna

Yesterday I ran into the Portuguese Count Paraty on the
Graben.
He said to me as he passed:
Pas de réponse [No reply].
* * *
Djevdet brings me a Constantinople attorney, Adil Bey, who

would also like to participate.
Adil Bey is said to be of a Salonica Jewish background. A de
scendant of Sabbatai Zvi’s Marranos, then.
Makes an overly shrewd, disagreeable impression, Nuri Bey’s
type. And sure enough, he is mixed up with Crespi.
June 19, Vienna
If you cannot do it without Courtier, then leave it alone.
Benjamin.
June 19, Vienna

To the Constantinople attorney Adil Bey— if the Charter is
obtained—2,000 Turk. pds.
Further, to Taik Bey the Chamberlain, £ 2,000 too in that case.
June 29
I am sending York-Steiner to New York as manager of the Bank’s
branch, so that he can organize the local East End** for me finan
cially and establish a Jewish Mutual Insurance Company with
which we shall them reach back to Europe.
* * *
June 30, Vienna

To the Cairo attorney: * * *
My Dear Attorney Carton de Wiart :
Although I appreciate your thoughtfulness, I cannot permit a
reduction in your fee.
I have given instructions to have a check for a thousand francs
sent to you at once, but I do not feel that this squares the account
between us, and I ask you to be good enough to let me know the
full amount of your bill.
I have asked my friends to take advantage of your presence in
• Original text.
London by having a board meeting and getting your advice about
what possibilities may exist.
Assuring you, my dear Attorney Carton de Wiart, of my grati
tude and high regard, I am
Yours devotedly,
Herzl.
July 8, Alt-Aussee
To Mme. von Korvin-Piatrovska.

Most Respected Lady:
Unfortunately I cannot give you the best of reports about our

Zionist movement, in which you showed such kind interest.
Our endeavors, I am sorry to say, were not properly appreciated
in the very places where they ought to be understood best.
Under these circumstances it will be difficult to produce any
major achievements.
Recently I made one attempt to find some effective help in Rus
sia, because I thought that those in authority would realize by now
how right our arguments are and that there is only this one solution
of the Jewish Question.
I wrote to Messieurs von Plehwe and Pobedonostsev and asked
them to arrange an audience with the Czar for me. I wanted to
combine two things by this. The fact of the audience was to soothe
our poor, excited people a bit.
You certainly know that our poor people are very receptive to
such signs of sympathy from the highest places. Secondly, however
—and this in merito [on its own merits]—I hoped to take this op
portunity to present to Minister von Plehwe a plan for organized
emigration without re-entry and to request his cooperation. You
see, I am firmly convinced that he would understand me. I can see
from everything, even from the contradictory and unreliable news-
paper reports, that he is worried about the situation of the Jews and
that he would very much like to find a solution with good grace.
But unfortunately I had word from my valued friend Baroness
Suttner, who in turn has it from Count Lamsdorff, that I shall not
be received by the Czar. In the meantime, to be sure, tempers have
cooled down a bit by themselves.
But as for my other desire, to have a thorough discussion with
von Plehwe about starting emigration and getting him, the most
powerful man in Russia, interested in it—something that would be
felt as a relief on all sides—this desire has remained.
And yet I cannot quite bring myself to approach the Minister
directly once more, because he still has not answered my letter of
May 23rd. I understand, of course, that in his position he cannot
write me immediately. Yet I am afraid of appearing indiscreet if
I were to send another letter.
I now remember that you have connections with Mr. von
Plehwe.
If you do not regard it as an imposition, I would beg you to ask
him whether he is willing to see me. I shall come to St. Petersburg
any time he pleases.
Assuring you, dear Madam, of my continued sincere gratitude
and admiration, I am
Your ever devoted

T h .H .
July 12, Alt-Aussee

To Count Paraty, the Portuguese ambassador at Vienna: *
Dear Minister:
Thanking you for the communication dated July 8th which you
did me the honor of sending me, I would beg to observe that I have
never had any other idea than to proceed in accordance with the
laws of the Kingdom.
I believe that by word of mouth we could make our position
clear both on the conditions to be met and the advantages which we
would be able to offer. For this reason I shall undertake the trip
to Lisbon when my affairs permit me. This will probably be in
the month of September. I shall not fail to notify you of it in
advance.
Pray accept the assurance of my high consideration.
H.
July 12, Alt-Aussee

Dear Mr. Philippson:

About the first letter with which you honored me there was a
strange coincidence which I didn’t immediately inform you of,
because I wanted to give the matter my mature deliberation first.
You see, after the regrettable break-down of our El Arish-Pelu-
sium plan I had realized that in the face of the growing distress we
must nevertheless set about bringing aid on a comprehensive scale
—if not east of the Suez Canal, then elsewhere. With full mainte
nance of our Palestine program, which, to be sure, we cannot im
mediately put into practice, and on a national basis in any case,
we must create a place of refuge secured by public law. Of the
various schemes that come under consideration I will mention to
you only the one in which you may be able and willing to partici
pate: in the Congo State.
Just when I received your first letter I was weighing the idea
of going to see King Leopold. The Grand Duke of Baden, whose
friendly attention I have had for many years, would readily have
given me an introduction, since I didn’t consider the official chan
nels through the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Ministery noiseless
enough. However, I hesitated to go ahead with this, because I
wanted to see first how the cat would jump in the debate about the
Belgian Congo, and for other reasons of general policy.
I have now made up my mind and ask you whether you want to
participate in this. For the present the matter is none of the I.C.A.’s
business, and whether it will ever be we will see later. For the time
being the matter lies only between you and me, in confidence,
which I have taken in you. Even if you don’t care to participate
you will, as a man of honor, keep my secret.
Do you have personal connections with the King? Can you
sound him out? The Congo State has land enough which we can
use for our settlement. We can take over part of the responsibili
ties, that is, pay an annual tax, which may be fixed later, to the
Congo State, in return for which we naturally lay claim to self-
government* and a not too oppressive vassalage to the Congo
State.
These are the great outlines, the principle. If King Leopold
turns a willing ear to the matter, I shall go to see him at once.
If you had already prepared him, I would not bother to ask for
an introduction from the Grand Duke to whom propriety would
then require me to report all further developments and agree
ments. This would in turn result in the German Imperial Chan
cellery’s getting a running account of everything; and that might,
under certain circumstances, have its disadvantages.
Begging you to let me know your opinion soon, I remain, with
high esteem,
Yours,
Herzl.
July 16, 1903, Alt-Aussee

Dear Mr. Philippson:
Many thanks for your esteemed reply.
I am not unaware of the fact that there are great difficulties in
settling in the Congo State, although my knowledge of these things
is still slight at the moment and, in any case, cannot compare with
your comprehensive experience.
Actually, I wasn’t thinking of starting colonization immediately,
but thought first of all of having a suitable territory found for us,
perhaps in the southeastern part of the country, in the regions of
higher elevation.
But since such an expedition would involve substantial ex
penses, we would have to assure ourselves of a Charter in advance,
because otherwise the financial sacrifice wouldn’t be balanced by
chance of success.
If our Commission came to the conclusion that settling our
people there would not be advisable, we would not, of course,
undertake it. But you must bear in mind that we have, alas, such
a desperate element of settlers that we can even go to some place
where things are too bad for others. But we have to have the power
ful stimulus of a national character in the settlement. So, if you
wish to assist me in the realization of this plan, I beg you to ask the
King whether he is willing to discuss the matter with me—quite
secretly, for the time being.
In any case, this accords well with King Leopold’s ideas, for it
is clear what value such a settlement would have for safeguarding
and developing this land.
I, in turn, want to help you to the best of my ability in the
matter you touched upon. I only regret that I did not know your
plans in this direction earlier. How much I could have accom
plished through personal intervention with the master himself!
But I would strongly recommend that for the present you say
nothing to your I.C.A. colleagues about both matters. The two of
us would have to have a thorough talk about them first.
Faithfully yours,
H.
July 18, Alt-Aussee

Telegram to London: *
Issachar or Joe must urgently see to-day Courtier. I learn that
now Viennese Courtier may be able to prevent Einiges [some
* Original text.
things]. That would be of greatest importance for us, and I there
fore beg Courtier instantly to wire to the Viennese asking him to
prevent Einiges. Kindly wire me fully.
Benjamin.
July 21, Alt-Aussee

Telegram from Greenberg: *
Courtier says that people you name have no influence in matter
but that the ones in tabby (French) country have, and he is writ
ing there in direction you desire to-day.—
Which is a tremendously important step, even if it remains un
successful.
Because Courtier will be furnishing a precedent by making the
policy of his house favorably disposed to my ends.
July 21, Alt-Aussee

Philippson definitely declares that he won’t participate, saying
that the Congo is absolutely unsuitable.
July 23, Alt-Aussee

Mme. von Korvin has procured an audience for me with Plehwe
"who is looking forward to making the acquaintance of so interest
ing a personality as Dr. H. and will de tout son coeur [heartily] sup
port emigration without the right of re-entry."
I am wiring Mme. von Korvin:
Heartiest thanks for your and his great kindness. Needless to
say, I shall be there on time.
But would regard it as a special favor if it could be five or six
days sooner.
Respectfully,
Herzl.
• Original text.
July 30, Alt-Aussee
I inform you in deepest confidence that I am going to St. Peters
burg next week in order to accomplish something for the Jews, an
improvement of their situation.
I am already assured of being received by the chief personages.
Nevertheless I should like to ask you to give me an open letter of
recommendation to Minister of Finance Witte. I know from a
good source that he respects you highly, and therefore it can be of
the greatest value. A few lines will suffice, since I have other
introductions as well. It will be enough if you write Witte that he
would oblige you if he supported me in my endeavors under
taken for the benefit of the Jews.
Since I cannot wait for your letter here, kindly address it to
Hotel de l’Europe, St. Petersburg. But I shall be there for only
two or three days. So, if you care to fulfil my request you would
have to be good enough to do it at once.
I shall let you know the results of my trip.
Gratefully yours,
Herzl.
July 30, Alt-Aussee

Reply prepaid.
Pauline von Korvin, St. Petersburg:
Kindly wire me whether the passepartout [pass] will be sent to me
here, since I am leaving Alt-Aussee Tuesday morning.
Respectfully,
Dr. Th. H.
Here follows all of Book XVII, which had to be started afresh on
account of my trip to Russia.
Book Seventeen
Begun in
St. Petersburg
August 7, 1903
August 7,1903, St. Petersburg
All the way from the border, where we were rigorously searched,
an uneventful trip across a dreary landscape which finally re
minded me of tundras.
My journey had been kept a secret from my colleagues; but
wherever it had nevertheless leaked out, they were awaiting me:
at Warsaw, Vilna.
They are so badly off that I, poor devil, seem like a liberator to
them.
Katzenelsohn, my good companion, crammed me with instruc
tions on the way.
At St. Petersburg I was struck with my first sight of these strange
ways—most of all, with the isvoshtchiks [droshky drivers] and the
over-colored, over-gilded churches.
At the hotel there was no letter of recommendation from Roths
child to Witte waiting for me. His lordship pleads “present cir
cumstances."* Is it opportunism or cowardice?* Or is he afraid
of seeing me become too big? We’ll just have to go on without him.
As heretofore.
August 8, St. Petersburg

Right after my arrival I drove to the house of good old Mme.
Korvin-Piatrovska, a charming Pole who reminds me of poor
Mme. Gropler in Constantinople.
She already had had a letter from Plehwe, asking her to have me
come to see him at 9:30 this morning. She described him to me as a
great man, Louis XIV, Palmerston, and Gladstone rolled into one.
Others gave a different judgment on him. While she presented
him as a far-sighted statesman, he was pictured by others as more
short-sighted. But they all stressed his energy.
In the afternoon I met Maximov: a fine, quiet, liberal Russian.
He is going to drive to Pavlovsk today with Katzenelsohn and me
to see Adjutant-General Kireyev.
1519
Yesterday a most remarkable hour-and-a-quarter conversation
with Plehwe, and in the afternoon, at Pavlovsk, one with General
Kireyev, the Czar’s aide-de-camp, a delightful old cavalier. But
first the memorandum for Plehwe:*
Your Excellency:
The conclusion of the conversation which you did me the honor
of granting me might perhaps be stated in the following way:
The Imperial Russian Government, intending to resolve the
Jewish Question in a humane manner, out of consideration for the
demands of the Russian state as much as for the needs of the Jew
ish people, has judged it useful to give aid to the Zionist movement,
whose loyal intentions are recognized.
The Imperial government’s assistance would consist in the
following:
First, effective intervention with H.I.M. the Sultan.
The problem is to obtain a charter to colonize Palestine with
the exception of the Holy Places. T he country would remain
under the suzerainty of H.I.M. the Sultan. T he administration
would be managed by the Colonization Company to be set up with
sufficient capital by the Zionists. This company would pay an
nually to the Imperial Ottoman Treasury a contribution to be
decided upon, which would take the place of taxes.
The company would recover this contribution like its other
expenses (public works, education, etc.) by the taxes it would
collect from the colonists.
Second, the Imperial Russian Government would provide a
financial subsidy for emigration, using for this purpose certain
funds and taxes whose provenance is purely Jewish.
Third, the Imperial Russian Government would facilitate the
loyal organization of Russian Zionist societies according to the
Basel program.
Your Excellency will decide to what extent and in what way
this would be made public. Our Congress, which will meet at
Basel from the 10th to the 23rd of August, could be used for this
purpose.
This would, at the same time, put an end to certain agitation.
I submit for Y.E.’s approval this text of a statement to be made
to the Congress.
“I am authorized to state that the Imperial Russian Government
intends to help the Zionist movement. The Imperial Government
proposes to intervene on our behalf with H.I.M. the Sultan for
obtaining a Charter for Colonization. Furthermore, the Imperial
Government will place at the disposal of the emigration carried
on by the Zionists sums drawn from Jewish taxes. And to demon
strate clearly the humane character of these steps, the Imperial
Government proposes, at the same time, to enlarge very soon the
pale of Jewish settlement for those who do not wish to emigrate.”
Pray accept, Your Excellency, the expression of my profound
esteem.
D r.T h.H .
St Petersburg, July 28,1903*
ToKireyev:**
August 10,1903
Your Excellency:
I have the honor to report to you that today I have been received
by H.E. the Minister of Finance. At the end of a rather long con
versation he told me that as Minister of Finance he had no
objection to our plan. Mr. von Plehwe being for and Mr. Witte
not being against our project, the matter could come before the
council without delay.
It is extremely urgent to obtain the agreement of the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs. By winning its support, Y.E. could benefit our
cause immensely.
• Presumably Herzl had the memorandum ready and dated well before meeting
Plehwe.
• •In French in the original.
What we are asking in that direction can be summed up very
briefly as follows:
(There follows the ist point [p. 1520])*
If Y.E. wishes additional explanations, I am at all times at your
disposal to come to Pavlovsk. A telegram will suffice.
Pray accept, Your Excellency, the expression of my profund
esteem and my gratitude.
Yours very devotedly,

Dr. Th. H.

Only now, after taking care of the most pressing matters, have I
a chance to record my meetings with the chief figures of contem
porary Russia.
On the morning of the day before yesterday, with Plehwe. A
few minutes’ wait in the ante-chamber. A modest ante-room, well-
got-up huissiers [ushers]. Now and then there is a glimpse of what
might be a detective.
About 5 minutes after the appointed time I am asked to go in.
A man of 60, tall, a bit obese, steps forward quickly, greets me,
bids me take a seat, offers me a smoke, which I decline, and begins
to talk. He speaks at some length, so that I have time to familiarize
myself with his face which is in full daylight. We sit in armchairs
facing each other, with a small table between us. He has a sallow,
serious face, grey hair, a white moustache, and remarkably youth
ful, energetic brown eyes.
He spoke in French, not excellent, but not bad. He began by
clearing the ground: * *
“I have granted you this interview which you requested, doctor,
in order to come to an understanding with you in regard to the
Zionist movement, of which you are the leader. The relationship
which will be established between the Imperial Government and
• Herzl’s note, in German.
• • This speech recorded in French.
Zionism—and which can become, I will not say amicable, but in
the nature of an understanding—will depend on you.”
I interjected: “Si elles ne dépendront que de moi, Excellence,
elles seront excellentes [If it will depend only on me, Your Ex
cellency, it will be excellent].”
He nodded and continued: “The Jewish Question is not a vital
question for us, but still a rather important one. And we are en
deavoring to settle it in the best way possible. I have granted you
this interview now in order to discuss it with you prior to your
Congress at Basel, as you requested. I can understand that you take
a different position in the matter from that of the Russian gov
ernment, and I want to begin by making our standpoint clear to
you. The Russian state is bound to desire homogeneity of its
population. We realize, of course, that we cannot obliterate all
differences of creed or language.
"For instance, we must concede that the older Scandinavian
culture has maintained itself in Finland as something that has
become organic. But what we must demand of all the peoples in
our Empire, and therefore also of the Jews, is that they take a
patriotic view of the Russian state as an actuality. We want to
assimilate them, and to this end we have two methods: higher
education and economic betterment. Anyone who has fulfilled
certain conditions in both these respects and whose education or
prosperity, we therefore have reason to believe, has made him loyal
to the existing order is given full civil rights. However, this as
similation which we desire is a very slow process.”
At that point I asked him for a slip of paper on which to take
notes, so I wouldn’t have to interrupt him and yet be able to reply
to everything. He tore a leaf from a small pad, but he ungenerously
detached its printed heading before giving it to me, as though he
were afraid I might misuse it. What use, Good Lord, could I make
of such a scrap of paper?
He also said: “J’espère que vous ne ferez pas d’usage désagréable
de notre entretien [I hope you will make no unwelcome use of our
conversation].”
I replied: “Je n’en ferai aucun usage, excepté celui que V.E.
m’ordonnera de faire [I will make no use of it whatever, except as
Y.E. may direct me to do].”
That, I believe, was the gambit in this “immortal game” of
chess. For I had understood all along that he was much concerned
about the Congress, evidently because of the inevitable re-opening
of the Kishinev matter there. I could do him a service there by
couper court [cutting short] the discussion.
(Before I went to the P. audience, my timid friend Katzenelsohn
had plied me with all sorts of advice. During the trip we had played
over the Andersen-Kieseritzky “immortal game” on our pocket
chess-board. And I had told him that I would strive to play a good
game. Play the “immortal game”! said friend Katzen. “Yes, but I
will sacrifice neither my rooks nor my queen,” I said—for he was
worried that I might yield some of the ground still held by the
Russian Jews.)
# # #
Insert, August 10. Letter to General Kireyev who had sent me a

charming letter with an introduction to Hartwig, the director of
the Asian Department: *
Your Excellency,
Accept my sincere thanks for your very good letter and for the
introduction. This very evening I shall leave this introduction,
along with my card, at Mr. von Hartwig’s house, and I will keep
you informed about everything that happens.
The unfortunate outcome of the day can perhaps be viewed in
a different way. What is dead, alas, is dead for a long time. But if
in France everything ends with a song, there everything ends with
excuses.
When some distressing news is presented, one can easily take
a different view of it. Anyway, we shall see!
It is a deep satisfaction to me to see a man like you take an
interest in our idea. I have clearly seen in your eyes the soul of a
champion of all good causes.
Pray accept, Your Excellency, the expression of my high esteem
and my gratitude.
Yours very devotedly,

Th. Herzl.
# # #
As though he had already foreseen the interjection I might

make, or because he has such a logical mind, Plehwe quickly
added:
“To be sure, we can confer the benefits of a higher education
upon only a limited number of Jews, because otherwise we should
soon run out of posts to give the Christians. Also, I am not blind
to the fact that the economic situation of the Jews in the Pale of
Settlement is bad. I also admit that they live in what amounts to a
ghetto; but it is a large area— 13 gouvernements [government
districts]. Lately the situation has grown even worse because the
Jews have been joining the revolutionary parties. We used to be
sympathetic to your Zionist movement, as long as it worked to
ward emigration. You don’t have to justify the movement to me.
Vous prêchez à un converti [You are preaching to a convert]. But
ever since the Minsk conference we have noticed un changement
des gros bonnets [a change of big-wigs]. There is less talk now of
Palestinian Zionism than there is about culture, organization, and
Jewish nationalism. This doesn’t suit us. We have noticed in par
ticular that your leaders in Russia—who are highly respected per
sons in their own circles—do not really obey your Vienna Com
mittee. Actually, Ussishkin is the only man in Russia who is with
you.”
(I was secretly amazed at this knowledge of personalities. It
proved to me how much serious study he has given the question.
And sure enough, he rose, got a big, handsome volume, with brown
binding and gilt lettering, bristling with book-marks, and said:
This is the Ministry’s report on the Zionist movement.)
I raised an objection: “Your Excellency, all the Russian leaders
are on my side, even if now and then they oppose my position.
Surely the most important among them is Prof. Mandelstamm of
Kiev.”
And again he astonished me by saying:
“But take Kohan-Bernstein! Certainly he is decidedly against
you I By the way, we know that he conducts the press campaign
against us abroad.”
“Your Excellency, I don’t believe that. The man is not well
enough known outside of Russia. He has neither connections nor
prestige. And as regards the opposition of these gentlemen to me,
it is a phenomenon with which Christopher Columbus became
familiar. When week after week went by and still no land hove in
sight, the sailors on the caravels began to grumble. Ce que vous
apercevez chez nous, c’est une révolte des matelots contre leur
capitaine [What you are witnessing among us is a revolt of the
sailors against their captain].
“Help me to reach land sooner, and the revolt will end. And so
will the defection to the Socialists.”
“What sort of help, then, do you ask of us?”
I developed the three points which I have already noted down
on p. 1520, as the outcome of the conversation.
For he readily conceded all three points to me. Regarding finan
cial support of the emigrants, he stated: “J’admets que sous ce
rapport le gouvernement devra s’exécuter. Mais nous ne pourrons
prendre les fonds que dans les contributions juives. Les riches
devront payer pour les pauves [I admit that according to this
understanding the government ought to provide it. But we can
use funds only from Jewish contributions. The rich will have to
pay for the poor].”
“C’est une idée excellente [That is an excellent idea]I” I said.
In the end we agreed that I should work up a memorandum, and
outline what I intended to say at the Congress.
Then I asked him for an introduction to Witte (his enemy). This
gave him pause.
“Yes,” I said. “I need it in order to request him to withdraw his
ordinance prohibiting the sale of shares of our Colonial Trust.
This is an impediment to our propaganda.” He said: “I will give
you the introduction, but it is no promise that your request will be
granted.”
He sat right down, wrote a page-and-a-half to Witte, and sealed
the envelope before handing it to me.
I had also asked him for approval of the by-laws of our societies
which we are to submit. Until the approbation was issued, I asked
him to instruct the local governors to tolerate the movement. For I
had learned that in some places there had been harassment on the
part of subordinate officials.
To this he said: “I cannot order toleration. But do submit a draft
of the by-laws to me.”
(This was at an earlier point in the conversation.)
When I felt that we had nothing more to say to each other, and
he had requested the memorandum from me, I rose and asked him
for another audience after he had examined the document. He
promised this. I prepared to leave. He pressed my hand:
“Je suis très heureux— ne le prenez pas pour une phrase—
d’avoir fait votre connaissance personelle [I am very happy—don’t
think this is just words—to have made your personal acquaint
ance].”
“Et moi aussi, Excellence, je suis très heureux d’avoir pu voir
M. de Plehwe dont on parle tant en Europe [And I too, Your Ex
cellency, am very happy to have been able to see the Mr. von
Plehwe about whom Europe talks so much].”
He smiled:
“Dont on dit tant de mal [About whom they say so many bad
things]!”
“Dont on parle d'une façon que je me suis dit, ça doit être un
bien grand homme [Who is spoken about in a way that made me
say to myself: that must be a truly great man].”
C’était le mot de la fin. [That was the closing remark]. He saw
me out into the ante-room, where some generals were already
waiting.
The next day he said to dear Mme. Korvin-Piatrovska that he
could use directors of my calibre in his departments.
I forgot:
In the course of the conversation, when I was explaining to
Plehwe the need for Russian intervention with the Sultan, because
Palestine was the only place that attracted us, I added that there
also were difficulties about being admitted into other countries,
even England and America. If emigration were directly supported
with money—as discussed here in St. Petersburg in recent days and
even printed in the Novoye Vremya—this would be tantamount
to putting an export premium on the Jews and would further
strengthen this resistance with which I had already become fa
miliar in England. Surely the people would be considered undesir
ables* for whose departure their own government paid a bonus.
Plehwe thought that England was really out of the question for
a sizable emigration. But America was a possibility. It still had
large territories available for settlement, and if the banker Selig-
mann were to approach his friend Roosevelt about the matter,
something could perhaps be done.
I said that I didn’t regard this as very likely. I couldn’t say any
thing definite about it, because I hadn’t had any contact with the
American government on the subject as yet. However, Palestine
seemed to me to be the only possibility.
On Saturday afternoon, the 8th, I drove with Maximov and
Katzenelsohn to Pavlovsk, a kind of Russian Potsdam, where Gen
eral Kireyev lives in the palace, as the Court-Marshal of a Grand
Duchess. Kireyev, Aksakov’s successor, is the head of the Slavo
philes. But while I had hitherto imagined him as a wild bear, I
found myself in the presence of a charming old cavalier, elegant,
amiable, modern, and well-informed, who speaks excellent Ger
man, French, and English, and knows a lot of other things, too.
While I was conversing with him, it gave me pleasure to look
into his fine blue eyes. What with his white cavalryman’s mous
tache, a charmeur [charmer].
I won him over.
On Sunday the 9th I drove to the “Isles” to see Witte.
He received me at once, but was not amiable at all. A tall, ugly,
coarse, serious person, about 60 years of age. A peculiar flattened
nose, knock-knees, deformed feet which cause him to walk clumsily.
More on his guard than Plehwe, he sat with his back to the window,
so that I sat there in full daylight. He speaks a very bad French. At
times he strained and moaned for a word in an almost comical
fashion. But since I took no liking to him, I let him groan.
He began by asking me who I was (despite the introduction!),
and when I had briefly presented myself and the cause—the latter
du point de vue gouvernemental [from the government’s point of
view]—he took the floor for a lengthy speech.
“Don’t say that this is the view of the government. It is only the
view of certain individuals in the government. You want to lead
the Jews out of the country? Are you a Hebrew? With whom am I
speaking, anyway?”
“I am a Hebrew and the leader of the Zionist movement.”
“And what we say remains between us?”
“Absolument [Absolutely]!” I said, and so emphatically that
from that point on he spoke quite freely. He began with a presen
tation of the Jewish Question in Russia.
“Il y a des préjuges [There are prejudices] (not préjugés),’’ he
said in his miserable French. “Il y a des préjuges honnêtes et des
préjuges malhonnêtes [There are honest prejudices and dishonest
prejudices].
“The Czar has préjuges honnêtes against the Jews. There cer
tainly cannot be any doubt of the Czar’s honesty, for he is above
everything. The anti-Jewish préjuges of the Czar are mainly reli
gious in nature. There are also préjuges that are materialistic in
origin, caused by Jewish competition. Then there are people who
are anti-Semites because it is fashionable to be. Finally, there are
those who are anti-Semitic for business reasons. Especially journal
ists are in this class. One of the filthiest is a certain Grund (I think
that was the name), who edits a paper in Moscow. It is true, he is
a baptized Jew, but he has retained all the Jewish characteristics—I
mean the bad ones—and reviles the Jews. A very mean fellow.”
“Something like Arthur Meyer of the Gaulois, then?”
“Even worse. But it must be admitted that the Jews do provide
reason enough for hostility. There is a characteristic arrogance
about them. Yet most of them are poor, and because they are poor
they are dirty and make an offensive impression. They also engage
in all sorts of nasty pursuits, like pimping and usury. So that the
friends of the Jews find it hard to come to their defense. I myself”
—(after the preamble, this was unexpected)—“am a friend of the
Jews.”
(I couldn’t suppress the thought: how then do the enemies
talk?)
“It is hard,” he continued, “to stand up for the Jews, for then
people immediately say that one has been bought. As for me, I am
not worried about it. I have that kind of courage. Then, too, ray
reputation as a respectable person is too firmly established for any
one to hang anything on me. But faint-hearted people and those
on the make let themselves be influenced by this and prefer to turn
against the Jews. Lately, another weighty factor has been added:
the participation of the Jews in revolutionary movements. While
there are only 7 million Jews among our total population of 136
millions, their share in the membership of the revolutionary
parties is about 50 per cent.”
“To what circumstance do you attribute this, Your Excellency?”
“I believe it is the fault of our government. The Jews are too
oppressed. I used to say to the late Emperor Alexander III: ‘Your
Majesty, if it is possible to drown the 6 or 7 million Jews in the
Black Sea, I have absolutely no objection to it. But if it isn’t
possible, we must let them live.’ T hat has continued to be my view.
I am against further oppression.”
“But what about the present situation? Do you think that the
present situation is tenable?”
“Certainly. Russia has a resiliency of which people abroad have
no idea. We can endure the greatest calamities for a very long
time.”
“I am not speaking of Russia, but of the Jews. Do you believe
that the Jews will be able to endure this desperate state of affairs
much longer?”
“What way out is there?”
I now presented the way out, answering all his familiar objec
tions with my long-prepared arguments.
But I recognized in his objections the views of the rich anti-
Zionist Stock-Exchange Jews, who had evidently instructed him
in Zionism. It was all there, even that old chestnut about the am
bassadorial post. He said: “Twenty years ago I spent some time at
Marienbad with a Jewish deputy from Hungary. What was his
name, now?”
“Wahrmann?”
“That’s it. Even then people were talking about the creation
of a Jewish State in Palestine, and Mr. Wahrmann said that if this
came about he would want to be the Austrian ambassador at Jeru
salem.”
It is clear that Wahrmann must have said, “the Jewish ambas
sador at Pest.” Mr. Witte told the story badly.
Then I took his arguments by the throat au fur et à mesure
[just as fast] as he presented them and demolished them. More and
more he admitted that I was right. He clung only to the Holy
Places (like all the Jewish bankers).
No anti-Semite has ever stubbed his toe on them—only he, the
“friend of the Jews.”
Finally, he asked me what I wanted from the government.
"Certains encouragements [Certain encouragement].” I said.
"Mais on donne aux juifs des encouragements à l’émigration.
Par exemple les coups de pied [But the Jews are being given
encouragement to emigrate. Kicks, for example].”
To this stupid brutality I replied by drawing myself up, calm
and frigid, and saying icily:
"Ce n’est pas de ce genre d’encouragements que je veux parler.
Ils sont connus [That isn’t the sort of encouragement I want to
talk about. That sort is well known].”
And I developed the three points of my memorandum to
Plehwe.
Witte ended by admitting that my solution would be a good one
if it could be carried out. I asked him, by way of supporting our
movement, to withdraw the ban on the shares of the Jewish Colo-
niai Trust. He promised to do so on condition that we establish a
branch in Russia (which we actually want ourselves), so that our
transactions could be supervised. I accepted this condition at once.
Thus this disagreeable man had actually promised me what I
wanted, after all. This conversation too had lasted for an hour
and a quarter. I rose from my chair. He shook hands with me
several times and accompanied me as far as the stairs, which seems
to be a lot for this boor, since he is in the habit of dispatching even
visiting Excellencies while standing.

Idle day of waiting. Yesterday I had a four-page letter from the
charming Kireyev along with an introduction to Mr. von Hartwig,
the head of the Asiatic Department in the Foreign Ministry.
I sent the letter and my card in to Hartwig—and am still waiting.
Supplement.
On the subject of the Holy Places Witte remarked:
“At what distance from the Holy Places do you contemplate
making your settlement? I think it would cause alarm if people
knew the Jews were so close by.”
“What about the present situation, with Turkish soldiers guard
ing the Holy Sepulchre?”
“This is less intolerable than if the guards were Jews,” said the
“friend of the Jews.” “If a few hundred thousand Jews were to go
there at one swoop, with Jewish hotels, Jewish businesses—that
might wound Christian sensibilities.”
This is the familiar objection of Jewish bankers.
I said: “We plan to make the settlement farther to the north
of the country. Far from Jerusalem. After all, in the end some place
will have to be found for the Jews, since, as Your Excellency so
rightly observed, they can’t be drowned in the Black Sea.”
Actually, during all this I rather had the impression that he
trotted out this argument only because he couldn’t find anything
else. I believe he is inconsolable over the fact that this échappatoire
[loop-hole] for Plehwe has turned up. Witte is presumably less a
friend of the Jews than he is bent on exploiting Plehwe’s embar
rassment over Kishinev. If this embarrassment increased, it could
lead to Plehwe’s downfall, and W itte would be the top man again.
He has already been in the government for 13 or 14 years, this
friend of the Jews. Why hasn’t he done a thing for the Jews?
August 11, evening

Just ran into Plehwe on the Nevsky Prospect.
My silent greeting hinted at memories.
A few detectives who were walking behind him gave me a look
of loving penetration.
* * *
I think it is not a good sign that nothing has come from Hartwig
yet. He is also the president of the Imperial Palestine Society.

This morning, too, has brought nothing yet, either from Plehwe
or from Hartwig. Last evening I paid a call on my friend, dear old
Mme. Korvin-Piatrovska, who reminds me of my good Hechler. In
my presence she wrote an eight-page letter to Plehwe. In it she
pointed out, at my request, that at this particular time, after the
assassination of Consul Rostkovsky, Turkey would obediently
carry out any wish of Russia’s.

Later in the morning came a long, satisfying letter from Plehwe,
together with a personal note.
Reply: *
Your Excellency:
I have received the letter which you did me the honor to address
to me.
I shall take the liberty of calling on you tomorrow afternoon at
four o’clock.
With the expression of my high regard and sincere devotion,
Th. Herzl.
August 14, St. Petersburg.

My second conversation with Plehwe, which took place yester
day, went much more favorably than the first, by far.
I drove up at four o’clock, and after waiting a few minutes,
which this time I was permitted to spend in the Cabinet conference
room rather than in the ante-room, I was conducted to his office.
He received me with the warmth of a friend, and after I had
thanked him for his letter, he said:
“I kept you waiting a bit for my letter; but I could not let a
document concerning such an important matter out of my hands
before I had submitted the subject to His Majesty the Emperor.
H.M. the Emperor is the overlord of the country, the head of the
government, and le souverain autocrate [the autocratic sovereign].
It was also important that the declaration I intended to give you
should not come from a temporary official, from a minister who
might no longer be one tomorrow------”
"Espérons que non [Let us hope not]!” I interjected.
“-------but should be a declaration of the government. I can
therefore tell you in confidence that I submitted my letter to the
Emperor as the conclusion to my report and that he gave me his
consent to transmit it to you. H.M. the Emperor also took the
occasion to express himself on the attacks to which Russia has
recently been subjected on account of the Jews. He was extremely
hurt that anyone should have dared to assert that the Russian
government had participated in arranging these excesses or had
even passively tolerated them. As head of the state H.M. is equally
favorably disposed to all his subjects, and in his well-known great
kindness he is particularly grieved at being thought capable of any
inhumanity.
“It is easy enough for foreign governments and for public
opinion abroad to adopt a magnanimous attitude and reproach us
with the way we treat our Jews. But if it were a question of their
letting 2-3 million poor Jews into their countries, they would sing
adifferent tune. Such an admission is out of the question, and they
leave it to us to cope with this problem.
“Now I certainly don’t want to deny that the situation of the
Jews in the Russian Empire is not a happy one. In fact, if I were a
Jew, I too would probably be an enemy of the government.
“However, things being what they are, we have no other choice
but to act the way we have acted up to now, and therefore the
creation of an independent Jewish State, capable of absorbing
several million Jews, would suit us best of all. But this doesn’t
mean that we want to lose all of our Jews. Les fortes intelligences
—et vous même êtes le meilleur exemple qu'il y en a— nous vou
drions les garder. Pour les fortes intelligences il n’y a pas de diffé
rence de confession ou de nationalité [Those of superior intelli
gence—and you yourself are the best example—we would like to
keep. Brains know no distinction of creed or nationality].
“But we should like to get rid of those with weak minds and
little property. We would like to keep anyone who is able to as
similate. We have no hostile feelings toward the Jews as such, as
I also show you in my letter.”
“But in the meantime, Your Excellency, it might still be a good
idea if you did a little more for those Jews of yours who are still
in Russia. It would greatly facilitate my work of reconciliation if,
for example, you extended the right of settlement to Courland and
Riga, or if within the present Pale of Settlement you permitted the
Jews to acquire up to ten dessiatines (about 20 Morgen)* for agri
cultural purposes.”
He by no means rejected this, but said:
• Translator’s Note: About 27 acres.
“I don’t dislike that suggestion about Courland and Riga; in
fact, I have already given it some thought. We have absolutely no
objections to admitting Jews to such places where they do not out
class the local population economically. Therefore we might be
more likely to admit them to the Baltic provinces, where they
would be dealing with Germans, Latvians, etc.
“The purchase of land by individuals is another matter.
“When I took over my Ministry, I had an action of that sort in
mind. I wanted to permit the Jews in the Pale of Settlement to
acquire 3 to 5 dessiatines of land. But when I published this in
tention in the newspapers, a storm of protest rose from the Russian
side: I was trying to Judaize the land, etc. So I had to give up the
plan. For you should know that I assumed office as a friend of the
Jews. I know the Jews very well. I spent my youth among them.
That was in Warsaw, where I lived from the age of five to sixteen.
I lived in a big house with my parents, who were in very modest
circumstances. We had a small apartment, and we children had to
play in the big courtyard. There I played with Jewish children
exclusively. My boyhood friends were Jewish. So you will notice
a certain predisposition in me to do something for the Jews. For
this reason I don’t want to reject your rural settlement proposal
either. But the acquisition of land must not take place on an indi
vidual basis; if you want to settle entire communities, des bourgs
juifs [Jewish enclaves], the government probably would not object,
and within these bourgs you could then allow individuals to have
such private holdings. We’ll talk about that some other time.
There is a Jew here named Giinzburg who sometimes comes to see
me about Jewish affairs. Let him talk with me about the matter.”
“Permit me, Your Excellency, to suggest someone else to you as
a representative. Baron Giinzburg is old and not very bright, al
though a very estimable man. I would prefer it if you talked with
my representative, Dr. Katzenelsohn of Libau, who is modem,
educated, and respected.”
“Gladly. I shall receive him if he comes with a recommendation
from you.”
“Then the form would be that of a farm produce cooperative?”
“Yes,” he said.
“But the most important thing is and remains the intervention
with the Sultan.” This is how I brought the conversation back to
Zion.
(To be continued later.)
August 14, Petersburg

Letter to Plehwe: *
Your Excellency:
Permit me before my departure to add a few more words to
what was said yesterday.
Everything depends on the efficacy of the intervention with
H.I.M. the Sultan.
There has not been such an auspicious moment for a long time;
and who knows when similarly favorable circumstances will pre
sent themselves again. At the present time the Ottoman govern
ment will, outside of its usual compliance, do everything it is
asked to do in order to please Russia.
I am convinced that one wish of His Imperial Majesty the Czar,
expressed directly, would suffice.
As regards the humble efforts which I am beginning to make,
the letter enclosed herewith is a first proof of them. I beg Y.E. to
read it, have one of your men put it in a mail box tomorrow, and
to forget that I have revealed this part of my correspondence.
I intend to work at the task of reconciliation with all my re
sources, even before the Congress.
I am leaving tomorrow, Saturday evening, and I plan to stop
on Sunday at Vilna, between two trains, in order to make a speech
there. I am told that some demonstrations hostile to me may take
place there, but this does not frighten me; in fact, the very reason
I am going there is to straighten out misguided people, if there are
any there.
I believe that this will meet the needs of the situation, but just
the same I would be very happy to know if there is no inconveni
ence. Therefore I beg Y.E. to let me have a word on this subject this
very evening, if possible, for the sake of my traveling arrangements.
Pray accept, etc.
Accompanying letter (inclus [enclosed]):
To Lord Roth—
Dear Lord Roth—
In accordance with your request I am giving you the results of
my efforts here.
I found a favorable disposition on the part of the Russian gov
ernment, and in my address to the Basel Congress I shall be able
to make announcements that will be important and gratifying for
Jewry.
However, it would substantially contribute to the further im
provement of the situation if the pro-Jewish papers stopped using
such an odious tone toward Russia. We ought to try to work toward
that end in the near future.
I am leaving for Basel today.
Yours,
Herzl.
(Continued from p. 1537.
In my conversation with Plehwe I said most emphatically that
everything depended on the energy with which the Russian gov
ernment interceded in our behalf at Constantinople. After all, the
Foreign Office is just another organ of the same body as the Min
istry of the Interior, and the wishes of the one should, in a case like
this, be taken care of by the other. But I thought, of course, that
the most effective thing would be the Czar’s personal intercession
with the Sultan. That was why I had originally asked for an audi
ence with the Emperor.
Plehwe listened to me with a very thoughtful look in his eyes;
I could tell that he was following my line of reasoning and accept
ing it. Since no one here wants a war, and too much can’t be asked
for the murdered consul Rostkovski, such compensation would
probably be very welcome to them.
Finally, Plehwe told me that he would take up the matter with
the Emperor again and press it energetically. His look and his
tone left no doubt that he is really serious about it. However, he
said that he could not do it at the moment, because just before
receiving me he had had his farewell audience with the Czar who
is starting out on a trip today.
But when I discreetly inquired about my present chances of
obtaining an audience with the Czar, he said:* “We shall see—
after the Congress.”
This proves again that what happens at the Congress is especially
important to him.
Since I have no intention of deceiving him, that is all right with
me too. I insisted only as far as intercession was concerned, for, I
said, such an auspicious moment doesn’t turn up every day, or
year.
We also talked about Witte. I wanted to tell him about Witte’s
reservations; but he was already au courant [informed]:
“The Minister of Finance is skeptical about the realization of
your projects. He doesn’t believe in them.”
“M. Witte,” I replied, “has his information from a certain
financial quarter that is none of the best. Lord Rothschild in Lon
don will aid me with the financing.”
“But I believe that the Minister of Finance, too, maintains ex
cellent relations with the Paris branch of this house.”
“The Rothschilds of Paris will not be opposed, because one of
them has spent many millions on colonization in Palestine.”
La conversation languissait [The conversation flagged].
So I pulled out his letter and asked him to add my name to it—
since perhaps he would not care to address me as Chairman of the
A.C. He readily consented, and after the word “Monsieur” he
put“Herzl.”
Finally I got out the by-laws which I had asked a Russian mem
ber of the A.C. to draft for me.
9Translator’s Note: Herzl quotes this conversation in French.
He skimmed through them.
“According to this you would be having congresses in Russia all
the time, and the Jews would be allowed to do what is forbidden to
the Christians.”
“I ’ll tell my people not to hold any congresses.”
He pulled down the familiar brown-and-gold volume:
“You are asking me for just the opposite of what is contained
in this report. I was going to recommend the suppression of the
Zionist movement at the cabinet meeting in October.”
“The decision is yours!” I said.
Obviously he will make this decision, too, dependent on the
Congress. La situation est nette [The situation is clear]:
Either help, administrative and financial, as well as intervention
with the Sultan,
Or the prohibition of the movement.
Thus everything depends upon our people doing nothing
foolish.
I said good-bye to him, and he was very, very nice.
* • •
Later I had some callers: the charming old General Kireyev,

who, it now turned out, is a brother of Madame Olga de Novikoff;
Lieutenant-General Zsilinky, a worthy old Pole; the student Fried-
land; clever Glikin; and Bruck, who is trying to frighten me about
my visit to Vilna. Am I to be accorded the royal honor of an assas
sination there?
Telegrams arrived here yesterday from ten different cities in
quiring whether it was true that I was dead.

Letter to Witte:*
Your Excellency:
In the course of the interview which you did me the honor of
granting on July 27 you told me that the Jewish Colonial Trust of
London could be permitted to start operations only on the con
dition that a branch be established in Russia. In the name of the
Board of Directors and of the Council, of which I am Chairman, I
therefore beg to submit a request for the authorization of a branch
office, in order to fulfil the above-mentioned condition.
Pray accept, Your Excellency, the expression of my high esteem.
T h .H .
August 16, on the train, between Dvinsk and Vilna

My last day in St. Petersburg was somewhat spoiled for me by
theVitebsk member of the A.C., Dr. Brack. He excitedly counseled
me against going to Vilna.
He said they could give me un mauvais parti [a bad time] there.
Vilna was the seat of the leadership of the “Bund," a secret revolu
tionary society, and those people were furious at me because I had
1)gone to see Plehwe, 2) spoken against them at the St. Petersburg
banquet.
Incidentally, the rumor circulated in many Russian cities that
I was dead. It was not clear whether they thought that I had been
killed by the government or by the Socialists.
I stated that I wouldn’t make myself so ridiculous as not to go
toVilna now that I had already announced it. However, in order to
get rid of Dr. Brack, I sent him on ahead to Vilna “by way of
precaution," to reconnoitre the situation.
* * #
The last day in St. Petersburg was full of work.

The most important thing was the brief but meaty conversation
with von Hartwig (Gartwich),* the director of the Asiatic Depart
ment of the Foreign Office. In addition he is president of the Im
perial Russian Palestine Society.
In the ante-chamber, which at the same time serves as a library, I
studied the very remarkable collection of books of this department,
• Translator's Note: The way Hartwig's name was spelled in Russia.
which seems absolutely top-notch to me. A big window to Asia
opens up when one looks at these dictionaries of the Chinese, Jap
anese, Afghan, etc. languages. A good deal of travel literature, old
and new, good and worthless, mostly in English.
A gentleman of medium height, corpulent, with a big Russian
beard and a bald head, in light-colored summer clothes and with
papers under his arm passed through the room. He gave me a
searching glance as I stood there so attentively in front of the books.
It was von Hartwig, as I found out later when I was admitted.
Briefly and for the umpteenth time I expounded the matter. He
claimed diplomatically not to have been informed yet. Naturally
I told him about Plehwe’s promise to me in the name of the Em
peror that the Russian government would intercede with the Sul
tan in our behalf. At this he lowered his nose somewhat. He said
that the extraterritorialization of the Holy Places which I was
proposing eliminated one of the major difficulties.
He now informed me that von Joneu, the ambassador at Berne,
since deceased, hadn’t had much to do in Berne, had made a study
of the Zionist movement, and sent the Foreign Ministry a bulky
report on it. The cause found favor with the Foreign Ministry; but
since no one pushed it, it didn’t get anywhere.
He (Hartwig) himself knew about the Congresses, in which the
great German philosopher------
“Nordaul”
“. . . yes, Nordau, was one of the participants.”
He desired a report that he could submit to the Minister. I
promised him one within two weeks.
Then he was going to ask Ambassador Ssinovyev at Constanti
nople what could be done in the matter.
With this I took my leave, requesting his good-will, which he
promised me.
* * *
But General Kireyev, who was already waiting for me at the

hotel, told me that we must not expect any friendly Russian inter
cession with the Grand Turk in the immediate future.
The Russian fleet was going to demonstrate before Constanti
nople on account of the murder of Consul Rostkovski. It had
already sailed. And even after the satisfaction demanded on five
points had been given, relations between the Russians and the
Turks were not likely to be very pleasant for some time to come.
August 17, on the train, between T hom and Posen

Yesterday, the day of Vilna, will live in my memory forever. Not
aphrase from an after-dinner speech.
My very arrival at noon in this Russo-Polish city was marked by
ovations. I don’t like this sort of thing.
In such receptions there is play-acting on the one side and foolish
emballement [rapture] on the other.
But the situation became more real, because more dangerous,
when the police, who favored me with the greatest attention from
the outset, forbade all gatherings, even my visit to the synagogue.
But later I did drive through tumultuous Jewish streets to the
offices of the Jewish Community, where the officials and deputa
tions awaited me in packed throngs. There was a note in their
greeting that moved me so deeply that only the thought of the
newspaper reports enabled me to restrain my tears.
In the numerous addresses I was enormously overpraised, but
the unhappiness of these sorely oppressed people was genuine.
Afterwards all kinds of deputations, laden with gifts, called on
me at the hotel, in front of which crowds kept re-gathering as
fast as the police dispersed them.
The police also sent me a message that I should not drive about
in the city.
Towards evening we drove to Verki, an hour’s distance from
the city, where Jews are ordinarily not allowed to reside. There
our friend Ben Jacob had per nefas [illegally] rented a little sum
mer house, and, considering the transportation situation in this
Russian provincial town, it was far away.
To this house he had invited about 50 guests. Ghetto, with good
ghetto-talk. But the dinner that went with it was sumptuous. They
wanted to show me every kindness they could. And the host, among
the many toasts of the others, made a fine, stately speech of wel
come, one of real old-Jewish nobility. He said: “All of us here are
happy today. But I am the happiest, because I have this guest under
my roof.”
Still, even he was surpassed by the uninvited guests who sud
denly appeared out of the night in front of the curtained-off
verandah: poor youths and girls from Vilna who had come all the
way out here (about a two hours’ walk) to see me at table.
There they stood, outside, watching us eat and listening to us
talk. And they provided the dinner music by singing Hebrew
songs. Ben Jacob, a truly noble host, had the kindness to feed these
unbidden guests, too.
And one of the young workingmen, in a blue smock, who had
attracted my attention because of the hard, determined expression
on his face, so that I took him to be one of those revolutionary
“Bundists,” surprised me by proposing a toast to the day when
"Ha-melekh Herd [King Herzl]” would reign. An absurdity, yet
it produced a striking effect in the dark Russian night.
We drove back. And at one in the morning, from the hotel to
the station. The town was awake, awaiting my departure. The
people stood and walked in the streets through which we had to
pass, crying Hedad [Hail] I as soon as they recognized me. The
same from the balconies. But near the railroad station, where the
crowds got denser, unfortunately there were clashes with the brutal
police who had instructions to keep the station clear. It was a regu
lar Russian police manoeuvre which I saw with horror as my car
riage rolled toward the station with increasing speed. Cries of
Hedad, brutal shouts of the policemen as they hurled themselves
at intervals at the running crowd, and my driver lashing his horses.
At the station entrance, which was roped off, stood three police
officers. The eldest, a white-bearded man, greeted me with sub
missive politeness.
A small group of people, about 50-60 of my friends, had never
theless managed to smuggle themselves into the station. I was
standing there, quietly talking with them, when a police captain,
followed by a sergeant, came through the restaurant with a great
clanking of spurs. He occupied an observation post at a table
behind us. When presently I took off my hat to bid my friends
good-bye, he respectfully joined in the greeting.
Was this to be attributed to an order from St. Petersburg to pro
tect me, or to the police officers' secret fear of the crowd?
Early in the morning at Eydtkuhnen I was met by a group of
Zionists from the Russian frontier town.
One more speech, and a bouquet.
That was Russia.

Letter to Bâcher:
Dear Friend:
I have come here from Russia to join my family for one day, and
now I am going to Basel for the Congress.
Although we have taken separate ways on the Jewish Question
for years, I still feel I ought to tell you that something will happen
in Basel that the N. Fr. Pr. can no longer ignore.
I have brought along from Russia a document of the greatest
world-wide political significance which I shall in some fashion
bring to the attention of the Congress.
Get ready to publish it, for it will be impossible not to do so.
The movement and I don’t need the publication in the N. Fr.
Pr., but the N. Fr. Pr. needs it. Unfortunately I can’t give you the
document in advance, much as I would like to do it for friendship’s
sake.
I can transmit it only to the Congress. English and especially
American papers would be extremely grateful for it.
Yours sincerely,
Herzl.
I suggest that you commission the following telegram from
London or Berlin: Dr. Herzl spent a week at St. Petersburg, nego
tiating with the government, particularly Ministers von Plehwe
and Witte, on behalf of the Jews. T he results of these conversations
are likely to be announced at the Zionist Congress, which convenes
at Basel on August 23rd.
August 19, on the train, approaching Innsbruck

On the train between Bischofshofen and Lend-Gastein I had
an unexpected meeting with Prince Philipp Eulenburg.
He was on his way to Gastein. A quick major conversation.
En deux temps trois mouvements [In two shakes of a lamb’s tail]
I had described to him the present state of affairs.
I immediately realized the advantage of regaining Germany.
I will gladly let Wilhelm II have the glory of placing himself
at the head, after I eliminate, une à une [one by one], the diplo
matic difficulties which were in the way the time before.
Eulenburg asked me whether he should write Biilow what I had
told him.
"Biilow,” I said, "is an old opponent of our cause. He will be
against it now too. But if you want to write someone—write the
Kaiserl He understood it then.”
“Can do that, too.”
And this is how we left it.
He thought my accomplishments in Russia tremendous. The
answer that they had denied to Roosevelt—they gave to me.
Eulenburg asked how I accounted for that.
“First, by the difficulty they are in. Second, by the fact that I am
a powerless man whom they can answer to without losing face.”
He nodded.
Before he got off, he asked me to introduce him to my mother,
and told her how much he admired me.
So I have revived German relations through a chance travel en
counter.
August 22, Basel
The Sixth Congress.
The old hurly-burly.
My heart is acting up from fatigue.
If I were doing it for thanks, I would be a big fool.
Yesterday I gave my report to the “Greater A.C.” I presented
England and Russia. And it didn’t occur to any of them for even
a single moment that for these greatest of all accomplishments to
date I deserved a word, or even a smile, of thanks.
Instead, Messieurs Jacobson, Belkovsky, and Tschlenow criti
cized me a number of times.
August 31, Constance, on Lake Constance

The difficult great Sixth Congress is over.
When, completely worn out, I had returned from the Congress
building, after the final session, with my friends Zangwill, Nordau,
and Cowen, and we sat in Cowen’s room around a bottle of mineral
water, I said to them:
“I will now tell you the speech I am going to make at the Seventh
Congress—that is, if I live to see it.
“By then I shall either have obtained Palestine or realized the
complete futility of any further efforts.
"In the latter case, my speech will be as follows:
‘It was not possible. T he ultimate goal has not been reached, and
will not be reached within a foreseeable time. But a temporary re
sult is at hand: this land in which we can settle our suffering masses
on a national basis and with the right of self-government. I do not
believe that for the sake of a beautiful dream or of a legitimistic
banner we have a right to withhold this relief from the unfortu
nate.
‘But I recognize that this has produced a decisive split in our
movement, and this rift is centered about my own person. Al
though I was originally only a Jewish State man—n’importe où
[no matter where]—, later I did lift up the flag of Zion and became
myself a Lover of Zion.* Palestine is the only land where our peo
ple can come to rest. But hundreds of thousands need immediate
help.
‘There is only one way to solve this conflict: I must resign my
leadership. I shall, if you wish, conduct the negotiations of this
Congress for you, and at its conclusion you will elect two Executive
Committees, one for East Africa and one for Palestine. I shall
accept election to neither. But I shall never deny my counsel to
those who devote themselves to the work if they request it. And my
best wishes will be with those who work for the fulfilment of the
beautiful dream.
‘By what I have done I have not made Zionism poorer, but Jewry
richer.
‘Farewell!’ ”
September 1, on the train, between Ischl and Aussee

Yesterday I visited the Grand Duke on the Isle of Mainau.
He was kind and good, as usual. We walked for two hours up and
down the garden behind the castle.
When I arrived he gave me a long hand-clasp and congratulated
me on such great successes.
But when I explained to him my present difficult situation, a
dilemma between East Africa and Palestine, he was full of more
serious commiseration.
Again he discussed the world situation with me in some detail.
England was striving to isolate Germany.
France actually was tired of her Russian friendship by now.
In the Orient everything depended on whether a war between
Austria and Hungary could be avoided.
I thought that there was no reason to fear one, because Emperor
Franz Joseph could always placate Hungary at the expense of
Austria.
As for my suggestion that Kaiser Wilhelm should again take the
lead in our campaign, now that I had succeeded in winning over
Russia and England, the Grand Duke gently passed over it.
However, he said he would send Baron Richthofen, the Secre
tary of State, my speech at the Basel Congress, as well as Plehwe's
letter and the English document. T hen Richthofen should put all
the material in businesslike form for presentation to the Kaiser.
I asked him if Germany wouldn’t object to Russia’s taking the
lead.
"On the contrary I” said the Grand Duke. "That would make
things easier for us. We could then fall into line with Russia at
once. For it is our wish to remain on good terms with Russia.’’
This was really the core of our long conversation. At one point
the good old Duke seemed moved: when I told him that we would
gladly renounce the good land in East Africa for the poor land in
Palestine. I would particularly regard it as a vindication for us
avaricious Jews if we gave up a rich country for the sake of a poor
one.
It was half past one when a footman called him away.
"I am not inviting you to stay for lunch, so as to spare you the
acquaintance of all those people.”
And I must write him often.
September 1, on the train

My two mistakes at the Sixth Congress were peculiar.
At a session of the Greater A.C., prior to the East Africa vote, I
told the popularity hounds Tschlenow, Bernstein-Kohan, and com
pany that anyone who voted against it could not stay on the A.C.
any longer.
As a result, they no longer cared what might happen after
wards, and they left the Congress hall, which in turn led to the big
scene.
The second mistake was to give the floor to Montefiore instead
of to an interesting speaker who would have held them in the hall.
Thus the people who fled from good Sir Francis gave the impres
sion that they were joining the self-exiled opposition, which was
actually not the case.
But after the incident Sir Francis very decently allowed me to
send him back to the firing-line, just as in general he is incompa
rably more decent than those petty Russian politicians* on the A.C.
who, at the committee meeting, were first in favor of immediately
accepting the East Africa proposal and who later marched dra
matically out of the hall as though their deepest feelings had been
outraged.
* * #
At the A.C. meeting they voted against making the Plehwe letter
public, a measure which I nevertheless forced through.
# * *
I was not able to put through my proposal that the expenses for
the expedition might be taken from our Bank.
The idiots failed to understand that the value of its shares will
increase many times over if the Bank gets such a huge concession
into its hands.
And that this would give us, at one stroke, our entire share
capital plus large agio reserves.
These are the sort of people I have to work with.
To Plehwe:**
Your Excellency:
In accordance with the permission you kindly granted me to
return to the Zionist Question after the Congress at Basel, I have
the honor to submit to Y.E. the following account.
The direction of the Congress was more laborious than ever,
minds being unusually wrought up as the result of painful occur-
rences. Nevertheless I succeeded in keeping order and restoring
peace. It is true that without the letter Y.E. was good enough to
send me on August 12th I could not have accomplished this. But
by making your letter public I managed to cut short all discussion.
The most difficult moment came when I had to lay before the
Congress the British government’s offer concerning a territory in
Africa for our colonization. As I had the honor of telling Y.E., I
had sought the aid of the Brit. govt, for obtaining Egyptian Pales
tine (El-Arish).
This request having been refused by the Egypt, govt., the Brit,
govt, was kind enough to offer us a territory in East Africa. This
proposal was contained in a letter from Sir Clement Hill, dated
August 14 and sent to Basel. At the time I received this communica
tion I did not know what I have since learned, that the territory
is insufficient for our needs. Indeed, Sir Harry Johnston, its former
governor and one of the best experts on the country in question,
has just stated, in the Times, that only twenty percent of the area
covered by the offer could be utilized for our colonization and
that other considerable difficulties forced him to declare him
self resolutely opposed to the project—which could have provided,
at most, for the settlement of only some thousands of families.
Even though I was ignorant of these facts at the opening of the
Congress, I was sufficiently acquainted with the Zionist movement
to know in advance how the English proposal would be received.
They were unanimous in their gratitude, they were moved to tears
—but East Africa is not Palestine.
After a rather hot fight I was able to put only the preliminary
question to a vote: that is, to send an exploratory commission—the
final decision being left to another Congress in a year or two.
I had the greatest difficulty in bringing about this modest result,
for there was a solid opposition even to the courtesy of taking the
English proposal under consideration. This opposition was com
posed almost exclusively of Russian Zionists. And at a private
caucus of the Russian Zionists they even started accusing me of
treason!
I report the facts in all frankness, with no attempt at conceal
ment.
There were 295 votes at the Congress in favor and 177 votes
against. The minority was almost entirely Russian. The few
Russians who voted for acceptance did so largely out of a personal
attachment to me and because they were convinced that I would
never give the signal for an emigration to Africa.
The true situation, then, emerges with absolute clarity. If there
are any supporters of colonization in Africa, they are found in
other countries than Russia. T he phenomenon is curious but
unquestionable. I have had the opportunity to learn the views
on this subject even of several Russian Jewish revolutionaries now
living abroad. It seems to me that they are against Africa and in
favor of Palestine.
The explanation of this bizarre attitude—because up to now
they have been utterly indifferent to Zionism—may perhaps be
the following: an emigration to Africa would never involve more
than several thousand proletarians and would therefore serve no
political purpose; whereas, if a settlement of the Jewish people
took place in Palestine, the radical elements would be forced to
take part in the movement in order not to be too late in getting into
a new society which the conservative and reactionary bourgeois
elements would not have failed to rush into.
This Congress therefore has illuminated the truth of what I had
the honor of explaining to you at St. Petersburg. A permanent emi
gration can be directed only to Palestine.
Great hopes now hang on the government's promise made in
Y.E.’s letter of August 12th. The frustration of these hopes would
upset the whole situation. I would no longer be trusted; and the
revolutionary parties would gain everything that Zionism, repre
sented by my friends and me, lost.
The only wholesome solution, therefore, depends upon the
efficacy of the promised intervention with the Ottoman govern
ment. Y.E. was good enough to inform me in the course of our
last conversation that the letter of August 12th was addressed to
mewith the consent and upon the command of H.M. the Emperor.
A personal and direct intervention by H.I.M. with the Sultan
would probably have a decisive effect, all the more so because we
are willing to offer financial benefits to the Ottoman Treasury.
I envisage this intervention in the following manner. If H.M.
the Emperor of Russia deigned to give me a letter recommending
our Zionist project, I would deliver it to H.M. the Sultan, who
previously received me in audience in 1901.
If, at the same time, His Excellency the Ambassador of Russia
at Constantinople received instructions to help me in my under
taking, I would go to Constantinople with great hopes for the out
come of the negotiations.
French diplomacy, so cordially devoted to the interests of Russia,
would naturally be favorably disposed to our project. I believe
that H.E. Count Lamsdorff could easily obtain this cooperation if
hesodesired.
As far as Germany is concerned, I believe there will be no diffi
culties from that direction. I have just had the honor of seeing the
Grand Duke of Baden at the Mainau castle, and H.R.H. gave me to
understand that the German government, while not taking the
initiative in the matter, would gladly support the Russian proposal
togrant Palestine to the Jews.
Finally, it is not too daring to say that the English cabinet,
which has just given us such magnanimous proof of its sentiments
toward our unhappy people, would likewise help us in our efforts
toward settling in Palestine.
Thus it depends only on the government of H.M. the Emperor
of Russia whether the whole thing will be carried out promptly.
For years I have been preparing the ground at Constantinople, and
in governmental circles I count many friends of our cause, which
isso advantageous to the economic interests of Turkey.
If I am vigorously supported, I believe it is possible to bring
about a solution in a short time.
This means that emigration could begin within the next few
months.
I humbly await the decisions of the Imp. govt., and beg Y.E. to
accept the expression of my high regard and devotion.
Th. Herzl.
September 10, Alt-Aussee, Styria

Letter to Hartwig (with partial use of a draft by Nordau):*
Alt-Aussee, September 11, 1903
Your Excellency:
I have the honor to return to the subject of the interview you
very kindly granted me at St. Petersburg on the subject of the Zion
ist cause.
The letter which H.E. M. de Plehwe did me the honor of send
ing to me under the date of August 12, 1903, contains a very
positive government statement, and I have been authorized to
make public use of it.
Y.E. is without doubt familiar with the situation in those sec
tions of the Russian Empire where Jews are permitted to live. This
situation has become embarrassing for H.M. the Emperor’s gov
ernment.
Squeezed within limits too restricted for their number, which
increases slowly but steadily, despite a birth rate rather below
the average for the Empire, hindered in their economic mobility,
subjected to murderous internal competition, the Russian Jews
grovel in misery so profound that it can hardly become worse, the
slightest lowering of the level to which they have already sunk
literally meaning death from hunger and cold.
The Jew is, by nature, ultra-conservative. By temperament, as
well as by the precepts of his religion, he is the most obedient
observer of the law that one could wish. But would it be surprising
if, in his deep discouragement, in his absolute lack of hope for im
proving his lot or simply for living he became receptive to radical
ideas?
And even if respect for law should always resist the evil sugges
tions of despair, the spectacle of almost 6 million people, whose
number continues to grow steadily, having reached the depths of
human misery could only do harm to the reputation of a gov
ernment which claims for itself principles of morality and hu
manity—I cite the letter of H.E. M. de Plehwe.
This situation could be remedied by abolishing the restrictions
on the Russian Jews’ right of domicile. But I understand that the
Imperial government does not believe itself able to employ this
radical and immediately effective measure.
Then there remains only one other way, and one only: the
systematic organization of Jewish emigration.
But the only country in the world that irresistibly attracts almost
all Russian Jews, with the exception of a tiny minority, is Palestine.
All other countries attract only the lost children of Judaism. Only
the Promised Land, the land of their ancestors calls to all of them,
the faithful.
Let H.M. the Emperor’s government afford us its support with
H.M. the Sultan so that he may throw Palestine open to Jewish im
migration on a large scale and grant them, under his exalted
suzerainty, administrative autonomy guaranteed under public law
and extensive enough to promise them definite security and the
possibility of normal national development, and the Russian Pale
will be emptied of Jews in the same measure as Palestine is pre
pared to receive them.
There lies the salvation for the Russian Jews and the solution
of a problem otherwise insoluble for the Imperial government.
And if I may be permitted to formulate the Zionist request, it
may be summarized as follows: [there follows “The problem is . . . ”
to... “collect from the colonists.” on p. 1520].
To sum up, I have the honor to suggest that Y.E. be kind enough
to address to H.E. the Ambassador of H.M. the Emperor to H.M.
the Sultan the instructions which H.E. M. de Plehwe caused me to
hope for by his letter mentioned before, written, as the Minister
was kind enough to tell me, with the consent and by the order of
H.M. the Emperor of Russia.
Begging Y.E. to accept the expression of my high esteem,
Dr.Th.H.
To H.E., Mr. N. G. de Hartwich, Director of the First Depart
ment of the Min. of For. Aff., St. Petersburg
* * #
Letter to Kireyev:*
Your Excellency:
Permit me to recall myself to your kind memory.
I have already sent you a small remembrance from Basel: the
book edition of my new play which has just been performed at the
Royal Theatre in Berlin. I was unable to attend the premiere of
Solon in Lydia because I had my Zionist Congress meeting in Basel
at the same time.
I much prefer literature to politics, and when in the course of
my activities and peregrinations I meet someone whom I would
like to please—which is rare enough—I inflict my writings on him.
Your Excellency, accept this excuse!
Today I am writing to H.E. M. de Hartwich to whom you were
kind enough to introduce me. I am giving him a brief presentation
of our requests and plans.
If you can ein gutes Wort einlegen [put in a good word], I beg
you to do so.
While returning from the station after your sister’s departure,
you told me several things about the relation between Christianity
and Judaism which have since given me food for thought. I did not
have my reply quite ready, but I think our thoughts are in agree
ment.
I am absorbed with the misery of my brethren, but not as a
chauvinist or narrow-minded fanatic.
This is perhaps proved by my plan to extraterritorialize the holy
places, to make them res sacrae extra commercium gentium [holy
places above the trafficking of the nations].
That would be a great symbol; and very old dreams would be
realized.
La Gerusalemme liberata.*
I would be very happy, General, to see you again someday soon
and to discuss the matters which are close to our hearts. Until then
I beg Y.E. for your continued good will and to accept the expres
sion of my high esteem and sincere devotion.
Th. Herzl.
Alt-Aussee, September 11
To Prince Philipp Eulenburg:
Your Highness:
I have wanted to write you for the past two weeks, but I have
had such heart trouble all this time that any activity was impossible
for me.
Now I have finally pulled myself together and have just
stumbled over a pile of press-cuttings** in which I found some
thing terribly disagreeable. About two weeks ago the news circu
lated through part of the German press that at the Berlin Congress
aSocial Democrat yelled Pfui [Boo]! when I gratefully mentioned
His Maj. the German Kaiser’s interest in our movement, which
had become known in 1898, and that I had not reprimanded the
heckler for this interruption. Only ill will can interpret this as
toleration, on my part, of an insult to the Kaiser, for if par im
possible [against all possibility] I had intended such disrespect, I
certainly would not have needed to speak in such a vein.
In the shout I saw nothing but a loutish criticism that was aimed
at me, because I was not Socialist enough for the man concerned.
This I was able to overlook.
Although, therefore, I need not fear that a misunderstanding
•Translator's Note: A reference to Torquato Tasso's famous epic poem, Jeru
salem Delivered.
••In English in the original.
could arise from the incident itself, because of the spiteful news
paper comments, may I nevertheless request Your Highness to ex
plain the facts to H.M. the Kaiser when there is an opportunity.
Perhaps this can be done on the occasion of the report about the
latest developments in Zionism which Your Highness was going
to give to H.M. the Kaiser.
I have already taken the liberty to send you the daily record of
proceedings from Basel. Herewith I am enclosing a brief summary
of the events.
The promise of the English government to make available to
us (as an autonomous colony) a fine territory in British East Africa
—a promise contained in a letter from Sir Clement Hill as well as
in other unpublished documents—is as generous as it is wise. With
this asylum for the persecuted England will at the same time be
creating what is likely to be a strong point of support for her East
African interests. I confess that this policy fills me equally with
gratitude and admiration.
Yet we stubborn Jews are more attached to the sand and chalk
of Palestine, and therefore I would prefer von Plehwe’s letter—
also printed in the enclosure—if it could be put into practice im
mediately. Still, it is an official declaration on the part of the
Russian government—it was given to me as such—and I believe
Your Highness will share my opinion that it is an important dec
laration. Russia gives up all claims to Palestine, since it is even
willing to let an independent Jewish State come into being there.
We poor people don’t even ask for that much. We would be
satisfied just to have Jewish autonomy under the suzerainty of the
Sultan.
What support can and may we expect from Germany?
As Your Highness knows, I have always placed great hopes in
German assistance. In our movement there is a German cultural
element which is probably not being underestimated and has not
escaped the piercing eyes of the Kaiser.
H.M. will be in Vienna with the Imperial Chancellor within a
few days. Oriental affairs will undoubtedly come up for discussion.
The incidents in Beirut may make it appear desirable to the Great
Powers to help order and modern civilization make a break
through in this area. Russia has publicly declared itself in favor of
our being given Palestine. France cannot take a stand against its
ally. After the East Africa offer, no objection may reasonably be
expected from England. If H.M. the German Kaiser also wins
over the Triple Alliance for it, we shall be all set.
A great thing would be all set, Your Highnessl As a statesman
and a poet you survey this cause which reaches from the distant
past into the distant future, and will want to help.
With respect and gratitude
I remain Your Highness’s ever obedient servant,

Th. Herzl.

This is the first day I have had a chance to thank you for your
congratulatory telegram which you sent me at Basel. I was all the
more pleased by these words of congratulation since your first wire
had contained a doubt of the possibility that we had really gained
so much from the English government.
It is a great actuality whose full effect will only become apparent
in the discussion about the report of the Alien Immigration Com
mission. Unfortunately, an attempt is being made through the
short-sighted and arrogant scribbling of a few insignificant Jews
in the letter section of the Times to throw an unfavorable light
on the matter. It is obvious that this attempt will not be successful,
for the British government will not let itself be impressed by such
inconsequential fellows, when every one of our rallies shows what
masses obey our call.
To offset these stupidities of our opponents, which are dictated
only by envy, I would have liked to publish your congratulatory
telegram if I had been authorized to do so, so that people might
see how you feel about a matter that is not to the taste of the little
Jewish letter-writers to the T imes. But I had better leave it to your
own discretion to find a suitable form for your public announce
ment. Should you wish to send me a letter for publication, a few
lines would suffice in which you tell me that you are in sympathy
with the East Africa project.
Il va sans dire [It goes without saying] that I shall not publish
one word of yours which you haven’t given me expressly for that
purpose.
I don’t know yet when I shall come to London. In any case, I
want to speak with the members of the government before I dis
patch the expedition to investigate East Africa.

Herzl

To the Grand Duke of Baden:
For some time after I had the honor to be received by Y.R.H. on
the Isle of Mainau, indisposition prevented me from doing any
work. Only now have I become acquainted with a bad notice that
circulated through some of the German papers about two weeks
ago.
It says that at the Basel Congress I let a shout of Pfui [Boo]! go
unreprimanded; it was uttered by a Social Democrat when I grate
fully mentioned H.M. the German Kaiser’s interest in our move
ment. It is quite clear that this shout was meant only for me, be
cause I wasn’t Socialistic enough for the shouter, and I was able to
disregard this bit of unmannerliness with contempt.
Y.R.H. would again demonstrate to me your oft-proven kindness
by giving H.M. the Kaiser a word of explanation about the true
facts in the case.
I am taking the liberty of enclosing special copies of the chief
documents which Y.R.H. wanted to send to Baron von Richthofen
(or his information.
Von Plehwe’s letter, which was given to me as an official declara
tion of the government, reflects that Russia would even agree to
an independent Jewish State in Palestine. (We would be satisfied
withautonomy under the suzerainty of the Sultan.)
Its ally France will not be able to contradict Russia. England’s
inclination to help us is evidenced by the letter from Sir Clement
Hill.
H.M. the Kaiser will be in Vienna with the Imperial Chancellor
within the next few days. Presumably the Oriental question, which
isacute again, will be discussed. If H.M. were also to interest the
Triple Alliance in the Zionist Palestine project, we would be close
to our goal. The creation of a status of extraterritoriality for the
Holy Places of Christianity—as res sacrae extra commercium
gentium [holy places above the trafficking of the nations] is part of
our program.

To Koerber:
Your Excellency:
I have the honor to enclose a printed copy of a letter which the
Russian Minister von Plehwe addressed to me.
This interesting document may have escaped Your Excellency’s
attention, because the Vienna papers have kept silent about the
Basel Zionist Congress and its attendant circumstances, sometimes
for comical reasons. You see, there are several papers which don’t
want to admit the existence of a Jewish Question. Years ago I had
an opportunity of reporting to Your Excellency about the Zionist
movement, and thereafter you bestowed a friendly judgment on it.
In point of fact, the Jewish Question exists in Austria too in an
acute and embittering enough form, even though after the anti-
Semitic victories in the elections a partial surface calm has come
about for the present. Thus our movement, which aims at a per
manent solution, has gradually grown in Austria—more in the
provinces than in the capital, and in Vienna more in the outlying
districts than in the center. T o be sure, thanks to a grossly false
representation in the Jewish Communities this state of affairs is
not quite apparent. (I anticipate presenting to Your Excellency
on some other occasion my views on the incredible, scandalous
situation in these Communities and their possible remedy by a
more honest election system.)
At any rate, Austria is seriously involved in the distress of the
Eastern Jews, not only in the frightful, enormous Galician res
ervoir, but also as the most immediate place of refuge of the per
secuted Russian and Rumanian Jews.
I feel that I may regard all this as granted, and I should like to
base what follows on it.
It follows from von Plehwe’s letter, which was given to me as
an official government declaration, with the consent of and on in
structions from H.M. the Emperor of Russia, to be published as
I saw fit, that the Russian government has assured the Zionist
movement of its support. Therefore the question is likely to be
brought closer to the Austro-Hungarian government as well,
through diplomatic channels.
For this reason I beg Your Excellency to be kind enough to in
form H. Exc. Count Goluchowski of what I thought I should
herewith submit to you first.
After all, this solution of the Jewish Question is the concern
of both domestic and foreign policy, and while domestically it will
eliminate a latent, but constantly erupting trouble, it will in no
way injure any foreign interests of the monarchy.
A settlement of Jewish masses in Palestine can only mean a
stimulation and increase of the commercial relations of the mon
archy which are not developed to any notable extent in that area
at the present time.
The only non-material question which can be of importance to
a Christian Power is that of the Holy Places. T he solution of this
question is supplied by the extraterritorialization of all Holy Places
of Christianity: they are to be res sacrae extra commercium
gentium [holy places above the trafficking of the nations].
During the years in which my efforts everywhere attracted more
attention than they did in Austria, I succeeded first in arousing the
benevolent interest of the Imperial German government, and fi
nally—almost simultaneously with the Russian support—in ob
taining England’s magnificent offer of help for the needy Jewish
people.
Under these circumstances I may hope for the support of the
government of my fatherland, too, in an undertaking which, pro
ceeding from Jewish interests but not confined to them, aspires
to the universally human goal of great help for great distress.
Begging Your Excellency to accept the expression of my deepest
respect, I am

Theodor Herzl.

Circular letter to the I.C.A. people:
Dear Sir:
Perhaps I may assume that you have followed the deliberations
of the Sixth Zionist Congress at Basel.
In any case, I am enclosing a resumé which will inform you
about a few major happenings.
On our road to Palestine, which we continue to pursue stead
fastly and with all our energy, we have achieved an interim result.
The British government has offered us an autonomous colony in
East Africa (cf. Sir Clement H ill’s letter of August 14th of this
year).
This truly magnanimous offer was acknowledged by the Con
gress unanimously and with the deepest gratitude; and it was de
cided by majority vote first to send out an expedition to explore
the territory offered.
After a report is received, a special Congress will be called to
decide on the question of settlement.
However, on the basis of the literature and of the government
reports, this much is already certain: this territory is fertile and
well suited for the settlement of Europeans. It may therefore be
assumed that the long-sought place of refuge for the most unfor
tunate among our fellow Jews, who are suffering material distress
and roaming about homeless, has been found—although, as I re
marked in my opening address, “it is not Zion and never can be.”
On the occasion of the El-Arish project, which unfortunately
came to naught, I had the pleasure of speaking with the majority
of the members of your Board of Directors; and unless I am mis
taken, all of you view the thought of creating such a place of refuge
with favor, since it is the task of the I.C.A. to colonize Jews. You,
to be sure, say “anywhere,” whereas my friends and I say “in
Palestine.”
The way things are at present, and without encroaching in any
way upon the political decision of our next Congress, I believe that
I am acting in the spirit of the purely philanthropic cause that you
serve when I ask you whether you would care to participate in
raising the funds for the expedition. No matter how the political
decision may turn out, this preliminary work will in no case be
valueless for relief work on a large scale. The various funds of our
organization must not be drawn on to defray the expenses of this
expedition, since no Palestinian territory is involved.
Therefore the Actions Committee is faced with the task of
raising these expenses in some other way. Our El-Arish expedition
cost about £4000. Since here an area even remoter from civilization
is involved, and since, utilizing the two dry seasons, two ex
peditions will probably have to be sent out—first a predominantly
scientific one, then a predominantly practical one—the expenses
are likely to be substantially higher.
Given the state of affairs described above, I do not consider it
appropriate to establish a Société d’études [Study Commission], as
is usually done when one has business ends in view. On the other
hand, there is also something dubious about accepting donations
for a project which, because of its size, is bound to assume a busi
ness character later. When the time comes, we shall either refund
the contributions of those donors who came forward immediately
after the Congress, or donate the money to the National Fund.
Therefore I envision the contribution of the I.C.A., which I budget
at about £8000, as a deposit on the separate account of the East
African Expedition at the Jewish Colonial Trust in London. If
it is decided later to set up a Jewish East Africa Company—and
the I.C.A. would also be invited to join in founding it—the Com
pany will pay back the contributions for the expedition.
Should no such company be set up, the I.C.A. will have to regard
its contribution as lost, but will presumably find sufficient com
pensation in the results of the expedition, because the assurances
ofthe English government will have created a great foundation for
philanthropic colonization in any case.
If the I.C.A. contributes to the costs of the expedition in the
manner outlined above, it will receive a detailed accounting as well
as the reports of the expedition.
I am sending an identical copy of this strictly confidential letter
to all members of the Board of Directors in order to expedite the
matter.
With deep respect,
Yours faithfully,
Th. Herzl.

Colonel Goldsmid writes that he has been invited to Balmoral
by the King. I am wiring him: *
Try to get him for our previous scheme in which you collabo
rated. A combination of both the former and the present scheme
would be a complete success, being a satisfaction for ideal as well
as material interests.
Tell him also that I shall come to England at end of October.
• Original text.
Please dont spare telegrams; there may be a necessity of quick de
cisions.
I remain still Alt-Aussee Styria.
Benjamin.

Two days ago I had a visit from H. Steiner whom I am sending
to New York as manager* I have pushed through the branch office
and him against all opposition, because I think he is capable. I
have paved his way to a great material future and right off have
given him the best-paid position we have ever had. I am curious to
see how ungrateful he will be.
* # #
Yesterday Kurt Toeppen, from German East Africa, came to

see me. An East Prussian who in appearance and tone reminds me
of Philipp Eulenburg. He seems to be capable, intelligent, un
affected, and a mercenary soldier type. He married an Arab girl
and became a Mohammedan. I think he would become a Jew, too.
Yet his matter-of-fact clarity made me like him. He shall be the
quartermaster of the expedition, even if Aaron of Johannesburg
should equip and run the expedition.
This would relieve me of the financial worries of the expedition,
and I wouldn’t need the I.C.A. any more.
October 19, Alt-Aussee

I am still being detained here by my wife’s illness.
* # #
Dr. Margulies (Florence) has seen the King of Italy, asked him to
receive me (the King already knew all about the Congress from the
newspapers), and received as an answer: “Se verm a Roma, lo vedro
volontieri [If he comes to Rome, I shall be glad to see him].”
I want to induce the King of Italy first of all to declare himself
in favor of Zionism, i.e., to permit me to publish our conversation,
and afterwards to call a conference on the subject of Turkey.
# # #
When I return to Vienna, I will try to see Goluchowski and ask

him for an introduction to the Pope.
October 19, Alt-Aussee

Letter to Kireyev: *
Your Excellency:
I am very happy to know that my book was of interest to you.
Would you kindly get H.M. the Empress to read it?
I have heard nothing from M. de Hartwig, and this waiting is a
burden on me. I would like to act, do something, put a stop to this
immense Jewish suffering, make good and beautiful things grow
out of the rejuvenated old earth, useful not only to us. But without
the aid of the Russian government I can do nothing.
1shall return to Vienna soon. My address is Haizingergasse 29,
Vienna-Wàhring.
Begging Your Excellency for your continued good-will and as
suring you of my gratitude and high esteem, I am

Th. Herzl.
# # #
Letter to Leven (I.C.A.):
Dear Sir:
To my regret I can only regard your reply, dated September 25,
to my circular letter to the gentlemen of the I.C.A.’s Board of
Directors as a rejection of my proposal.
In Point 2 you make your participation dependent on the proj
ect’s having no political character. It has been known for years
that our movement does have a political character. Therefore you
make an impossible condition.
Of course, the scheme, if we finally carry it out—our next Con
gress will decide this—also contains a big relief project, many times
greater than all previous ones combined.
I am offering you the opportunity to participate in it without
imposing any condition upon you that might run counter to your
established principles. You, however, wish to impose such a con
dition upon us—that is, you refuse.
Respectfully yours,
Herzl.
* * *
October 24, on the train to Vienna

To Plehwe:*
Your Excellency:
In the letter which you did me the honor of addressing to me
under the date of Oct. 5/18 you ask me for information about the
attitude of the Russian Zionists at the last Congress at Basel.
To my knowledge—and I say this on my word as an honorable
man—not one of the Russian delegates to the Congress neglected
his moral and legal duties as a Russian citizen.
If any such fact had been called to my attention, I would not
have hesitated to stir up immediately a general, public protest by
our followers, because nothing would be more contrary to the
interest of our movement, especially after the promise of the Rus
sian government, which I was very happy to be able to announce
at Basel.
Naturally, a place like the meeting-place of the Congress, in a
country like Switzerland, is accessible to everyone. It is the gather
ing-place of very distinguished writers and the merely curious, of
representatives and missionaries of every stripe, and, above all, it
is the gathering-place of my political and personal enemies. Y.E.
will not wish to hold either me or our movement responsible for
the acts, discussions, even the unseemly remarks which can occur
in such international and intersocietal surroundings. But that is
neither here nor there. T he Zionists do not allow themselves
toturn from their path so long as they have hope of reaching their
proposed goal.
Moreover, Y.E., with your great knowledge of affairs and of men,
will know how to separate the true from the false in reports which
are sometimes biased. One cannot reply to vague, anonymous ac
cusations. If there is some specific accusation, I beg Y.E. to let me
knowit in complete confidence, and I have no doubt that I can an
swer it, so sure am I of the loyalty of true Zionists, even those who
oppose me.
The fact is that everyone is now waiting with great anxiety for
the outcome of the promised action. The form of support which I
took the liberty of submitting for Y.E.’s approval was drawn from
my observations and experiences in the East. H.I.M. the Sultan
will scarcely be affected by a less weighty recommendation. The
Sublime Porte is used to receiving recommendations, and even
notices, that do not change the course of events in the slightest. It
is only at the peremptory order of H.I.M. the Sultan, who would
be invited by his powerful friend H.M. the Emperor of Russia to
issue it, that the Ottoman government would devote its serious at
tention to the matter which offers financial benefits to the Imperial
Treasury. Nevertheless, I shall not take the liberty of insisting on
theform of the intervention, though the one I have proposed is the
onlyone that would give me cause to hope for any result.
Y.E. will perhaps see fit to send for me in order to present me to
H.M. the Emperor, and after that audience, which would be made
known to H.I.M. the Sultan, I would go to Constantinople to
negotiate.
At any rate, I am at Y.E.’s orders and I am waiting for decisions.
It is not on my own account that I am impatient. The discontent
and misery of our poor people grow from day to day. What a mis-
fortune it would be if in their despair they let themselves be se
duced by subversive ideas.
But permanent emigration is the way to resolve all the diffi
culties; yet the only possible kind is that directed toward Palestine.
I beg Y.E. to accept the expression of my deep respect.
Th. Herzl.
Dated October 28,1903
* * *
Vienna, November 25
To Gen. A. Kireyev: *
Your Excellency:
First of all, please accept my very sincere thanks for your great
and enduring kindness.
Not having seen anything come, I already had some suspicion
that our affairs were going badly.
It is probably hard to hunt several rabbits at once, even in
Turkey. The proposed intervention now certainly has a humani
tarian character that everyone ought to recognize, and then it
would be a rare case when one good act can only be performed at
the expense of the other.
But one might object:
1) that since you are at it, you could perfectly well solve both
questions at once, killing two birds with one stone;
2) that action in favor of Zionism would permit the solution
of the Jewish Question, which is one of the great domestic political
worries of your country, as H.E. M. de Plehwe himself has told me.
If you can, Your Excellency, do make these considerations carry
some weight, I beg of you. And in any case, maintain your good
will.
Yours respectfully and faithfully,
Th. Herzl.
* * *

December 3
To Plehwe: *
Your Excellency:
I have the honor to inform you that my friend Dr. N. Katzenel-
sohnof Libau will in the near future request the favor of an audi
encewith Y.E. I have asked him to go to St. Petersburg.
He deserves every confidence.
Pray accept, Your Excellency, the expression of my high regard.
Th. Herzl.
# # #
To Mme. Korvin:*
Dear Madam:
Thanks for your kind letter. I have asked my friend and confi
dential agent, Dr. Katzenelsohn of Libau, to go to St. Petersburg.
I do not answer for other people who might now try to meddle in
our affairs. It might be useful to warn your great friend that Kat
zenelsohn is the only man I have commissioned to represent the
Central Committee and myself.
I thought I should advise you of this, because I suppose that your
great friend has time only for serious conversations.
I remain, dear madam,
Your very grateful servant,

T h. H.
December 4,Vienna
The Russian members of the A.C., particularly Ussishkin,
Jacobson, etc. are in open rebellion.
#In French in the original.
They want to give me an ultimatum: I must drop the idea of
East Africa (although, or because, at Edlach I showed Belkowsky
the letter I wrote to Plehwe on September 5th).
They have first acquired all the bad characteristics of profes
sional politicians.
I shall first of all mobilize the lower masses against these inciters
to rebellion; I have sent instructions to Awinowitzky in Odessa.
In addition, I shall cut off their supply of money, etc.
December 5
Mme. Korvin writes that the Russian members of the A.C. are
trying to get to Plehwe through her. Plehwe has instructed her
to tell me that within the next few days the ambassador at Constan
tinople will intervene in our behalf.
I am wiring her: *
Thanks for news. My friend Katzenelsohn of Libau will come
to see you soon. Receive no one but him or else our friend Jasinov-
sky. I remain yours gratefully and devotedly,
Herzl.
December 11, Vienna

To Goluchowski:
Your Excellency:
I beg to request Your Excellency for an audience—on the sub
ject of the Zionist movement, about which I reported to H.E.
Prime Minister von Koerber, on September 12th, with the request
to inform Your Excellency. A copy of the reply I received is en
closed herewith.
I should now like to report to Your Excellency on the present
state of affairs, particularly on the support which may be expected
from the Russian, German, and English governments, and on the
basis of documents which must be treated as confidential and
which I can present only in person.
Begging Y.E. to accept the expression of my deepest respect,
Dr. Theodor Herzl.
# * #
ToPlehwe:*
Your Excellency:
The letter which you did me the honor of addressing to me
under the date of November 23/December 6 has arrived. I have
first of all to express my deep gratitude for the action in favor of
Zionism at Constantinople and also for the trust with which you
write me. It is of course understood that I shall not make that letter
public without authorization. But then, how will it be known that
this action has been taken? For I must confess in all sincerity that
I have few illusions about the actual effect of intervention in
that form, being familiar with the ways and customs of Turkey’s
very clever diplomacy.
The Russian ambassador’s intervention, well-intentioned
though it may be, stands a very good chance of joining the docu
ments of other fruitless interventions in the archives of the Sub
lime Porte. In my humble opinion, the only effective way to make
H.I.M. the Sultan take the matter seriously would be a personal
act of H.M. the Emperor of Russia, either in a letter to the Sultan
or in an audience granted to me, which I would be authorized to
make public. But although I mention this idea once again, I
can only bow respectfully if it is brushed aside.
Nevertheless, my desire to work toward the soothing of tempers
persists; that is why I suggest that Y.E. authorize me to make public
the letter of November 23/December 6, suppressing the passage
which obliges me to keep it secret, or else send me a letter that may
bemade public.
Thereby everyone would see at least the Imp. govt.’s excellent
intentions to help resolve the unfortunate Jewish Question by the
great humanitarian measure of Zionism, and that would produce
a certain effect on universal public opinion right at this moment.
I beg Y.E. to accept the expression of my great esteem and de
votion.
Th. Herzl.
December 12, Vienna
To Izzet:*
My dear friend, if we reach an agreement, I shall place ten

thousand pounds at your disposal the day it is signed.
I am prepared to put this promise in any legal form you may
choose to indicate; for example, in the name of your son or anyone
at all.
* # *
Letter for public display with which I am enclosing the above: *
Your Excellency,
Permit me to ask you the news about my most respectful pro
posal addressed on February 16, 1903 to your August Master and
to His Highness the Grand Vizier.
I thought I understood that considerations of foreign policy,
particularly with regard to Russia, had prevented the Imp. Govt,
from taking up the question. For this reason I have striven, with
the help of friends that I have in every country, to dispel these dif
ficulties. That has been done. These difficulties no longer exist,
and you will shortly have official confirmation of this, if you have
not already received it.
So I now repeat my proposal which offers in addition to the
creation of a new source of income for the Imperial Treasury—a
possibility for the basis of a loan—other benefits as well: in a word,
the economic reorganization of your fine country which I am so
fond of.
A territory we can find elsewhere. We have found it. You have
undoubtedly read in the papers that the English government has
offeredme a territory of 60,000 to 90,000 square leagues* in Africa,
a rich, fertile country, excellent for our colonization. But never
theless, I come back once more to my plan for finding the salvation
of the Jewish people among the brothers of our race and our co
religionists who live under the sceptre of the Caliph, bring
ing to them what we have, that is to say, the spirit of enterprise,
industry, economic progress.
Begging Your Excellency to accept the expression of my great
devotion and high esteem,
T h. Herzl.
•Translator's Note: Roughly 180,000 to 270,000 square miles.
Book Eighteen
Begun in Vienna
December 12, 1903
December 12, Vienna
Dated December 14
The hint contained in Y.R.H.’s most gracious holograph letter
ofSeptember 30th of this year—that a great deal is likely to depend
onRussia’s intervention on behalf of Zionism at Constantinople—
1have since then regarded as setting the direction for my efforts,
andtoday I permit myself to report respectfully that we have made
a bit of progress. I am informed that the Russian ambassador at
Constantinople within the next few days will—if it has not already
happened—present to the Sublime Porte the desire of his govern
ment that agreement for a settlement in Palestine be concluded
with us.
May I now turn to the often-proved graciousness of Y.R.H. with
therequest to come to our aid again at this important turning point
in our movement? The support of the German Empire would
perhaps induce the hesitating Sultan to make a decision in the
matter. Herr von Marshall’s intervention would be of the greatest
significance now.
England’s sympathies may presumably be counted upon, after
her generous offer of land in East Africa.
Entrusting my endeavors once again to the kindness and wisdom
ofY.R.H., I remain with deepest respect and most heart-felt grati
tude

Dr. Theodor Herzl.
December 16, Vienna

Greenberg wants me to withdraw from the East African plan in
an open letter to Francis Montefiore.
I amwiring him:*
• Original text.
1579
Letter received. I shall not publish your draft. Gasters meeting
is no sufficient reason. I have only to consider my situation with
Mandel and Basel. I can neither accept nor withdraw. My point
is that Mandel has to withdraw his offer or to give something else.
Am writing instructions for Sunday. Am not frightened of such
a blunder. •
December 16, Vienna

Greenberg, whom I instructed to play down East Africa when
he was here, appears to have already committed himself too much
to the English government before they gave us something else. For
the time being I am not releasing them from their word.
I won’t let myself be intimidated by demonstrations, whether
they come from Gaster or from Ussishkin.
* • •
The situation is perhaps more favorable now than ever. If

Russia really helps us in Constantinople, we may be in clover.
Two days ago I ran into General Shiikri Pasha, the Turkish
military attaché and son of the Minister of War, on the street. He
walked along with me. Almanaccando [thinking out loud] I asked
him to write his father that I have eliminated the international
obstacles and that Russia would no longer make any trouble for
us, but would in fact support us. He promised to do so.
Then, choses et autres [one thing and another]. We spoke about
Djevdet and the ambassador whose face he had slapped. Shiikri
inveighed frightfully against Mahmud Nedim. I ought to get him
out of Vienna. If I managed to do so, he, Shiikri, would be my
friend forever and willing to perform any counter-service. I
promised to consider it.
# * #
Margulies reports today that he has received a letter from the

King of Italy through the Adjutant-General: the King will be glad
toreceive me any time I come. However, Adjutant-General Brusati
recommends January as the best time.
J’aime autant ça [I like this very much], because just now
another opportunity has opened up to become head of a news
paper, which requires my presence in Vienna at Christmastime
andNew Year’s. •
December 18, Vienna

Greenberg reports: *
Hope you do not think I was so stupid as to suggest publication
without getting something from Mandel.
The question is only what he has received from Mandel (F.O.).
* * #
Katzenelsohn has been summoned to St. Petersburg to see

Plehwe.
Perhaps things will start rolling now.
December 25, Vienna

My letter to Nordau in Bluebook II contains the facts about
the latest events, the attempt on Nordau’s life, etc.
• * *
Shiikri Pasha called on me today and asked me for a memoran

dumfor his father, the Minister of War.
Shiikri will be my friend if I get rid of Mahmud Nedim.
I am giving him the memorandum of February 16, 1903, Bk.
XIV.
The scheme may be summed up as follows. * *
The Proposal.
All we ask is to colonize the Sanjak of Acre, along with the crown
lands. In return for a charter of colonization, granted to the Jewish
•Original text.
Colonial Trust of London for the aforesaid Sanjak of Acre, we
pledge ourselves to pay an annual tribute of 100,000 Turk, pds.
This annuity could be the basis for a loan which we will procure
for the Imp. Govt.
The colonists will become Ottoman subjects.
In addition, we are ready to found a new bank, with registered
offices at Constantinople and London, to serve the financial inter
ests of Turkey.
Also, a covering letter to Shükri:
Your Excellency: *
It seems to me that it is best to formulate the essence of the
project in a few words. The details will follow if they wish to go
into it.
I remain Your Excellency’s sincerely devoted

H.
December 26,1903.
December 26, Vienna

To Sinoviev:*
Your Excellency:
Permit me to introduce myself by letter until such time as I may
have the honor of presenting myself in person. I am the leader of
the Zionist movement which seeks a solution of the distressing
Jewish Question by colonization in Palestine. At St. Petersburg I
was fortunate enough to obtain the assistance of the Imp. Govt.
H. E. the Minister of the Interior has, upon orders from H.M. the
Emperor, set down a resumé of our conversations in a letter dated
July 30/August 12, which I have been authorized to make public.
Under date of November 23/December 6, 1903, H.E. M. de
Plehwe did me the honor of addressing the following very confi
dential communication to me:
. . Count Lamsdorff and I have agreed to inform the Sublime
Porte, through the Russian ambassador at Constantinople, of the
friendly reception which the Imp. Govt, has given the Zionists’
project to resettle their co-religionists in Palestine.
“In the dispatch which the Minister of Foreign Affairs will
address to this effect to the Acting Privy Councillor Sinoviev there
ismention of the fact that in favorably receiving the Zionist request
the Ottoman Porte attests to the bond of friendship that exists
between the two Empires.”
As regards us Zionists, all we ask of the govt, of H.I.M. the Sultan
isa Charter of Colonization for the Sanjak of Acre.
In return for this Charter we are willing to pledge ourselves to
pay to the Ottoman Treasury an annual tribute of one hundred
thousand Turkish pounds.
May I now be permitted to ask Your Excellency whether you
have already been good enough to approach the Sublime Porte,
and with what result.
I am quite ready to go to Constantinople if it becomes necessary,
and then I shall not fail to solicit Y.E.’s good will.
Begging Y.E. to accept the expression of my high esteem,
D r.Th.H .
December 27, Vienna

Telegram to Cowen and Greenberg: *
Couldn’t you arrange tonight at Meeting Cavendish Rooms
someone to ask Gaster strongly, upon what grounds he pretends I
went submissive hat in hand to lea.
Force him to answer immediately, because it is a lie and I shall
publish next Friday my correspondence with lea.
Benjamin.
•Original text.
December 27, Vienna
[ToPlehwe:]*
Your Excellency:
Permit me to thank you sincerely for having given so kind a
reception to my friend, Mr. Katzenelsohn. He has given me a report
of his conversations with Y.E., and I have certainly encountered in
it all the benevolence with which you honor me.
Mr. Katzenelson writes me that Y.E. is surprised that I have
not already left for Constantinople. I cannot go there with
out having been invited by the Sultan, because on three occasions
I have gone there only upon his invitation. I would be giving the
impression of wanting to obtrude myself, and that would spoil the
matter right at the start. No, I must wait, and I wait without great
hopes, although I am infinitely grateful for all the trouble Y.E. has
taken in this direction. Only yesterday I inquired of H.E. M.
Sinoviev by letter whether he has already taken any steps on our
behalf, using as justification Y.E.’s very confidential communi
cation. I took care to have this letter reach him by a confidential
agent.
I must also thank Y.E. for the promised assistance in the matter
of the Russian branch of our Jewish Colonial Trust.
This branch must in effect be the financial instrument of the
emigration: and if we obtain the territory, the instrument of the
emigration must be all ready. At the same time, the members of the
board of directors of this branch will be able to serve as represen
tatives of our movement, without which it would be necessary to
work out complicated political regulations. It goes without saying
that the branch’s by-laws will in all points conform to Russian law
and usage.
I have the honor to propose the following as representatives:
Dr. N. Katzenelson of Libau
Dr. M. Mandelstamm of Kiev
Mr. Jasinowski, attorney, of Warsaw
Mr. L. Schalit, businessman, of Riga
Mr. Ben Jacob, businessman, of Vilna
Mr. Louis Loewy, engineer, of Kursk
Mr. Reines, rabbi, of Lidda.
The last-named represents the Orthodox element. All are honest
people and deserving of absolute trust. If I nevertheless mention
one of them in particular, it is because he has recently been the
object of attacks in the newspapers. It is Dr. Mandelstamm, the
best of men, with a heart of gold, honest, unselfish, level-headed.
He is a scholar of advanced years, and we all venerate him.
Y.E. will accept or reject the proposed members at your dis
cretion. Once they have been approved, I shall ask them to go to
St. Petersburg and ask Y.E. for a group audience in order to sub
mit the request for the authorization of the branch.
May I also be permitted to direct Y.E.’s attention to a piece of
news which obviously is a fabrication, but is now making the
rounds of the European press. T he rumor is being circulated that
there will be more massacres at Kishinev on the occasion of the
Russian Christmas celebration. T o me, this is an abominable
falsehood; but I think it is my duty to advise you of it, now that I
amacquainted with your very humanitarian views.
Begging Your Excellency to accept the expression of my high
esteemand sincere gratitude,
Th. Herzl.
December 27
December 30, Vienna

To Mme. Korvin.*
Dear Madam,
Unknown people are circulating the rumor in the European and
American press that there will again be massacres at Kishinev. As
faras I am concerned, this is a stupid and abominable falsehood.
I am telling this point-blank to the English and American
journalists who are coming to interview me, so that they may pub
lish it. In acting this way and striving to soothe tempers, I believe I
am paying a debt of loyalty to your great friend who is himself
doing his best for the only possible solution. However, up to this
moment nothing has come from Constantinople.
Have you received my book?
I hope it gives you pleasure. I kiss your kind, beneficent hand
and remain
Yours gratefully and devotedly,

Th. Herzl.
Sent off on January 1, 1904, in revised form.
December 31
To Joe:*
My good Joe,
don't make me meschugge [crazy], my labour is hard enough.
My colleagues of the A.C. are for the publication of the East-
African scheme’s failure, and so is Nordau. Others are for contin
uation of the negotiations.
But what good would that do? Mandel won’t give up Samson.
I guessed that as early as October. Kindly re-read the letter I wrote
to you on October 14th. How good and wise it would have been if
you triumviri [triumvirate] in London had acceded to my wish and
followed my advice. But no, you thought that I wasn’t seeing things
right. Today it is clear that I did, and that my idea was the right
one. When Greenberg assured me that Mandel would keep his
word, I told him that I wasn’t going to give it up voluntarily. But
3 weeks ago, when he was here, Greenberg reported to me that
Mandel had already given up Samson. All that was left to do then
was to salvage what one still could from it.
You must never forget how terribly difficult my position is. I
won’t yield to the threats of the Kharkov people, but even those
• Salutation and first paragraph in English in the original.
loyal to the Congress may seriously reproach me if I suppress such
important news for weeks.
I have no sufficient information from Greenberg. I literally don’t
knowwhere we now stand, and yet I am pressed from all sides to
make decisions.
Four days ago Greenberg was at Brown’s in Birmingham and
wired me: "interview very s a t i s f a c t o r y Nothing else. How can
I make decisions on the basis of that? What Greenberg finds very
satisfactory,* I may perhaps not find so.
In short, the difficulties are becoming greater and greater, and
then my best people (e.g., Joe) write me irritated letters into the
bargain.
Naturally it would be good if I had the central office in London.
But surely that could be done only if I had my livelihood there.
That I should ever let myself be supported by our movement, in
anyway whatever, is the most ridiculous idea.
In the first place, I don’t have the character required for this.
In the second place, even if I had the character, may God gra
ciously protect and preserve me from it.
Happy new year!*
Your loyal
Benjamin.
January 4,1904, Vienna
ToPlehwe:**
Your Excellency:
I have the honor to submit to you the information that I

obtained at Constantinople.
The confidential representative whom I charged with trans-
mitting my letter to H.E. M. Sinoviev, the Russian ambassador,
received this reply: “They have written me about it from St. Peters
burg; but up to now I have not done anything, and it will not be
easy to do anything.”
Under these circumstances, and despite my good will, I cannot
do anything on behalf of the emigration, and the situation of the
Jews will remain as sad and distressing as it has been up to now.
Moreover, the reply of H.E. M. Sinoviev proves the accuracy
of the considerations which I permitted myself to submit to Your
Excellency. An ordinary intervention with the Sublime Porte
offers so little hope that the Ambassador was not even willing to
attempt it.
Begging Y.E. to accept the expression of my high esteem and my
devotion,
Th. Herzl.
January 4, Vienna
To Mme. Korvin:*
My Dear Madam,
Bad news from Constantinople.
I sent a confidential agent to your representative down there,
and the latter replied that he hadn’t done anything yet; he doesn’t
seem inclined to attempt a serious intervention. What to do next?
I am in a very embarrassing situation, especially since I have
telegraphed to America about the favorable disposition which
people now have in your country to make permanent emigration
easy, saying that steps have already been taken to this end. This
must make me look like an impostor.
What do you think of all this?
Perhaps you could make inquiries of your great friend.
Iam
Very gratefully and devotedly yours,
Herzl.
In French in the original.
[Pasted in].
The solution of the Kharkov riddle:
Rosenbaum’s resumé.
Various circumstances and Prof. Belkovsky’s report at Kharkov
havemade us recognize these two main points:
1) That you no longer want us.
2) That your views on the Zionist idea differ from ours, and
that you want to work for Palestine as only one of a number of
possibilities.
Vienna, January 4,1904
S. Rosenbaum.
January 20,1904 on the train,

approaching Florence
I was extremely busy in Vienna until the very last minute; then a
24-hour breathing spell in Venice.
Truly a blue Monday.
In the evening I couldn’t be bothered to put on my dinner jacket
for the 11/2 Englishmen in the Grand Hotel, so I went to Bauer’s
Austrian Beer House.
As I entered, someone leaned forward in a corner where a party
was sitting. I didn’t immediately recognize him. Then a waiter
came over and asked me whether I was Herzl of Vienna.
In order to be left in peace, my first impulse was to say no, but
then I did admit my identity.
And so there came to my table—the painter and papal count,
Lippay.
In this way something started that may have great consequences.
After five minutes Lippay said to me: “Come on to Rome and
Iwill present you to the Pope.” He obviously said this out of van
tardise [adesire to brag].
I didn’t answer, "J'allais vous le demander [I was just going to
askyou to do so], but, “Hm, hm, that may be something to talk
about.”
Over the years I have learned to control my first impulses.
Lippay remained at my table an hour and a half, unpacking
more and more of his connections, en homme ivre de ses relations
[like a drunk talking about his connections].
I was such a good listener that he kept babbling away. He wants
to reconcile Rampolla with Austria, and as an unofficial agent—
something between an ambassador and a courier—he is bringing
22 decorations to Rome.
He is going to confer them only on those whom the Pope ap
proves of.
He and the Pope are friends, ever since their days in Venice.
L.’s wife is a Venetian.
He wants to present me personally to the Pope and act as our
interpreter. All I have to do is to send him the following telegram
on Wednesday (today):
Conte Lippay, pittore di Sua Santità,
Anticamera Vaticano.
Pregola insistentemente ottenermi udienza presso Santo Padre.
Aspetto sua risposta Firenze Grand Hotel. [Count Lippay, Painter
to His Holiness, Vatican Ante-Chambers.
Urgently request you to obtain audience with Holy Father for
me. Awaiting your reply Grand Hotel, Florence].
I sent the wire this morning from Bologna.
Yesterday morning I traveled with Lippay from Venice to
Ferrara. On the train he told me some more state secrets; and I
in turn showed him Koerber’s reply to my letter of September
12th.
Lippay asked me whether he might tell the Pope that Koerber
wanted me to be received.
“Under no circumstances 1” I replied most emphatically.
He also told me that he was intervening on behalf of Hilsner,
and against the ritual-murder charge. A question which he asked
me in this connection, how I stood with the Vienna Rothschild
and with Guttmann, opened up certain vistas for me.
“I don’t know the Vienna Rothschild at all. T o Guttmann I can
introduce you any time you want.”
This was agreed upon.
At Ferrara I visited my friend Ravenna. In his home we had
afeast like the one that was served in the house of the Levite.
The rooms, to be sure, had an Italian coldness and bareness, but
thehearts were warm.
The Zionists (the executive committee) of Ferrara, Ravenna’s
father from Bologna, and Donati from Modena were all on hand.
The atmosphere reminded me a little of Vilna.
January 22, Rome

When I arrived at the Hotel du Quirinal, Count Lippay was
alreadywaiting for me and confirmed the message he had wired me
atFlorence, that my audience with the Pope was assured.
I amgoing to see Secretary of State Merry del Val this forenoon,
and perhaps the Pope as well before the day is over.
Lippay informed me he had already told both of them a good
deal about me, and had relegated other matters to the background.
It had made an especially fine impression that I had expressed my
self “so favorably” about Jesus Christ. (That was at the beer-hall
inVenice, when I had explained to him my artistic and philosophic
attitude toward the touching figure of Jesus, whom, after all, I
consider a Jew.)
He said I should tell Merry del Val that mine was the Catholic
point of view.
"That, sir, I shall not!” I replied categorically. “The very ideal
After all, I am not going to the Vatican as a proselyte, but as a
political spokesman for my own people.”
Then he tried something else: I should ask the Pope to assume
theprotectorate.
Nothing doing there either I
"I don’t intend to ask for anything that might embarrass him. I
shall only request what is possible. Let him state in an encyclical
that he has no objection to Zionism, provided the Holy Places are
extraterritorialized.”
The Count—whom I am getting to like more and more and
who, while evidently out to make a little money, seems, as an artist,
to be moved by the beauty of our cause—also told me that he was
willing and able to work on my behalf at Constantinople as well.
“What will I get for that?”
“Whatever you like! Name your price!”
We agreed that we would discuss this after the audience.
January 23, Rome, 5:00 a.m., in bed

My sleep gets worse and worse.
Yesterday morning I was supposed to go with Lippay to the
Vatican. He had all sorts of things to take care of, and it was 11.45
by the time we drove up to the Porta di Bronzo. The Swiss guards
and the lackeys all knew him. Like a mighty man he strode up the
steps and through the loggias of his fellow artist Raphael. He
announced me to the Secretary of State, Merry del Val, and then
took me to the ante-chambers of the Pope, where he left me to my
self. As he disappeared he said: “I am on my way to the Pope.”
The wait—an hour long—was nevertheless not boring. There
was entertainment in the coming and going of the guards, cham
berlains, prelates, and the lackeys in their red damask-silk liveries.
All the colors harmonized magnificently. T he world’s greatest
painters had collaborated on this.
In the first ante-chamber, where I was sitting, two tall grenadiers
stood on a carpet, being bored. They had their backs turned to a
large, beautiful bronze crucifix which rested on a console, flanked
by two bronze saints at prayer. After a while the grenadiers started
moving and marched up and down, up and down in step, holding
their sabers at a horizontal tilt. Then they stood again, with their
backs to the crucifix.
Ladies gowned in black and beribboned gentlemen in swallow
tails emerged from the second ante-chamber, where I could see a
red carpet. They were coming from the Pope.
There certainly was something court-like about it all.
And the crucified figure, pitiful, suffering, the image of human
misery, looked down from his bronze form upon the marble walls
and the court life that was unrolling here in his name, and has
been unrolling for many hundreds of years now.
If he could have foreseen it all when he cried from the cross,
“Eli, Eli [My God, my God]I”—would it have made dying easier
or harder for him?
Then Lippay returned and took me back to the apartments—the
Borgia, if I’m not mistaken—occupied by the Secretary of State.
Here one can see the beautiful, devout, naive frescoes of Pintu-
ricchio: the Annunciation, the Adoration of the Magi, the divine
child in the lowly manger— nous en sommes loin [we are far re
movedfrom it].
When the waiting came to an end I was taken into the next
room, the council chamber of the Sacred College. A green table,
surrounded by red and gold armchairs. In the background, once
again the tortured God upon the Cross.
Various ambassadors were waiting for the Secretary of State.
Myturn came last.
Lippay ushered me in, kissed Cardinal Merry del Val’s hand, and
introduced me. Then he took his leave, kissed the cardinal’s hand
asecond and a third time, and left.
Merry del Val bade me be seated, and soon the conversation,
which I conducted in French, was in full swing.
Aswe talked I took a good look at him.
Merry del Val is 38 years old, tall, slim, aristocratic. Fine, large,
brown, serious, inquiring yet not unreligious eyes in a still young,
butalreadygrave face.
The hair at his temples showed the first streaks of grey.
I told him what I wanted: the good will of the Holy See for our
cause.
Hesaid: “I do not quite see how we can take any initiative in this
matter. As long as the Jews deny the divinity of Christ, we certainly
cannot make a declaration in their favor. Not that we have any ill
mil toward them. On the contrary, the Church has always pro
tected them. To us they are the indispensable witnesses to the
phenomenon of God’s term on earth. But they deny the divine
nature of Christ. How then can we, without abandoning our own
highest principles, agree to their being given possession of the Holy
Land again?”
“We are asking only for the profane earth; the Holy Places are
to be extraterritorialized.”
“Oh, but it won’t do to imagine them in an enclave of that sort.”
“But is the present state of things more satisfactory to Christen
dom, Your Eminence? Don’t you think that it would be more in
keeping with the religious sentiments of all Christian denomina
tions if a different order were established?”
“The College of Cardinals has never taken up this question. Of
course, the existence of such a movement is known through the
newspapers; but surely the College as such could not go into the
matter in detail unless a memorandum were submitted to it.”
“It would be consonant with the great policy of the Church,
Your Eminence, if the Holy See declared itself in our favor—or,
let us say, as not against us. I have always admired the Catholic
Church, which I know through its law and its art, for its great
vitality and its large perspectives. You could achieve a great moral
conquest here.”
“Certainly,” he said, “a Jew who has himself baptized out of
conviction is for me the ideal. In such a person I see the physical
characteristics of descent from Christ’s people united with the
spiritual elements. A Jew who acknowledges the divinity of Christ
— mais c'est St. Pierre, c’est Saint Paul [but that is St. Peter, that
is St. Paul]. The history of Israel is our heritage, it is our foun
dation. But in order for us to come out for the Jewish people in the
way you desire, they would first have to be converted.”
“Think of the wanderer and his cloak, Your Eminence. The
wind couldn’t take it away from him, but the sun smiled it away
from him. We have withstood the persecutions, we are still here
today.”
“Undoubtedly that is an argument which could carry some
weight. Still, I see no possibility of our assuming the initiative.”
“No one is asking you to, Your Eminencel The initiative will
betaken by one of the Great Powers. You are simply to give your
approval. If I were only interested in the material, temporal
aspects—I have gone from one Power to another and secured their
consent. Proof of this is Plehwe’s (last) letter to me. But I also wish
toobtain the spiritual approval of the Roman Church.”
He read through Plehwe’s letter thoughtfully, the first page
twice, as though he were memorizing it.
Then he promised prise en considération [consideration] of my
request.
Hegave me permission to come again. I begged to be allowed to
place my respects at the feet of the Holy Father. He promised to
askthe Pope to grant me an audience.
The conversation, to Lippay’s astonishment, had lasted three-
quarters of an hour (past the Cardinal’s dinner time).
January 23, Rome

TodayI had my audience with the King.
I killed time at the hotel until 10:30. T hen I instructed my
coupé de remise [hired carriage] to take a giro [leisurely drive]
andland me at the Quirinal at 11:05.
Onthe drive through old-new Rome I got the idea of building a
street in Jerusalem which shall be called Diaspora Road and
displaythe architectural styles of all the ages and nations through
whichwe have moved. Building regulations are to be given out for
eachsection of this street, and sites are to be allotted (gratis?) only
topeople who pledge themselves to build in the style of their
particular section.
At 11:05 I drew UP before the King’s wing of the Quirinal.
The staircase elegant, but not magnificent.
1caught my breath after the long climb in the adjutant’s room.
Ageneral and a captain introduced themselves to me and were
verynice. We had an animated conversation—in Italian, to the
extent of my knowledge of it.
At twenty past eleven a monk wearing a cardinal’s cap came
outof the King’s room.
Right after that I was called in. The captain went ahead of me
and called out my name through the doorway—I believe he
opened both wings of the door. In the audience chamber the King
came up to me, wearing a general’s uniform without a sword, and
with a friendly smile held out his hand to me, as if to an acquaint
ance. He is very short, but he has broad shoulders and a very trim
military bearing.
He pointed to an armchair: “Déposez votre chapeau [Put down
your hat]!”
Then he sat down close beside me on the sofa; or rather, he
hoisted himself up from behind and slid down onto it, as a child
might do. In that position his feet were well above the floor.
His small stature seems to be the sorrow of this King, who in
other respects gave me the impression of being no insignificant
man. He is clever, highly educated, very amiable, and very modest.
Once he is seated, he no longer cares about being imposing. II me
mit à mon aise [He put me at my ease], and in fact I most affably
chatted away a whole hour with him. There isn’t a trace of affec
tation of majesty about him. He has son franc parler [his frank way
of speaking] and a very lively mind.
Often both of us spoke at the same time—that is how animated
our (French) conversation was.
It also jumped so much from one thing to another that now, one
day later, I can no longer reconstruct it.
I told him all the essential things, and he talked about all sorts
of subjects—e.g.:
“In our country there is no distinction between Jews and Chris
tians. Jews can become anything, and they do. The army, the civil
service, even the diplomatic corps—everything everywhere is open
to them. In Parliament there are 18 of them—although on a popu
lation basis they ought to have only one seat, perhaps half a one.
Almost every cabinet has included a Jew—at present Luzzatti.
There used to be Gen. Ottolenghi and Wollemborg. Not to speak
of lesser posts. We are the only nation to admit Jews into the
diplomatic service.”
“America does too, Sirel”
"I amspeaking of the European monarchies. Among us the Jews
arecompletely Italian.” (He mentioned a whole string of names.)
"Nor is there a distinction drawn anywhere. Except for one city:
Leghorn. Because there they are too rich. But that has nothing to
dowith religion and the like. T out ça sont des bêtises [Those are all
stupidities].” He was fond of using the words bêtises and imbéciles,
pronouncing them with a strong Italian accent. “ Ce monsieur que
vousvenez de voir sortir est le deuxièm e en quatre ans qui est venu
mevoir [That gentleman whom you just saw leaving is the second
tocall on me in four years].”
Then we got onto Palestine, I forget how.
“I know it well,” he said; “I have been there several times. One
occasion was just when my father was assassinated. The land is
alreadyvery Jewish. It will and must get into your hands; it is only
aquestion of time. Wait till you have half a million Jews there.”
“They are not allowed to enter, Sire!”
“Bah, everything can be done with baksheesh”
“But I don’t want that. O ur project means investments and im
provements, and I don’t want them undertaken as long as the
country isn’t ours.”
He laughed and quoted an Italian saying, meaning something
like: "Oh yes, that would be like making improvements in casa di
altri [in someone else’s house].
"First I would like to win over the Sultan.”
“The only thing that has an effect on him,” said the King, “is
money. If you promise him, in return for the Jordan valley, half
theprofit it yields, he’ll let you have it.”
"Yes, but we need autonomy.”
“He won’t want to hear of that. He dislikes the word.”
“I’ll be satisfied with the thing, Sirel Let them call it anything
they like. Now then, I will permit myself to tell you what I am
requesting of your kindness.”
He laughed: ‘‘All right, I ’m listening.”
I nowshowed him the letters from Plehwe and the Grand Duke,
sohe could see to what extent the ground had already been pre
pared.
When he came to the confidential passages in Plehwe’s letter,
he said with a smile:
“Je ne dirai rien . Sono una tomba [I shan’t say a word. I am as
silent as a grave].”
When he had finished the letter he said: “This represents a great
success. I am surprised that they gave you such a document.”
He asked me to translate the Grand Duke’s letter for him, be
cause he had a hard time with German. He had learned it only from
his governess, and not particularly well.
I explained everything to him, and finally made my request:
“Sire, your personal intervention with the Sultan could help us
a great deal. Write him a letter.”
He said: “I would gladly consent; only, I cannot do what I
please. To give you a promise now and later on fail to keep it—
surely that would not be the way a galantuomo [gentleman] acts.
I must first take counsel. Speak with Tittoni, too. I am seeing him
tonight and shall prepare him for your visit. I am promising you
only my good will, not any action.”
Then we were suddenly back in Palestine. I told him about my
plans for its future, about Altneuland. He asked me for the book,
if possible not in German. For him to read it in German would be
tough work. We spoke of the Jordan, of the Dead Sea Canal. He
remarked, quite rightly: “But what would you do with the salt?”
I said: “That is something for the technicians’ imagination.”
Then we were on the subject of the Sultan again.
He said: “I know him. He is shrewd.”
I: “ Mais ombrageux. I l a peur de tout [But suspicious. He is
afraid of everything].”
He: "H a paura di sua pelle [He trembles for his skin]. He fears
that someone will kill him. He distrusts everybody.”
Then, all at once, we found ourselves talking about Sabbatai
Zevi, whose story he knew well. While on this subject he also told
me the following:
“One of my ancestors, my grandfather eleven or twelve times
removed, one Charles Emmanuel, conspired with Zevi. He wanted
to become King of Macedonia, or Cyprus, I’m not sure—some sort
ofKing, anyway. Il était un peu fou, mais il avait de grandes idées
[Hewasa bit cracked, but he had big ideas].”
Next he spoke of messiahs (with understandable roguishness),
andasked if there were still Jews who expected a Messiah.
"Naturally, Your Majesty, in the religious circles. In our own,
theacademically trained and enlightened circles, no such thought
exists, of course.”
At this point it turned out that originally he had taken me for
arabbi.
“No, no, Sire, our movement is purely nationalist.” And to his
amusement I also told him how in Palestine I had avoided mount
ingawhite donkey or a white horse, so no one would embarrass me
bythinking I was the Messiah. He laughed.
What else?
He related how General Ottolenghi had once vainly tried to
gettogether a minyan for prayer in Naples.
Hespoke of the Jews in Eritrea, in China, etc.
Hetold me how interested he was in our ancient race.
“But I also have Jewish callers who get visibly nervous when
theword ‘Jew’ is used. T hat is the sort I don’t like. T hen I really
beginto talk about Jews. What I like is someone who doesn’t try to
appear other than he is.”
What else?
Iexplained to him my original Sinai scheme.
Then Uganda.
He said: “I am glad that you have given up Uganda. I like this
love for Jerusalem. I even like the attem pt upon Nordau’s life,
although it was the act of a criminal and a fool. But it does show
lovefor an idea. I myself have seen Jews weep at the Wailing Wall.
Iusedto think it was play-acting, until I saw it with my own eyes.
Not beggars, but men like yourself were weeping.”
Then he spoke of Napoleon’s Sanhedrin in 1806 (I think it was
1804). An Ottolenghi—Moise, of Padua—took part in it.
"Napoleon had ideas about restoring the Jewish nation, Sire!”
"No, he only wanted to make the Jews, who were scattered all
over the world, his agents.”
“An idea I found in Chamberlain, too.”
“It is an obvious idea,” said the King.
And finally I broached my Tripoli scheme also: “ de déverser le
trop plein de l’ immigration ju ive en Tripolitaine sous les lois et
institutions libérales de l’Italie [to channel the surplus Jewish
immigration into Tripolitania, under the liberal laws and in
stitutions of Italy].”
“ Ma è ancora casa di altri [But that again is someone else’s
house],” he said.
“But the partition of Turkey is bound to come, Your Majesty.”
“When? True, a people such as yours can wait even a hundred
years. But you and I, we shall no longer be alive.”
And so we spoke about many other things that have already
escaped me—that’s how volatile our conversation was.
At a quarter past twelve he dismissed me. He had work to do. I
must be sure to send him the book. “ E t quand vous reviendrez à
Rom e, faites vous voir [And when you come to Rome again, let
me see you].”
He accompanied me as far as the door and gave me his hand. At
parting I repeated: “Italy can do a lot for us, for the Sultan is
afraid of Italy.”
He stood in thought. “Do you think so? Perhaps we are in his
way.—Well, have a talk with Tittoni. I can’t promise you any
thing definite. But whenever I meet a T urk, I will bring up your
cause.”
Another handshake, a smile, and I was outside.
* * *
Letter to the Grand Duke at Berlin:
Rome, January 25
Y.R.H.’s continuing kind interest in the Zionist movement
makes me hope that the following disclosures, too, will meet with
friendly interest.
Two days ago I had the honor of being received by the King
of Italy, and in a lengthy conversation which touched upon all
aspects of the question, H.M. showed himself very benevolently
disposed toward the cause.
Today I shall have the honor of being received by the Pope in
private audience. I have already had a gratifying conversation with
the Cardinal who is the Secretary of State. Tomorrow I shall also
see the Italian Foreign Minister, Sen. Tittoni.
Thus, unless I am mistaken, the cause has taken a forward step
in the Quirinal and the Vatican. After what I was able to report
toY.R.H. a few months ago about the attitude of England, Russia,
and Austria, particularly after the declaration of the Russian gov
ernment which was given me for publication (express consent to
the establishment of a Jewish State in Palestine), the major part
of those difficulties which, almost six years ago, made it impossible
for Germany to go to the end in this matter seem now to have been
overcome.
I would be very happy if I were permitted to give an oral presen
tation of thé current state of affairs to H.M. the Kaiser.
Perhaps Y.R.H. will deem it appropriate to ask the Kaiser
whether I may come to Berlin for this purpose. A reply will reach
me in Vienna by February ist.
With the sentiments of most heart-felt respect and deepest
gratitude, I remain
Y.R.H.’s loyal servant,

Dr. Th. Herzl.
January 26, Rome

Yesterday I was with the Pope. The route was already familiar,
since I had traversed it with Lippay several times.
Past the Swiss lackeys, who looked like clerics, and clerics who
looked like lackeys, the Papal officers and chamberlains.
I arrived 10 minutes ahead of time and didn’t even have to wait.
I was conducted through numerous small reception rooms to the
Pope.
He received me standing and held out his hand, which I did not
kiss.
Lippay had told me I had to do it, but I didn’t.
I believe that I incurred his displeasure by this, for everyone who
visits him kneels down and at least kisses his hand.
This hand kiss had caused me a lot of worry. I was quite glad
when it was finally out of the way.
He seated himself in an armchair, a throne for minor occasions.
Then he invited me to sit down right next to him and smiled in
friendly anticipation.
I began:
“ Ringrazio Vostra Santità per il favore di m’aver accordato
quest’ udienza [I thank Your Holiness for the favor of according
me this audience].”
“ È un piacere [It is a pleasure],” he said with kindly deprecation.
I apologized for my miserable Italian, but he said:
‘Wo, parla molto bene , signor Com mendatore [No, Com
mander, you speak very well].”
For I had put on for the first time—on Lippay’s advice—my
Mejidiye ribbon. Consequently the Pope always addressed me as
Commendatore.
He is a good, coarse-grained village priest, to whom Chris
tianity has remained a living thing even in the Vatican.
I briefly placed my request before him. He, however, possibly
annoyed by my refusal to kiss his hand, answered sternly and
resolutely:
“ N oi non possiamo favorire questo movim ento. N on potremo
impedire gli Ebrei di andare a Gerusalemme— ma favorire non
possiamo mai. La terra di Gerusalemme se non era sempre santa, è
santificata per la vita di Jesu Christo (he did not pronounce it Gesu,
but Yesu, in the Venetian fashion). Io come capo della chiesa non
posso dirle altra cosa. G li Ebrei non hanno riconosciuto nostro
Signore, percio non possiamo riconoscere il popolo ebreo [We
cannot give approval to this movement. We cannot prevent the
Jews from going to Jerusalem—but we could never sanction it.
The soil of Jerusalem, if it was not always sacred, has been sancti
fied by the life of Jesus Christ. As the head of the Church I cannot
tell you anything different. The Jews have not recognized our
Lord, therefore we cannot recognize the Jewish people].”
Hence the conflict between Rome, represented by him, and
Jerusalem, represented by me, was once again opened up.
At the outset, to be sure, I tried to be conciliatory. I recited my
little piece about extraterritorialization, res sacrae extra com-
mercium [holy places removed from business]. It didn’t make
much of an impression. Gerusalemme, he said, must not get into
the hands of the Jews.
“And its present status, Holy Father?”
“I know, it is not pleasant to see the Turks in possession of our
Holy Places. We simply have to put up with that. But to support
the Jews in the acquisition of the Holy Places, that we cannot do.”
I said that our point of departure had been solely the distress
of the Jews and that we desired to avoid the religious issues.
“Yes, but we, and I as the head of the Church, cannot do this.
There are two possibilities. Either the Jews will cling to their
faith and continue to await the Messiah who, for us, has already
appeared. In that case they will be denying the divinity of Jesus
and we cannot help them. Or else they will go there without any
religion, and then we can be even less favorable to them.
“The Jewish religion was the foundation of our own; but it
was superseded by the teachings of Christ, and we cannot concede
it any further validity. T he Jews, who ought to have been the first
to acknowledge Jesus Christ, have not done so to this day.”
It was on the tip of my tongue to say, “T hat’s what happens in
every family. No one believes in his own relatives.” But I said
instead: “Terror and persecution may not have been the right
means for enlightening the Jews.”
But he rejoined, and this time he was magnificent in his simplic
ity:
"Our Lord came without power. Era povero [He was poor]. He
came in pace [in peace]. He persecuted no one. He was persecuted.
He was abbandonato [forsaken] even by his apostles. Only later did
he grow in stature. It took three centuries for the Church to evolve.
The Jews therefore had time to acknowledge his divinity without
any pressure. But they haven’t done so to this day.”
“But, Holy Father, the Jews are in terrible straits. I don’t know
if Your Holiness is acquainted with the full extent of this sad
situation. We need a land for these persecuted people.”
“Does it have to be GerusalemmeV’
“We are not asking for Jerusalem, but for Palestine—only the
secular land.”
“We cannot be in favor of it.”
“Does Your Holiness know the situation of the Jews?”
“Yes, from my Mantua days. Jews live there. And I have
always been on good terms with Jews. Only the other evening two
Jews were here to see me. After all, there are other bonds than
those of religion : courtesy and philanthropy. These we do not deny
to the Jews. Indeed, we also pray for them: that their minds be
enlightened. This very day the Church is celebrating the feast of
an unbeliever who, on the road to Damascus, became miraculously
converted to the true faith. And so, if you come to Palestine and
settle your people there, we shall have churches and priests ready
to baptize all of you.”
Count Lippay had had himself announced. T he Pope permitted
him to enter. The Count kneeled, kissed his hand, then joined in
the conversation by telling of our “miraculous” meeting in
Bauer’s Beer Hall in Venice. The miracle was that he had origi
nally planned to spend the night in Padua. As it happened, I had
expressed the wish to be allowed to kiss the Holy Father’s foot.
At this the Pope made une tête [a long face], for I hadn’t even
kissed his hand. Lippay went on to say that I had expressed myself
appreciatively on Jesus Christ’s noble qualities. T he Pope listened,
now and then took a pinch of snuff, and sneezed into a big red
cotton handkerchief. Actually, these peasant touches are what I
like best about him and what compels my respect.
In this way Lippay wanted to account for his introducing me,
perhaps to excuse it. But the Pope said: “On the contrary, I am
glad you brought me the Signor Commendatore"
As to the real business, he repeated what he had told me: Non
possumus [We can’t] 1
Until he dismissed us Lippay spent some time kneeling before
him and couldn’t seem to get his fill of kissing his hand. Then I
realized that the Pope liked this sort of thing. But on parting, too,
all I did was to give him a warm hand-squeeze and a low bow.
Duration of the audience: about 25 minutes.
In the Raphael stanze [rooms], where I spent the next hour, I
sawa picture of an Emperor kneeling to let a seated Pope put the
crown on his head.
That’s the way Rome wants it.
• * *
Supplement:
Day before yesterday I called on Senator Malvano, a Jew, the
actual head of the Foreign Office, although he is not the Minister.
He couldn’t very well refuse to see me, since I had been received
by the King. However, he had told my good Ravenna that he
wanted to discuss only art and science with me, for he was an anti-
Zionist.
Adirty, dusty little man, with a foul breath. He talked fast, with
out stopping, about everything: trade treaties, reminiscences of
Victor Emmanuel II, the Unification of Italy, the Entry into Rome
and into this very consulta [council chamber] (where we were
sitting), which only a few hours before the Entry had been full of
cardinals and Papal soldiery.
He acted the part of a modesto impiegato [humble employee]—
evidently to keep me from asking him for anything—but that is
just what he is. He is a clerk in the wholesale firm of Italy.
He is reputed to be very taciturn ordinarily. Fear of Zionism
made him talkative.
I prepared to leave. I hadn’t said a word about Zionism.
He said: “I have witnessed so many historic events. One thing I
have neglected to do: to keep a diary.”
“I keep one!” I said and looked at him, laughing.
Here he is in it, the Jew Malvano.
Whom a writer has thus confined, no God can ever rescue.
January 27, Rome

Dreamt of the German Kaiser last night. He and I were alone
on a bark at sea.
* * *
Yesterday, with Foreign Minister Tittoni.

A buttoned-up, slim, black frock coat. Above it, a short grey
beard, an over-sized Roman nose, and a policeman’s piercing eyes
which peer out from under strangely protruding, puffy lids.
The conversation lasted only ten minutes, but it was excellent.
The valiant King had already arranged for everything; his intelli
gence and chivalry are as great as his stature is small. He had
promised me nothing definite. Tittoni, however—obviously on
instructions from the King—declared himself ready to do anything
he could. He intends to write to the ambassador at Constantinople
to proceed jointly with the Russians. Naturally, the King’s per
sonal intervention couldn’t be risked until it had been ascertained
that it would be accepted.
He said I should send in a mémoire [memorandum] on the sub
ject.
I promised to send one from Vienna.
Finally I asked him to procure an audience for me with Prime
Minister Giolitti.
He promised.
Courte et bonne [Short and sweet.]
* * *
Supplement to the Papal audience:

He spoke of the Temple at Jerusalem. It had been destroyed
forever. Did I suppose that one ought to reconstruct it and perform
the sacrificial services there in the ancient way?
He also talked about Josephus Flavius and quoted him; but I
didn’t quite understand that.
# * #
Addendum to the King.

When I mentioned Plehwe’s statement to me that the Jews
could not have their restrictions removed because then they would
soon have all the official posts, the King replied:
“That is a great compliment to your people. Oh yes, I too re
member: when I was still a prince and went around handing out
school prizes in Upper Italy, it struck me how many Jews there
always were among the prize-winners. Almost always the majority.”
# # *
Greenberg wires that he has now received a Charter for East

Africall
January 28, on the train, beyond Pistoia

I was unable to talk with Prime Minister Giolitti, because they
were having a long cabinet meeting. Giolitti sent me his regrets
through Tittoni. When I return to Rome he will be happy to see
me.
Balance-sheet for Rome—good nevertheless.
# # *
Little Benedikt has once again suppressed something. De Fiori

telegraphed him a report about my audienceswiththe King and
the Pope. Benedikt put the dispatch in his pocket.
It is a hard fate to continue to be dependent on such a canaille
[scoundrel].
# # #
On the afternoon of my audience with the Pope, “Conte” Lippay

presented me with his bill.
He has worries. He needs money. (Je m’en doutrais [I could
imagine it].) A lot of money! (Ohol) A stack of thousand-lire notes!
(Tell me more.) He said he had got himself in a hole with his
portrait. He had already run up about 30,000 guilders expenses.
He owed that much on the picture. Did I know of anyone who
could advance him this amount? I advised him to go to an art-
dealer. No, no, only a Rothschild or a Gutmann could handle some
thing like that. Would I be willing to speak to Gutmann about this
“loan”? Certainly, but I couldn’t guarantee success.
Just my promise sufficed him for the moment; and as a matter
of fact I do intend to speak with Gutmann when I get to Vienna,
although there is something distasteful to me about this. I only
hope that all these people are sufficiently aware of my own purity in
financial matters.
This is a clever move on Lippay’s part. Borrowing money from
Jews against security is no disgrace. What are Jews for, anyway?
The fact that the security isn’t worth as much as the loan doesn’t
do any harm either. Why are Jews such fools?
February 4, Vienna
Yesterday I went on my errand, certainly a hard one, to Gutmann

to raise money for Lippay.
I said—without mentioning Lippay—that it was a matter of
thirty thousand guilders to establish a connection in Rome. When
I saw the coal-dealer’s frozen expression, I said that I might be able
to raise one-half with the help of some of my friends, but that he
couldn’t share in it for less than 15,000 guilders.
He had a magnificent excuse—one can always learn something
new from these people: the amount was too . . . small for him.
The prospect I held out was so valuable that people would give
large sums for it. When I broached the subject, he had expected
me to mention a million.
Naturally, to anyone who asked for a lot he would say that it was
too much.
February 4, Vienna
Letter to Tittoni*
Your Excellency:
In the course of the audience which you did me the honor of
granting me in Rome you invited me to formulate the Zionists’
request. I therefore permit myself to submit the following observa
tions toY.E.
The Zionist movement, represented by annual congresses at
tended by delegates from all countries, has as its aim the creation
of a legally assured homeland for the Jewish people.
As chairman of the Actions Committee I have established con
tact with all governments interested in this question. I have tried
most of all to establish a relationship with the Ottoman govt.
H.I.M. the Sultan has received me in private audience and has
invited me on various occasions to return to Constantinople. I did
not fail to go there, but negotiations have not made noticeable
progress. Looking to international reasons as an explanation for
this delay, I have striven to obtain the consent of the interested
Powers. It was in Germany that the Zionist idea found its first
support. Receiving me as well as a Zionist deputation in formal
audience at Jerusalem in 1898, H.M. the Kaiser promised us his
good will. The benevolent attitude of the German govt, has not
changed since then. This is affirmed by the letter addressed to me
by H.R.H. the Grand Duke of Baden on this subject on September
30th, 1903.
The English government has shown itself so favorably disposed
toward the Zionist movement that it has officially offered us a large
territory in the British possessions in East Africa for our coloniza
tion.
In Austria the govt, views our efforts with benevolent interest,
as Prime Minister Koerber says in the letter he wrote me under
date of September 28th, 1903.
But the most important support comes to us from Russia.
In August of 1903 Minister von Plehwe wrote me a letter a
printed copy of which you will find enclosed herewith. Von Plehwe
added that this governmental declaration was transmitted to me on
orders from H.M. the Emperor with authorization to make it
public. On November 23rd/December 6, 1903, the Russian govt,
informed me that the Russian ambassador at Constantinople had
already received instructions to intercede with the Sublime Porte
on behalf of the Zionist proposals.
The declaration by the Russian government of July 30th/Au
gust 12th goes farther than our own formula. We had not asked for
an independent Jewish State in Palestine, being aware of the
difficulties which such an objective would encounter. All we ask
is that the Jewish people be settled in Palestine under the su
zerainty of H.M. the Sultan, but under conditions of legal security.
The administration of our colonies would devolve upon us. In
deference to the sensibilities of all believers, the Holy Places are
to be exempted and to receive the character of extraterritoriality
forever.
All we ask of the Ottoman govt, is a Charter of Colonization for
the Sanjak of Acre. In return for this Charter we will pledge our
selves to pay the Ottoman treasury an annual tribute of 100,000
Turkish pounds.
Our proposal therefore does not lack substantial advantages for
the Ottoman govt., but if it is easy enough to enumerate them, it is
hard to tell without emotion of the wretched situation in which
our poor Jews in Russia, Rumania, Galicia, etc., are languishing.
Emigration to America is not a remedy. Everywhere they find
themselves again in the same political, social, and economic dis
tress, even in the free countries, which, moreover, are beginning
to close their ports to this immigration.
Anti-Semitism makes their lives hard everywhere.
For Italy these struggles and miseries are only a distant echo.
Italy is completely untouched by the Jewish Question, and it is
precisely for this reason that its government could perform a great
service for humanity by lending a hand to the solution of this
question which is so fraught with sorrow.
A letter from His Majesty the King of Italy to H.M. the Sultan,
recommending our proposals and giving the friendly counsel that
they be taken into consideration, would have a decisive effect on
the re-opening of our negotiations.
The Jewish people, dispersed but erect despite all misfortunes,
would vow its eternal gratitude to Italy and its chivalrous King.
Pray accept, Y.E., the expression of my high regard and devotion.
Dr. Th. Herzl.

Vienna, February 13,1903
To H. E., Senator T . Tittoni, Min. of For. Aff., Rome.
February 9, Vienna
Greenberg telegraphs: *
Events in house last night render collapse of government very
probable even within next few days. Do please authorise me to at
once accept for you Foreign Office’s offer subject to approval of
terms of Charter and report of commission and to say that you will
arrange for commission to start forthwith.
Otherwise fear we shall lose all.
* * *
I am replying: *
You may accept Mandels (F.O.) offer subject to approval of
terms of jam (Charter) and report of bettler (commission).
But I give you this authorisation only on condition that abso
lutely nothing will be published upon the matter before we ap
prove jamterms. Please wire me this promise.
Benjamin.
• Original text.
February 12, Vienna
Last night a wire from Greenberg saying that he had informed
the F.O. of the acceptance on the same day, the gth, on which he
had received my wire of authorization.
Whereupon I wired back asking him to send me the postal re
ceipt of the 10th for the A.C.
In the meeting on the 10th Dr. Kahn and Marmorek agreed with
my view that the present proposal is identical with the one that had
been before the Congress, even though the area is not located on
the railroad.
Kremenezky and Kokesch thought it was a new proposal.
If it is the East Africa proposal—as it undoubtedly is—I was
entitled and obligated to accept it, i.e., with the reservations that
I made.
Nevertheless I will not let Greenberg force my hand.
* * •
Count Lippay, who is now presenting his bill again and asking
me to obtain the “loan” for him from the Paris Rothschild (letter
to Alex, Bluebook), told me on this occasion that the story went
around in diplomatic circles that I had twice received 60,000
guilders from the Sultan, from which amount, to be sure, I had
deducted only my expenses and given the rest to the movement. I
branded this as a wretched lie and gave him the facts about the two
£200 purses which had been forced on me and which I had im
mediately given to the poor. Lippay seems to have his information
from Section Head Suzzara.
• • *
During the night I thought of a letter which I plan to send to

Goluchowski. Something like this:
On . . . I took the liberty of requesting you for an audience.
To my astonishment no reply came, not even a polite refusal say
ing that you have no time.
At first I attributed it to the Delegations, to the inauspicious
time. But then . . .
Objective reasons? Surely the desire of the Jews to re-establish
the Jewish Realm is no less respectable even to outsiders than the
Poles’longing for the restoration of Poland.
The Zionist movement employs no illegal or immoral methods.
Then, too, in Austria—apart from a few Jewish papers—neither
Christians nor Jews deny that this solution—emigration of some
and complete assimilation of others—would be a genuine solution.
At any rate, the matter is one worth discussing.
There remains, then, the personal element.
As I have read a number of times, I am one of the best-known
writers of Austria. T he leading statesmen of England, Germany,
Russia, and Italy have readily received me as the head of the
Zionist movement. So have emperors and kings. It is bound to
strike me as strange that a Minister of my fatherland should refuse
to see me when I request him to.
As a gentleman Your Exc. will understand that I want particu
lars about this.
Have you been told anything detrimental about me? If so, what?
One of the fatuous lies about Constantinople, perhaps, that I
have been bribed with money by the Sultan or by the Turkish
government?
February 13, Vienna

I must urgently beg you not to reopen by a single word upon
Mandels attitude the now sleeping discussion. It was my formal
condition before accepting.
Benjamin.
February 20, Vienna

Cav. Ugo Brusati Maggior Generale,
i° Aiutante di Cam po Generale di S.M . il R e d’Italia, Roma.
* Original text.
[H.E. Major-General Ugo Brusati, ist Adjutant General of H.M.
the King of Italy, Rome].
Dear General Brusati: *
His Majesty the King has done me the honor to accept my book
Altneuland. Since His Majesty prefers to read English, I have sent
for the translation which appeared in an American periodical, and
I am taking the liberty of sending it to you for the King.
Pray accept, General, the expression of my high regard.
Dr. Theodor Herzl.
February 23, Vienna

The following wire from De Fiori:
Minister says that in absence of indispensable preliminary con
ditions matter cannot be taken up in form you suggested.
De Fiori.
February 24, Vienna

Yesterday I had a most curious visitor: “Ali Nuri Bey, Ex-Consul
Général de Turquie,” it said on his card which he first sent in to
me at the N. Fr. Pr.
He is the husband of a “Turkish princess” who is giving lectures
here on harem life.
His good German surprised me. He explained that he was a
Swede who had gone to Turkey at the age of 18 as Strousberg’s
representative and had become a Mohammedan.
Today a man of 41, he looks quite Turkish, reminds one of the
other Nuri Bey with his red beard and eyeglasses, but he is some
what stronger, with his head set deep between his shoulders.
His proposal, which he made me in my house between 9:30 and
12:30 yesterday, comes to this: Sail into the Bosporus with two
cruisers, bombard Yildiz, let the Sultan flee or capture him, put
in another Sultan (Murad or Reshad), but first form a provisional
government—which is to give us the Charter for Palestine.
Anovel or an adventure?
The two cruisers will cost £400,000, the rest £100,000.* The
whole stroke would cost half a million pounds. If it fails, we would
have lost the money and the participants their lives.
All this presented quite coolly and calmly, like an offer to buy a
load of wheat. He said he would make the voyage and go ashore
himself.
The scheme could be carried out with a thousand men. Prefer
ably during the selamlik.
The cruisers would pass through the Dardanelles at night and
could bombard Yildiz by morning.
I answered:
“My point of view has always been that I could negotiate only
with the existing government of the land, not with a prospective
one. I will consider whether it is possible to concern myself with
such a matter at all, even in an informal conversation.”
My scruples, which I didn’t tell him about, were these:
1) That I must not participate in such a plot at all, if it amounts
to murder and robbery (although he said that they would shoot
in the air and no one need be wounded in it);
2) That in case of failure the Zionist movement would be dis
credited for decades to come;
3) That it might lead to Jews being massacred in Turkey after
wards;
4) That the “participants” cannot enter into any legally bind
ing obligations. If they don’t keep their word, where shall I sue
them?
5) To have him give me a list would be ill-advised. I might be
held responsible for any breach of confidence that someone might
commit.
I prefer not even to know whether Ali Nuri Bey is just raving or
•Translator's Note: Since Kreuzer means both “cruiser" and a small Austrian
coin, Herzl may have intended a pun here.
has some basis. Only if his group succeeds the present one in Yildiz
could he perhaps be used as an intermediary. T hat way I would
already have some connection with the coming power.
March 2
The scoundrel Crespi was here and said he wanted to work for
me again. Il faut faire flèche de tout bois [One must use every
means to attain an end].
I promised to write him a letter for public display. This is it:*
Dear Sir:
As I told you when you visited me, I would be inclined to
consider two schemes:
1) The renting of the Sanjak of Acre for a number of years by
one of our financial syndicates;
2) Having my friends make the loan you told me about.
Herzl.
March 5, Vienna
Yesterday Ali N uri Bey came to see me again.
Again the Bosporus plan.
But he is at any rate a most intelligent conspirator and adven
turer. A Viking in formal dress.
Very pretty, the way he intends to have the two cruisers in the
Dardanelles shielded by merchantmen sailing between them and
the forts. “One of those skippers will do that for 50 or 100 pounds."
Also, he is already mentally cutting telegraph lines, etc.
What he reports about the Khedive is interesting, too. He is
ambitious and might like to become Sultan. The Arabian Nights!
Then: There is an Arab movement which intends to make a
descendant of Mohammed Caliph. The Caliphate was stolen by
Sultan Selim. Now it ought to be restored, as a sort of papacy with
Meccaas Rome I
The Khedive, he said, had originally supported this movement.
March 7, Vienna
1inquired about Ali Nuri Bey from the Swedish colonel Me-
lander, a likable soldier, who called on me today.
Melander shrugged his shoulders and said he only knew him
byhearsay. Ali Nuri’s name in Sweden was Nordling.
March 12, Vienna

To Crespi (reply to his letter of the 4th inst.):#
DearSir:
I sincerely regret that my letter should not have been sufficient
tostart your activities. I explained to you, however, that I could
not give authorizations of the kind you wish.
I may soon send a representative to Constantinople to give me
areport on the situation and to see whether it is really worth my
while to trouble myself once more.
My confidential agent will stay there only a few days, but you
will be able to get in touch with him.
Herzl.
Authorization for Kahn.*

To Dr. L. Kahn, attorney.
DearSir:
Inmycapacity as chairman of the Council of the Jewish Colonial
Trust of London I hereby authorize you to enter into negotiations
with the Imp. Ottoman Govt, as my representative for renting the
administrative revenues of the Sanjak of Acre and for a loan to be
obtained for the Imperial treasury.
Th. Herzl.
March 18, Vienna

ToDeFiori:
Ask him what he intends to do after failing to take the only
effective step I requested of him.
* * *
To Kahn, Orient Express, Sofia:

Please read the letters I gave you carefully once more. Wire me
on your arrival. I shall write you by the Austrian mail.
Benjamin.
March 18, Vienna

Reply from Tittoni, dated March 16:
Il ne peut que s’en remettre a la haute sagesse de son Auguste
Souverain [He can only defer to the lofty wisdom of his august
sovereign]!
(Quant à la lettre au Sultan [In reference to the letter to the
Sultan]).
March 22, Vienna

I have sent Kahn and Levontin to Constantinople.
If they return bredouille [empty-handed], there will follow
Tell’s second arrow: Ali Nuri.
* * *
The road to Goluchowski:*

Dear Mr. Kozmian:
Are you in Vienna? Have you still not completely forgotten your
humble servant? I have something to tell you.
Will you give me the great pleasure of meeting with me?
You can telephone me at my house, No. 17 147, any day until
noon, or at the Neue Freie Presse between 3 and 4 o’clock in the
afternoon.
Ever yours sincerely and devotedly,
Th. Herzl.
March 30, Vienna

I was going to use Col. Goldsmid as a cover for the Turkish
business.
But Goldsmid died in Paris two days ago. A loss.
April 10, Vienna

After mature deliberation—I can’t discuss the matter with any
one—I have rejected Ali N uri’s proposal in my own mind.
Even though Kahn returned from Constantinople completely
bredouille. What decided me was the consideration that if the
undertaking failed a horrible massacre of the Jews would take
placein Turkey.
I am now wondering whether I could not get some benefit out
ofAli Nuri after all.
If, for example, he were to launch through the revolutionary
papers the idea of approaching us for financial aid, this might
have an effect on the Sultan.
* * *
T o Jacob Schiff, Frankfurt:

Dear Mr. Jacob H. Schiff:
Having heard from Mr. Th. H. Schlesinger of Frankfurt that
you are in Europe, I asked him to arrange a meeting between us.
Last year, when I had the colonization of El Arish (the northern
half of the Sinai Peninsula) in mind, Lord Rothschild told me
that he had written you about it—o r did he say he was going to
write you about it? And then didn’t bother to do so when the proj
ect came to naught? My memory may have let me down on this
point.
In any case, I would like to speak with you on the subject of
Jewish emigration. I have heard a great deal, and good things,
about your efforts on behalf of our poor brethren. I will therefore
make a projected trip to Paris earlier than I had intended so that
I may meet with you. I plan to leave for Paris in the course of next
week and shall stop at the Hotel Chatham, rue Daunou.
However, should I be unable to get away next week, I shall
perhaps go to London on May 6th where, I hear, you intend to
stay until May 10th. We would then have our meeting at Lord
Rothschild’s. I would be grateful to you for letting me know ex
actly how long and at what hotel you plan to stay in Paris and in
London.
Yours faithfully,
T h. Herzl.
April 19, Vienna

To Ali NuriBey:
THE COMPLETE DIARIES OF TH EO D O R HERZL 1621
Dear Sir:
I regret being unable to consider your proposal.
With respectful greetings.
Yours faithfully,
Herzl.
April 29, Vienna

I plan to come to London in June, because I have a few things
to straighten out with the English government. I also hope to see
you on this occasion. Since we last spoke with each other I have
achieved a number of things, but unfortunately I have as yet been
unable to provide any definitive relief for the monstrous misery
of our masses.
There still is, alas, much reluctance on the part of those
who could help us. T hat is why some leading figures ought to be
wonover.
Last year, when I was planning colonization on the Sinai Pen
insula, you told me you would write to Mr. Jacob Schiff in New
York and get him to take part in the financing if anything came
of the matter. As you know, the Sinai scheme ran aground at that
time; but when I heard recently that Mr. Schiff was in Europe, I
let him know that I would like to talk with him. In any case, I
wanted to enlighten him about my endeavors, which are so often
misunderstood by the public, so that he might be available to us if
ever a major project got to the point of implementation. He gave
me a fairly willing answer, and I intended to get together with
him soon in Paris or in London. But now, unfortunately, some
thing important prevents me from going to London. Therefore
I request that, if Mr. Schiff should visit you, you win him over for
collaboration on the Jewish cause, in principle for the time being.
Hewill leam the practical details from you or from me later, in due
time.
I hope that you are well, dear Lord Rothschild.
With cordial regards, I remain
Herzl.
April 27, Vienna

Dear Mr. Schiff:
This will acknowledge, with thanks, receipt of your kind letter
dated Berlin, April 21st. You say that you are prepared “to the best
of my ability” to give practical aid to our oppressed and unfortu
nate people. Coming from you, that is a big statement, and I am
happy to have received it. Do not believe, however, that I intend
to make some fatuous attempt to lure you onto all my paths. I
would simply like to have your help, which I value very highly, on
that stretch of the road which is common to both of us. Don’t jump
to the conclusion, for Heaven’s sake, that I want to shnorr some
money from you for our cause. Nol All that can be accomplished
with alms here is to raise a wonderful breed of shnorrers. What
I would like to obtain from you is your participation in each
individual case which you are to examine first.
I was going to submit my practical proposals to you in person.
Unfortunately I now have reason to fear that I shall be unable to
get away from here either this or next week. My professional duties
are detaining me here.
However, since I do want to give you thorough information
before you return to America, I am sending you one of my best
personal representatives, Dr. Katzenelsohn of Libau, and beg you
to be kind enough to receive him in London on May 2nd.
Considering the extreme modesty of this man as well as the
fact that you will see him for the first time, it may not be out of
place to draw your attention to his worth. He was originally a
scientist—Helmholtz’ assistant—and upon the death of his father
took over the latter’s large business establishment. His fortunate
material circumstances have not made him insensitive to the
sufferings of our unfortunates, and I esteem him as one of our best
men. That is why I also named him as my representative to the
Russian government when Minister Plehwe asked me to give him
the name of such a man.
With Dr. Katzenelsohn you can discuss everything in complete
confidence, and he has been given full information by me.
My only regret now is that I shall not meet you, dear Mr. Schiff,
in person. Let me hope, however, that we shall get closer to each
other in a work which is as great as the moral and material distress
to be alleviated is horrible.
With respectful and friendly greetings,

Herzl.
April 29, Vienna

Kozmian came in yesterday and brought me a message from
Goluchowski to the effect that the latter would receive me between
3and 4 today or tomorrow.
Kozmian had told him with reference to myself:
“Il a vu tous les souverains, m êm e le Pape, et maintenant désire
v o u s voir [He has seen all the sovereigns, even the Pope, and now
wishes to see you].”
Goluchowski replied that he thought he had known me in
Paris and added, smiling: “ A h , le Sionnisme [Ah, Zionism]!”
Well, we shall see what he meant by that. Pourvu qu’il n’y ait pas
un ambassadeur chez lui, quand je viens [Provided there is no
ambassador with him when I come].
May 2, Vienna
The day before yesterday, April 30th, I had a big and possibly
consequential discussion with Goluchowski. This is my first chance
torecord it, for immediately afterwards I had to attend a consul
tation of my physicians who are sending me to Franzensbad for
6 weeks on account of my heart trouble.
I had been feeling tired for a long time, but kept going.
Goluchowski—half diplomatist, half financier, with grey whisk
ers and deep blue eyes—impressed me more favorably, particularly
with respect to his intelligence, than I had expected.
He had a superficial acquaintance with our cause, and we talked
about it at length.
To please him I spoke French. He speaks it as well as I do; but
he occasionally uses the intonations of the Comédie Française—
pronouncing, e.g., considération with a very broad d.
I can’t claim credit for winning him over to Zionism, for in the
course of our conversation he plainly became persuaded by his own
arguments, and in the end went much further than I had dared
hope.
I began by saying:
" Tant que je n’avais rien de bien sérieux a vous apprendre,
je n’ai pas voulu importuner V. Exc. [As long as I had nothing of
real importance to tell you, I didn’t wish to trouble Y. Exc.].”
Then I showed him the Grand Duke’s latest letter to me, as well
as Plehwe’s letter of December. He glanced through the first; the
second he read over twice, with well-concealed astonishment.
Then—since Russia was in favor—he immediately was quite
d’accord [in agreement] with me.
For a time the conversation was carried on only in arabesques.
He voiced surprise over two things.
1) That such a powerful anti-Semitic movement was able to
arise in France, with fifty or sixty thousand—a hundred thousand,
at the most—Jews out of a population of 38 million.
I accounted for it by Drumont’s talent and the hatred aroused by
the Rothschilds.
He referred to the Dreyfus case and its explosive character, and
in appreciation of what I had said about Drumont, remarked that
Lueger, too, was not le premier venu [the first on the scene].
Moreover, he stated that he had an antipathy for anti-Semitism,
as he disliked everything exaggerated and unhealthy, although
naturally he felt closer to a Christian than to a Jew.
2) He was surprised at the small number of Jews. If, for instance,
the total population at the time of Christ was only 100,000, and it
doubled every fifty years, there surely ought to be one billion Jews
by today.
(I think this calculation is a bit fantastic.)
But I remarked gravely:
"Nous avons subi des pertes cruelles au cours de notre histoire,
surtout au moyen-âge [We have sustained grievous losses in the
course of our history, especially during the Middle Ages].”
To this he said:
“Mais les chrétiens aussi ont été persécutés. Les premiers chré
tiens par example [But the Christians too have been persecuted.
The early Christians, for example].”
I countered:
“Les premiers chrétiens étaient des Juifs [The early Christians
werejews].”
But if we couldn’t get together on the philosophy of history, we
were all the more d’accord on practical matters.
He told me about the misery of the Jews in Galicia with which
he, as a Galician land-owner, is well acquainted. “ IIs crèvent de
faim et de misère [They are perishing of hunger and destitution].”
"Mais avant de mourir,” I said, “ ils s’en iront aux partis révolu
tionnaires [But before they die they will go over to the revolution
ary parties].”
“Ils y sont déjà [They have already gone],” he confirmed.
So he is in favor of my solution. Only, he feels that there must
be no petty or half-way measures. If it were a question of only one
or two hundred thousand Jews, the Great Powers could not be
stirred into action. But they could if we asked Turkey for land and
legal rights for 5-6 million Jews.
“Je ne demande pas m ieux [I don’t ask for anything better],”
I exclaimed. “Will Your Excellency take the lead in this move?”
“This is not the right moment. We are not through with Mace
donia yet. The Mürzsteg reforms have not yet been carried out.
That would have to be taken care of first. Also, we would have to
have a concrete plan for carrying it out.”
“How do you envision the implementation, Your Excellency?”
“Ah, we would have to give this some thought. It should be
given thorough consideration.”
I briefly presented my scheme:
The J C.T. receives the concession, on the basis of which it
founds the Land Company with sufficient capital.
The Land Company administers the territory in the name of the
Sultan, pays him a redevance [tribute], and collects the taxes. The
settlers become Ottoman subjects, the Holy Places are extrater-
ritorialized.
He liked it all. Still, he would prefer it if England took the initia
tive. He would also like me to secure support in Hungary. When I
told him that Koerber was sympathetic to the cause, his reply
suggested a shrug, but all he said was: “You must secure supporters
in Hungary; speak with Count Tisza.”
“Count Tisza may be afraid of offending his influential Jewish
magnates who provide him with his Liberal elections.”
“But you’ll still have to win over the Hungarian government. It
is indispensable.”
I then spoke briefly and satirically about the attitude of the
Jewish big-wigs in Austria.
Here in Austria, I said, our cause was little known, due to the
silence of the AT. Fr. Pr. Explanation: Benedikt denies the existence
of a Jewish people, whereas I affirm it. “ L a preuve c’est que j ’en
suis [The proof is that I am one of them].”
“ Et lui,” asked Goluchowski, “ qu ’est-ce qu ’ il est? Protestant
[And he? What is he? A Protestant]?”
“Non. Il appartient a une espèce que je n’ai jamais vue: il est
Autrichien. Je connais des Allemands, des Polonais, des Tchèques
— je n’ai jamais vu un Autrichien [No. He belongs to a species
which I have never seen: he is an Austrian. I know Germans,
Poles, Czechs—but I have never seen an Austrian].”
The Austrian Foreign Minister smiled in agreement.
And we reached an understanding that I would court Hungary
and try to induce England to take the initiative and make a
proposal.
He considered the project of leading the Jews to Palestine so
praiseworthy that he said, in his opinion, every government ought
to support it financially!
Imagine the faces of the “patriotic” well-to-do Jews if they could
have heard him say that!
It was further understood that I should call on him again after
the Delegations; and when he saw me out into the ante-room, he
shook my hands three times: “A u revoir!”
The valetaille [band of servants] gave me special treatment after
this long audience.
May 13, Franzensbad (broken down)*

To Plehwe:**
Your Excellency:
I have the honor to communicate the following facts to you.
Quite recently I put my friend Dr. Katzenelson of Libau in
touch with a very important American banker on Zionist business.
On this occasion M. Katzenelson learned certain things which,
in my humble opinion, would be rather interesting to the Imperial
Government. I have advised my friend, who came here from
London to give me a report about his conversation, to request an
audience with Y.E. immediately. M. Katzenelson, whom Your
Excellency knows, is modest and retiring, and is afraid of im
portuning you. If it were not for my shattered health, I would have
wired Y.E. and requested an audience for myself—so much do I
believe that this matter could assume importance in your hands.
If M.K. is granted an audience, he will at the same time give
the reasons why I have still not been able to go to Constantinople
for negotiations with the Ottoman govt.
"In English in the original.
••In French in the original.
Begging Y.E. for your continued benevolence, and with the ex
pression of my high regard,
Th. Herzl.
• • •
At the same time I am writing to the hesitant Katzenelson.

For Katzenelson had reported to me that J. H. Schiff would be
prepared to negotiate a Russian loan (strange to say, at the request
of Lord Lansdowne and the English government), provided that
something were done for the Jews in Russia. But it is understood
that this good deed would also have to bring him (Schiff) more
than the standard rate of interest.
To that Katzenelson had replied: W hat we need has been
formulated by Dr. Herzl in his conversation with Plehwe. Schiff
then asked for my “points,” as he wanted to place them before the
King of England with whom he was going to have an audience;
Katzenelson gave him the points and brought me a copy here.
May 14, Franzensbad

ToLippay:
My very dear Friend:
Unless I am mistaken, you told me that Archduke Eugen was
interested in our cause and would be willing to see me. I have just
learned that he is coming to Carlsbad within the next few days.
Would you inform him that I shall be taking the cure here until
the beginning of July and would go to Carlsbad at his request at
any time?
Once more, good luck for your journey to Rome.
From your kind letter of yesterday I see with regret that you are
financially embarrassed again. I am sincerely sorry that I can’t
place more at your disposal now than I already have.
It would be a different matter if you could achieve something
definite for us in Constantinople. Then I could draw amply on our
movement’s funds for your benefit, and you will believe that I
would not lack the heart and the amicable disposition for it.
With cordial regards and sincere devotion,
Herzl.
May 14, Franzensbad

ToSuzzara:
My Dear Mr. Section Head:

It will probably be a few weeks before I have patched up my
heart a bit here, since it is in need of repair. But as I may now as
sume a friendly interest in the Zionist cause on your part, I
wouldn’t want to wait until my return to Vienna to draw your
attention to a few things.
Count Goluchowski was kind enough to promise me his assist
ance if the matter were great enough to warrant concerted action
on the part of the Powers. Consequently, Turkey would have to
be asked for a settlement area in Palestine and the vicinity large
enough for five to six million Jews.
For various reasons Count Goluchowski does not care to place
himself at the head of this campaign for the time being.
He would prefer it if the initiative came from England. If some
steps were taken by England, Count Goluchowski would fall into
line; and I was in a position to show him a secret document from
the Russian government, addressed to me, which indicates that
Russia too will follow the English initiative. Similarly, the consent
of Germany and Italy may already be regarded as assured.
I shall show you, my dear Mr. Section Head, all these confi
dential documents.
The question now is how the whole thing may be formulated
diplomatically. I made the following draft, which met with Count
Goluchowski’s approval. Through one of the institutions which
we founded some years ago to prepare for this eventuality, the Jew
ish Colonial Trust of London, a Land Company* with sufficient
capital will be created. We are already assured of the participation
of leading bankers in England and America in this venture.
This Land Company* undertakes the settlement of the pre
viously mentioned territories, and handles the administration,
under the sovereignty of the Sultan.
The Land Company* pays an annual tribute, amount to be de
termined, to the Turkish treasury and covers itself by collecting
the taxes.
Those settled by the Land Company* will become Turkish sub
jects.
The Holy Places will be declared extraterritorialized.
The Sanjak of Acre is envisioned as the staging area for the
settlement.
These, roughly, are the main features.
Since Baron Calice is in Vienna at present, it would probably
be of the greatest value to inform him and enlist his active sym
pathy. Likewise, it would be of the greatest benefit to brief Count
Mensdorff now for dealing with Lord Lansdowne where, as far as
I gather from his conversations with the Lord, he is likely to find
smooth sailing.
I really don’t know to what extent I may be bothering you with
these suggestions. My excuse is the very friendly reception with
which you have gratified and honored me.
Pray accept, my dear Mr. Section Head, the expressions of my
deepest respect.
Your devoted servant,

Th. Herzl.

May 16, Franzensbad.
ToSchiff:
Dear Mr. Schiff:
My friend Dr. Katzenelsohn came here from London and told
me of the extremely friendly reception you accorded him. Permit
me to thank you most warmly for this. Dr. K. also told me that
he gave you a copy of my confidential instructions, an action I
belatedly sanction, since I have absolute confidence in your dis
cretion.
This entire matter is and must remain secret, particularly as
far as the gentlemen of the I.C.A. are concerned. For the present,
anything may be expected from this quarter sooner than a readi
ness to help. Certainly there are some excellent people among the
directors of the I.C.A.; but as a body they have hitherto always
shown themselves hostile whenever we have suggested truly great
measures to meet a truly great need. I don’t know why these
gentlemen prefer to fritter away the Hirsch money in numerous
petty and purposeless undertakings which represent anything but
Jewish colonization. If it weren’t for the fact that our masses are
perishing in misery and filth while a remedy remains unutilized,
one might really make humorous reflections about it. E.g.: The
greatest enemy of a last will and testament is its executor. Or this:
Hirsch’s relatives now at least have the satisfaction of knowing that
the poor Jews aren’t getting anything out of his money either.
Actually, I long ago stopped dwelling on the I.C.A. and its
blunders. The gentlemen will come running after us when they
are no longer needed.
You are now acquainted with my line of thinking from Dr. K.
and by my letter.
[Here the Diary breaks off.]
Contents
Volume V
Preface
Notes
Code Names and Words
Index
Errata and Addenda

Preface
Preface
The present and concluding volume of The Complete Diaries of

Theodor Herzl contains the annotations written by the editor; the
list of code-words used by Herzl, compiled by Dr. Oskar K. Rabino-
wicz; and the index prepared by Miss Pearl Silver and Mr. David
Goldberg.
The annotations, arranged alphabetically, contain brief biog
raphies of practically all the individuals mentioned in the Diaries.
In a few cases the reference made by Herzl to a person is so vague
that it was impossible to identify him. These individuals, however,
were as a rule of no significance in the work of Herzl, nor are they
important for an understanding of the Diaries.
In addition to the individuals, the annotations also include short
identifications of the place names and other geographical names
appearing in the Diaries, either in the datelines or in the entries
themselves. Names of newspapers, periodicals, publishing firms,
institutions, organizations, foreign monetary units and measures,
months and feasts, important public buildings and monuments,
orders and decorations, ethnic groups, sects, legal terms, objets
d’art, and operas are also explained in brief items. Foreign terms
and expressions (in German, Yiddish, Hebrew, French, Hungarian,
Turkish, Russian, Italian, Spanish) are explained in the annota
tions only if they did not lend themselves to simple translation. If
they did, they are followed in the text of the Diaries by the transla
tion in square brackets. It was, moreover, felt necessary to explain
in separate notes some of the political, diplomatic, or historical
incidents referred to by Herzl when there was reason to assume that
they might no longer be familiar to the English-reading public in
the second half of the twentieth century. Titles of books and plays.
1635
whether by Herzl or other authors, are also annotated. The use of
double dates (such as “Oct. 5/18,” q. v.) is explained. Occasional
curiosities (such as the “Prophetic months,” q. v.) are cleared up.
Whenever the reader comes across a name, term, or expression which
gives him pause, he is advised to turn to the annotations where he
will find the minimum information he desires.
The preparation of the notes was made difficult by a number of
circumstances. Herzl’s work brought him in contact with hundreds
of individuals all over Europe and the Near East. Many of these
were not sufficiently important in their own right to warrant their
inclusion in encyclopedias, biographical dictionaries, or other
reference works. To track them down in many cases required special
efforts and patient detective work in the libraries of New York City
—especially the Zionist Archives and Library, The New York Public
Library, the Columbia University Library, and the library of the
Metropolitan Museum of Art—all of whom should be most heartily
thanked for their courtesy and helpfulness.
Several hundreds of names could not be located at all in New York
City, despite diligent search. In these cases foreign resources had to
be tapped. Contacts had to be established for this purpose with in
stitutions and individuals in no less than eighteen countries, re
tracing, in effect, the almost world-wide lines of communications
established by Herzl during the nine years of his Zionist work. A
journey the editor undertook in the summer of 1959 to Israel,
Turkey, several other Mediterranean countries, and Holland was
of considerable value in initiating such contacts in personal discus
sions; other countries were approached in writing. The list of ac
knowledgments concluding this Preface indicates the extent of these
contacts.
A difficulty of a different nature was caused by the fact that Herzl
not infrequently misspelled the names of individuals. The main
reason for this was that in the course of his extended travels over
the length and breadth of Europe and in the Near East, he often
could not be sure of the correct spelling of the names of the many
individuals whom he met. He was introduced to an Englishman, a
Russian, a Swede, a Turk, he heard a mumbled name, and in the
evening, or whenever he made his diary entry for the day, he wrote
down the name as he heard it, having had no chance in the midst of
his busy and often overcrowded schedule to check the correct spell
ing. In some cases Herzl’s spelling was close enough to the proper
form of the name so as not to cause any problem (e.g., De Balzo for
Del Balzo; Eckartstein for Eckardstein; Frei for Frey; Kaiser for
Kayser; Lurie for Lourie). In others the discrepancy was consider
able, and the identification consequently more difficult (e.g., Herzl
spells Breit for Beit; Okin for Okun; Bruniant or Buriant for
Bruyate; Kemeth or Kehmetz for Klehmet; Nordling for Nording;
Miihling for MUlinen). Similar problems were caused by the mis
spelling of some foreign place-names or terms (e.g., Herzl writes
Chesireh for Ghesireh [English spelling Ghezireh]; Ifrikar for
Iftihar; Kopek for kopec [pronounced kôpetz]).
In yet other cases Herzl first spelled a name as he heard it, or as
he assumed it was spelled, and later, when he learned the correct
spelling, he changed over to it (e.g., he first spells Gastyne, then
Garstin; first Galib, then Ghalib); or he alternated between two
spellings (e.g., Newlinsky-Newlinski; Lobel-Lobl; Natchewich-
Natchowitch).
Occasionally difficulty was caused in the identification of a person
mentioned in the Diaries because when jotting down his notes
Herzl referred to the person in question by his last name only (and
more rarely by his first name only), and without any additional
clue as to his identity. Thus, he refers to the family physician who
first diagnosed his heart ailment as “Dr. Beck." But there were at
least five Drs. Beck practicing in Vienna in those days and it would
be very difficult to determine who was the one who attended to
Herzl. In another entry in 1897, Herzl says that he saw the paintings
of Maris exhibited in the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam. But there
were three brothers Maris, all of them painters, and inquiry at the
Rijksmuseum disclosed the fact that two of these, Jakob and Willem,
had paintings on exhibition when Herzl visited the museum.
The List of Code Words includes not only those appearing in the
Diaries, but also the code words Herzl used in the letters and tele
grams exchanged between him and his friends and helpers. It is
divided into two parts: code names substituted for the names of
persons and places; and code words standing for entire sentences
or phrases.
A word of explanation may be required in connection with the
sudden jump in the date (on p. 24) from May 1895 to April 16, 1896,
and back (on p. 25) to June 3, 1895. In May, 1895, when Herzl de
cided in Paris to keep a diary, he bought nine copybooks of about
7 by 9 inches in size, each containing about 280 pages, with the map
of France on the inside. These constitute the first nine books of the
Diaries. From Book Ten on he used smaller copybooks, of 51^ by
9 inches in size, and containing much fewer pages. However, he
originally wrote his diary notes on loose slips of paper he carried
with him wherever he went, and later he transcribed these into the
copybook. Soon, however, he found that he did not have the time to
copy his notes into the diary, and, on June 23, 1895, he began to
write his notes directly into a new copybook which constitutes Book
Two of his Diary (see pp. i87ff.). The notes taken during the four
or five weeks preceding June 23, 1895, remained uncopied, on slips
of paper which were dated. Almost a year later, on April 16, 1896,
Herzl asked his father to copy those notes into the first book. But
before handing the book over to his father, he made an entry, ex
plaining the procedure. This entry, duly dated April 16, 1896 (pp.
24-25), therefore, interrupts the consecutive dating of the entries.
When a copybook was filled, he started a new one, and numbered
it Book Three, Book Four, etc. In a few cases, however, he left a
few pages empty at the end of a copybook in order to start a new
one with the record of what he regarded as a significant turn of
events. This was the case, e.g., toward the end of Book Two (see
p. 322), and Book Four (p. 560). As to Book Eight, he finished it
in order not to take it with him “to the land of the mail-robber”
(p. 1097). Similarly, when he set out on his trip to Russia, he
started a new book (p. 1515), Book Seventeen.*
* * #
• For these observations on the copybooks the editor is indebted to Mr. Joseph
Wenkert of the Zionist Central Archives, Jerusalem.
There remains the pleasant duty to thank all those who helped
me in preparing the present edition of The Complete Diaries of
Theodor Herzl. First of all, I wish to thank Dr. Emanuel Neu
mann, Chairman of the Theodor Herzl Foundation, who origi
nated the idea of a full and annotated English edition of these
Diaries, and who stood by me with advice, help, and encourage
ment throughout the two years this edition was in the making.
Valuable help was rendered by a considerable number of in
dividuals and institutions scattered in many lands. They are listed
here alphabetically with a very brief indication of the nature of
the assistance for which I am indebted to them:
Dr. Paul Abel, London, for data on Austrian individuals; Abb.

Anselmo M. Albareda, O.S.B., head of the Vatican Library, for
biographical data on Italian clerics; Dr. Z. Asaria, Rabbi of the
Jewish Community, Cologne, Germany, for data on the Schaaff-
hausen Bankverein; Dr. Erich Baum, police councillor and head
of the press office of the Viennese Police Department, for bio
graphical data on Austrian officials; Dr. Paul Beck, New York;
Mr. A. Behr, of Antwerp, Belgium; Dr. Alex Bein and his staff of
the Central Zionist Archives for their untiring help in supplying
me with information, data, photostats, etc.; Prof. Meir M. Brav-
man of Columbia University Library, New York, and the Dropsie
College, Philadelphia, for advice on linguistic problems; Dr.
Abraham Berger and his staff of the Jewish Division of the New
York Public Library for help; Hofrat Max Bimstein, Vienna, for
biographical data on Josef Griinfeld and Siegmund Mayer; Mile
Marthe Chaumié, Conservateur â la Bibliothèque Nationale,
Paris, for French biographical data; Mr. Saadia Cherniak, Execu
tive Director of the American Friends of the Alliance Israélite
Universelle, New York, for help in connection with French data;
Mr. J. L. Cleveringa of the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, Holland,
for data on the painter, Maris; Prof. Abraham Cronbach, of the
Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, Ohio, for information on
Siegmund Cronbach; Mr. Drake De Kay, Senior Editor, the Ency
clopedia Americana, New York, for advice on bibliographical
problems; Dr. Paul Diamant, of Jerusalem, for calling to my atten
tion a misprint in the German edition of The Diaries; Mr. I.
Dijour, Director of Research and Statistics of the United Hias
Service, New York, for biographical data on Justizrat Lachmann;
Mr. Majid Elass, of the Research Department of the Arabian-
American Oil Co. (Aramco), New York, for help on Arabic terms;
Dr. Herbert Elias, New York; Mr. Nuri Eren and his staff, of the
Turkish Information Center, New York, for Turkish biographical
data; Dr. Fritz Fellner, lecturer at the University of Vienna, for
help in connection with Austrian data; Dr. David Finch, Librar
ian, French Institute, New York, for help in connection with
French data; Mr. Joseph Fraenkel, of the Jewish Agency, London,
for data pertaining to England; Mr. Friedrich Fritz, student at the
University of Vienna, for several dozens of biographies of Austrian
individuals; Dr. Silvio Furlani, director of the library of the
Camera dei Deputati, Rome, for supplying the biographies of
several Italian statesmen; Mr. V. Gligoric, secretary of the Serbian
Academy of Sciences in Belgrade, for supplying the biography of
Dr. Milicevic; André Goldet of Paris, for supplying biographical
data on Henri Becker; Mr. P. Graetz of the Central Zionist Ar
chives, Jerusalem; Mr. Kurt Grossman of the Jewish Agency,
New York, for help in connection with German data; Mr. Julius
Haber, of New York; Dr. Emilio von Hofmannsthal of New York,
for Viennese data; Prof. Halil Inalcik of the University of Ankara,
Turkey, for help in connection with Turkish data; His Excellency,
Gunnar Jarring, Ambassador of Sweden in Washington, for bio
graphical data on Ali Nuri Bey; Dr. Edward W. Jelenko, New York,
for help in connection with biographical data on Viennese per
sonalities; Dr. Israel Klausner, of the Central Zionist Archives in
Jerusalem, for Palestinian data; Mrs. Sylvia Landress, Director
of the Zionist Archives and Library, New York, for bibliographical
advice; Dr. Emil Lehman, director of the Herzl Institute, New
York, for Viennese data; Miss Ruth P. Lehmann, librarian of the
Jews’ College, London, for help in connection with English data;
Prof. Emil Lengyel, of New York University, for help in connec
tion with Hungarian linguistic problems; Mr. Edmond-Maurice
Levy, member of the Central Committee of the A lliance Israélite
Universelle, Paris, for help in connection with French data;
Library of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, for help
in connection with artists’ biographies; Mr. Joâo de Lucena,
Minister-Counselor of the Portuguese Embassy at Washington,
D.C., for the biography of Count de Paraty; Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, Madrid, Spain, for biographical data on Don Diego
Lastras; Dr. Edward Neuf eld, Rabbi of Congregation Ahavas
Israel, Grand Rapids, Michigan, for the elucidation of some legal
terms; Dr. S. Noble, director of the YIVO, New York, for help in
connection with Yiddish problems; Mr. J. Philips of the Central
Zionist Archives, Jerusalem, for information on several individuals
mentioned in the Diaries; Dr. Oskar K. Rabinowicz of Scarsdale,
New York, for his help, and for preparing the list of code-words
used by Herzl; Dr. Isaac Rivkind, of New York, for Russian bio
graphical data; Mrs. Rose Schechtman, of the Zionist Archives and
Library, New York, for translating Russian source material; Prof.
Alexander Scheiber, Director of the Rabbinical Seminary, Buda
pest, for biographical data on Hungarian individuals; Mr. Murray
Silberman, New York, for important help as my research assistant;
Miss Pearl Silver, my secretary, for her editorial assistance; Rabbi
Zevi Tabori, head of the Torah Culture Department of the Ameri
can Zionist Council, for help on religious questions; Rabbi David
Telsner of the Torah Culture Department of the American Zionist
Council, for help on religious questions; Mr. C. H. Thompson,
Curator of the Government Archives and Museum, Zanzibar, for
biographical data on Said Ruete; Dr. Johannes Ullrich, head of
the Political Archives and Historical Collections of the Bonn
Foreign Office, for biographical data on German officials and
statesmen; Faik Resit Unat Bey, of the Ankara University, for
biographical data on several dozens of Turkish individuals; Prof.
Hugo Valentin, of Uppsala, Sweden, for data on Swedish individ
uals; The Vatican, the Secretariat of State, for help in con
nection with biographies of Italian priests; Leon Vogel, M.D.,
Achéres (S & O), France, for information on several French indi-
viduals; Mr. Joseph Wenkert of the Central Zionist Archives of
Jerusalem, for references to the original manuscript of the Diaries
and other help; Dr. Alfred Werner, art historian, of New York,
for help on artistic questions; Dr. Otto Zucker, of New York, for
information on Commercialrat Zucker.
Notes
Notes
AARiF b e y . See Arif Bey, Mehmed.
a. c. See Actions Committee.
aaron. South African Jew, resident of Johannesburg.
ii (1842-1918), became Turkish sultan in 1876. He

a b d u l h a m id
was a despotic ruler, who, after his defeat in 1877 by the Russians,
became more and more inaccessible even to his ministers. In
1878 he suspended the constitution and lost Cyprus to the
British. Tunis was occupied in 1881 by the French; Egypt in
1882 by the British; and Crete, following the Greek-Turkish
war of 1897, was placed under the control of the European
Powers. Internally, the Sultan and his ministers played one
minority group against the other; this led to a series of uprisings
and reprisals, of which the bloodiest were the Armenian revolt
in 1894 and the subsequent massacre of Armenians by Kurdish
irregulars and by Turks in several cities of Anatolia. The mili
tary revolt of 1908 led to a temporary restoration of the con
stitution, but a year later, after renewed fighting, the sultan was
deposed.
(1836-1912). Turkish statesman.

A b d u r r a h m a n p a s h a , n u r e d d in
A scion of the old and noble Germeyanoglu family. Entered the
imperial service in i860, and, from 1873 to 1880, served as
governor of Prizren, Tuna, Bulgaria (at the time a part of
Turkey), Ankara, Baghdad, and Diyarbekir. In 1882 he was
appointed Grand Vizier with the title of Prime Minister, and
after two months was sent to Kastamonu, again as a governor.
1645
In 1891 he became governor of Aydin (Smyrna), and in 1893,
of Edirne. In 1895 he was appointed minister of justice in which
capacity he served until the restoration of the Constitution
(1908). His second son, Arif Hikmet Pasha, married one of the
Sultan’s daughters.
abrah am s, (1858-1925). Jewis author, historian, lecturer;

Is r a e l
reader in Rabbinic and Talmudic literature at Cambridge Uni
versity; was editor of the Jewish Quarterly Review (1888-1908),
founder and first president of the Union of Jewish Literary
Societies, co-founder and president of the Jewish Historical
Society of England. Authored a large number of historical
studies of which the most important is his Jewish Life in the
Middle Ages (1896, 1903, 1932). Although greatly interested in
Palestine as a Jewish cultural center, he was opposed to Herzl
and his political Zionism.
or a b u q i r . Town in Egypt located on the Mediterranean

Ab u k ir
seashore some 10 miles to the north-east of Alexandria.
The name of the river of Hades (the nether world). Cf.

Ac h e r o n .
Virgil, Aeneid VII: 312.
A literary year book, published by the Hebrew

a c h ia s a f c a l e n d a r .
publishing house of Achiasaf in Warsaw.
a cr e, sa n ja k In Turkish times Palestine was divided into

of.
several sanjaks (districts). One of these was the Sanjak of Acre

which included the entire Galilee. Acre is a port-city lying to the
north of Haifa at the northern end of the Haifa Bay.
For the period between the sessions of the

a c t io n s c o m m it t e e .
Zionist Congress, the latter elected a committee composed of

from thirty to fifty members chosen from among all groups and
trends in Zionism, to carry on the work of the Zionist Organiza
tion. From this group, referred to as the Greater Actions Com
mittee, a smaller committee of five to seven members was chosen
to act as an Executive. This smaller committee was called the
Inner Actions Committee.
a d il b e y . Constantinople attorney, of Jewish origin.
ad ler, cyrus (1863-1940). American Jewish educator and orien

talist. Was a founder of the Jewish Publication Society of
America (1888), editor of the American Jewish Y ear Book {1889-
1905, 1916), organizer of the American Jewish Historical So
ciety (1892) and its President (until 1922), President of Dropsie
College for Hebrew and Cognate Learning (1908-1940), editor
of the new series of the Jewish Quarterly Review (1910-1940),
presiding officer of the United Synagogue of America (1914-
1918), acting President (1916) and President (1924) of the Jewish
Theological Seminary of America, President of the American
Jewish Committee (1929), a non-Zionist co-chairman of the
Council of the Jewish Agency for Palestine (1929). He published
several books on Oriental and Jewish topics and contributed
numerous articles to journals and encyclopedias.
adler, elkan nath an (186 i - i 946). English Jewish writer, traveler,

lawyer and manuscript collector, son of Nathan Marcus Adler,
chief rabbi of England, half-brother of chief rabbi Hermann
Adler. Jointly with Arthur Cohen he drew up the constitution
of the Hovevei Zion society of England (1891). Between 1888
and 1898 he made three trips to Egypt and Palestine.
adler, em an uel ( 1873-1930). Austrian lawyer and financial expert.

Received his Dr. jur. and became Privatdozent at the German
University in Prague. Travelled abroad, lived for a while in
Turkey. Settled in Vienna in 1902. Joined the State Treasury
in Prague, thereafter worked in the Patent Office. From 1908
to 1921 was official in the Vienna Ministry for Social Affairs,
thereafter worked in a bank in Vienna.
adler, (1839-1911). Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi of the
He r m a n n
British Empire, half-brother of Elkan Adler. He was opposed
to Zionism.
aga khan. Title of the hereditary head of a section of the Ismailite

sect of Islam whose adherents live mainly in India and East
Africa. In Herzl’s days the Aga Khan III (real name: Aga Sultan
Sir Muhammad Shah) was the head of the sect. He was bom in
1877 in Karachi, India, succeeded his father, Aga Khan II, in
1885, and died in Switzerland in 1957.
agai (misspelled by Herzl: a g a r i ), a d o l f (1836-1916). Hungarian

Jewish physician and author. Founded in 1867, and edited, the
satirical weekly Borsszem Jankô, the Hungarian equivalent of
the English Punch. From 1870 to 1879 he edited the journal
Magyarorszàg és a Nagyvildg (Hungary and the Great World).
Was a member of the Hungarian Jewish Literary Society. Pub
lished several volumes of essays and historical writings.
a g a r i. See Agai, Adolf.
(1832-1915). Italian cleric, was appointed papal

AGLiARDi, a n t o n i o
nuncio to Munich in 1889, and to Vienna in 1892. He supported
the Christian Socialist party and hailed Lueger as “the savior of
Vienna,” in opposition to the court and Hungarian-Jewish high
finance. At the request of the Hungarian government he was
recalled from Vienna. In 1896 he was made cardinal and in 1903
vice-chancellor of the Catholic Church.
(Midhat) Efendi (1844-1919). Turkish intellectual

a h m e d m it h a d
and writer. Was an autodidact and in the beginning of his career

enjoyed the benevolence of Grand Vizier Mithat Pasha. After
publishing a newspaper and several popular books, was ban
ished to the island of Rhodes in 1873 because of the ideas he
propagated. In Rhodes he established a private school and wrote
novels. Returned to Istanbul in 1876 and in the beginning of
Sultan Abdul Hamid’s (q. v.) rule gained the favor of the Sultan
with a book he wrote in conformity with the Caliph’s ideas. Was
appointed director of the official gazette and of the state print
ing press. Later he became vice-president of the Council of
Health and with a subsidy from the Sultan began to publish a
daily paper in which he supported the policies of the regime. He
also edited many historical and philosophical books, as well as
novels. He was known as the “first scholar” among the people.
After the 1908 revolution he was appointed professor of history
at the University of Istanbul.
(1859-1930). Turkish politician and journalist.

a h m e d r iz a b e y
Graduated from the Galatasaray Lyceum, then went to France

to study agriculture. Became supervisor of education in Bursa,
Turkey. Because of his liberal tendencies his position became
untenable, and he escaped from Turkey and became one of the
leaders of the Young Turks in Europe. He attacked the Sultan
in his newspaper Me§veret (Consultation) and his other writings.
He established in Paris a political committee which soon united
with a Macedonian anti-Turkish organization under the name
of “Progress and Union,” 1907. After the 1908 restoration of the
constitution, he returned to Turkey, was elected a deputy from
Istanbul, and the first president of the National Assembly. In
1911 was appointed senator and in 1918 became president of the
Senate.
ak sak o v, (1823-1886). Russian publicist, head

(i v a n ) s e r c e y e v ic h
of the Russian Slavophile (Pan-Slavic) movement. In 1852 he
published his Moskovski Sbornik (Moscow Essays) whose second
volume was confiscated by the Russian censorship. Edited several
magazines. His works were published in 7 volumes.
alaw erdoff. Leader o f the Armenians in Tiflis.
alex. See Marmorek, Alex.

Al e x a n d e r h i (1845-1894). Czar of Russia. Succeeded to the throne
in 1881.
(1850-1927). Hungarian Jewish philosopher

Alex a n d er , be r n â t
and aestheticist. Was professor at the University of Budapest,
and member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Co-editor
of the Hungarian series Treasury of Philosophical Writers. Was
a member of the Hungarian Jewish Literary Society. Published
several books on Spinoza, Kant, Shakespeare’s Hamlet, etc.
The second largest city in Egypt, situated on the

Al e x a n d r ia .
shores of the Mediterranean. In the 1880’s it had 227,000 in
habitants, including 48,000 foreigners (mostly Greek, Italian
and French). Today it has a population of well over a million.
Jews have lived in Algeria since the destruction

Al g e r ia , j e w s o f .
of Jerusalem by Titus (70 a .d .). In the 1890’s they numbered
about 50,000. In 1897 anti-Jewish riots took place, were repeated
in 1898, and again in 1899.
a l i n u r i b e y d il m e c 937). His original name was Gustaf

( 1 86 i - i
Noring (and not Nordling, as Herzl mistakenly states in the
March 7, 1904 entry in the Diaries). He was bom in Sweden,
worked as a journalist in Berlin specializing in Near Eastern
subjects. Strousberg (q. v.) sent him to Constantinople as his
representative. There the Sultan succeeded in winning him over
by the promise of a high position. Around 1881 he entered Turk-
ish government service, became a Turkish citizen, converted to
Islam, and married a Turkish princess, Hayriye, daughter of
General Mahmut Pasha Ben Ayad who was of Tunisian origin.
He was appointed Turkish Consul-General in Rotterdam and
undertook secret diplomatic missions for Turkey. However,
around 1900 he fell in disgrace or became disillusioned, began
to work against the Sultan, and later joined the revolutionary
Young Turkish movement. In absentia he was sentenced to life
imprisonment. It was at this time in his life that he met Herzl
and suggested to him the fantastic plan to depose the Sultan by
force. Ali Nuri wrote the following works: Nàgra tankar om
orientaliska fràgan (Some Thoughts on the Oriental Question),
Malmô, 1877 (10 pp., printed in 10 copies only); Nasreddin
Khodjas upptag och skamt: Turkiska sàgner fràn Timurlenks
dagar, beratta.de av Ali Nouri (Nasreddin Hodjas Pranks and
Jokes: Turkish Stories from the Days of Timurlenk, Told by Ali
Nouri), Stockholm, 1902; Abdul Hamid i karrikatyr: Interiorer
fran Yildiz-kiosk i ord och bild (Abdul Hamid in Caricature:
Interiors from Yildiz Kiosk in Words and Pictures), Stockholm,
1903. In the last-named book he reprinted the sentence pro
nounced against him in Constantinople. He died in Constanti
nople.
Its full name was Royal Commission for Alien

a l ie n c o m m is s io n .
Immigration. It was set up by the British Parliament for the

purpose of studying the problem of immigration into Great
Britain. The Commission’s invitation extended to Herzl to
testify before it was due to the fact that a considerable
part of the immigration was composed of East European Jews,
and that Herzl had the reputation of being an expert on Jewish
migration. He appeared before the Commission on July to,
1902.
alla Italian expression meaning “in the Frankish (i.e.

fran ca.
European) manner.” In the usage of the Turkish orient “Frank”

meant European. Herzl uses the phrase in connection with the
methods of time-reckoning used in Turkey. T he Turkish
(Moslem) method was to start numbering the hours at sunup, as
against the European (“alia franca") method which counts the
hours from midnight to midnight. Twelve noon “alia franca"
would thus correspond to 6 o’clock Moslem time.
isR A ELiTiscH E W o c h e n s c h r i f t . German Jewish

a l l g e m e in e
weekly published in Berlin, from 1891 to 1906. Its point-of-view

was liberal-religious.
German Jewish weekly, with
a l l g e m e in e z e it u n g d es j u d e n t u m s .
a liberal-religious point-of-view, founded by L. Philippson and

published in Berlin from 1837 to 1922.
a l l ia n c e Is r a é l i t e Jewish service organization

u n iv e r s e l l e .
founded in i860 in France. Its aims are to work for the equal
rights and moral development of the Jews everywhere and to
support those who suffer disabilities because of their Jewishness.
In Herzl’s time its presidents were S. H. Goldschmidt (1881-98)
and Narcisse Leven (1898-1915). In addition to political ac
tivities, the A.I.U. engages in extensive welfare work, and main
tains a network of Jewish schools in Bulgaria, Turkey, practically
every Muslim country, and in Israel.
a l l ia n z . See Israelitische Allianz.
a l t -a u s s e e . Austrian resort, near Bad Ischl, to the north of Aussee

(q.v.).
altm ann. Banker in London.
altneuland (Old-New Land). Novel by Herzl published in 1902

by H. Seemann Nachfolger, publishers in Leipzig, Germany, and
was subsequently translated into many languages. It tells the
story of the Jewish society in a rebuilt Palestine in a period which
was at the time of his writing 20 years away in the future. It was
serialized in the English translation of Jacob de Haas in The
Maccabaean in 1902-03.
altn eu sch u l. The oldest synagogue in Prague. Legend attributes

its construction to exiles who came from Jerusalem after the
destruction of the Temple in 70 c . e . They brought with them
stones of the Temple and used these for the foundation of the
synagogue “on condition” (Hebrew al t’nay) that the stones
would be taken back to Jerusalem when the Messiah would
come. Hence the name A1 T ’nay (Altneu) Schul. However, it
is more likely that after a renovation of the building it was given
the name Alt-Neu Schul (Old-New Synagogue). The first of such
known restorations took place in 1142 or 1171. The synagogue
must have been about a hundred years old at the time.
City in France. Capital of the Department of Somme, 72

a m ie n s .
miles north of Paris.
An a t o l ia . The modem name of Asia Minor, the Asiatic part of

T urkey.
(in Turkish: Anadolu hani). A very large building

A n a t o l ia h a n
in the main street of Beyoglu (a ward of Constantinople), con
structed for rental purposes by Ragip Pasha (q.v.).
An d ersen (chess champion). See Anderssen.
an d erssen , a d o l p h (1818-1879). Chess champion.
The story told by Aelian and Gellius of

a n d r o c lu s a n d t h e l io n .
the Roman slave Androclus who escaped from his master and
encountered a lion in the desert. He removed a thorn from the
lion’s paw, and subsequently, when he was recaptured, was
thrown into the arena to fight a lion. The lion, which happened
to be the animal helped by Androclus, recognized him and he
was thus saved.
Organization of English Jews, founded

A n g l o -J e w i s h a s s o c i a t i o n .
in 1871, following the example of the French Alliance Israélite
Universelle (q.v.). Its aims include the furtherance of social,
moral and intellectual progress among the Jews and the defense
of their rights. It established a committee for Rumanian Jews
(1872) and a Russo-Jewish Committee (q.v.) in 1882. In 1878,
together with the Board of Deputies of British Jews, it formed
the Joint Foreign Committee for the aid of Jews in Eastern
Europe and the Near East, headed by Lucien Wolf (q.v.). In
1893 the A.J.A. received 3,600 shares (of £100 each) of the Jew
ish Colonization Association (q.v.).
The reference is to the representatives of

A n g l o -J e w i s h p e o p l e .
the Anglo-Jewish Association (q.v.).
The precise name of this committee

ANGLO-RUSSiAN c o m m i t t e e .
was “Russo-Jewish Committee.” It was the leading English
organization for the aid of Russian Jewish immigrants, founded
in 1882 by the Anglo-Jewish Association (q.v.).
a n h a l t , d u ch ess (1865- ? ). Daughter of Prince

El i z a b e t h o f
Moritz von Sachsen Altenburg. Was married to Grand Duke
Constantine Constantinovich (q.v.) in 1884.
an n u al co nference.The reference is to the Annual Conference

of the Central Committee of the Zionist Organization which
took place on October 28-30, 1902 in Vienna.
anth opulos pash a, (1834-1902). Turkish statesman. Be

KosTAKi
longed to the Greek minority. Began his career in 1859 as a
teacher. Entered government service in 1866. Was appointed
judge of the commercial court in 1868 and in 1876 became a
member of the Court of Cassation. Was appointed senator in
1877; Attorney-General of the Court of Cassation in 1879. Be
came governor-general of Crete and was given the rank of Vizier
with the title of Pasha (1887). In 1895 was sent as Ambassador to
London.
a p ik o r s im . Yiddish expression meaning free-thinkers, atheists.
The narrow gulf, about 12 miles wide and 100

a q a b a , gulf o f.
miles long, leading from the Red Sea (q.v.) up north to a point
where today both Israel and Jordan have each a few miles of
shore.
arabadch i or a r a b a j i (a r a b a c i in modem Turkish spelling).

Turkish carriage or coach driver.
Ar a b i a n f a i r y t a l e . See Dream of the pitcher.
a r c h b is h o p o f V i e n n a . See Gruscha, Anton III Joseph.
arcu s. Press Service in Vienna.
Campbell, George John Douglas (1823-

A r g y l l , 8t h d u k e o f .
1900). Took active part in politics, was secretary for India from
1868 to 1874, Lord Privy Seal several times. His son, the 9th
Duke, married in 1871 Princess Louise (q.v.), daughter of Queen
Victoria.
(1867-1922). Turkish court official. Entered the

Ar i f b e y , m e h m e d
services of the Sultan as a secretary, and, by 1890, rose to the
position of a confidential chamberlain. After a fall from favor
he had to flee from Turkey in 1906. While abroad, he fell ill and
the Sultan permitted him to return to Turkey insisting that he
resume his position. Arif Bey returned to Constantinople but
did not re-enter the court service.
At the end of the 19th century most of Armenia was

Ar m e n ia n s .
under Russian rule. Those Armenians remaining under Turk-
ish rule suffered repeatedly from persecution. The 1878 Treaty
of Berlin envisaged certain reforms which, however, Turkey
failed to carry out. This resulted in embitterment among the
Armenians who thereupon began to organize revolutionary
groups both in Turkey and in other countries. In 1887 they
formed the secret society of the Huntchakists, and three years
later that of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dash-
nakists). An Armenian armed uprising in Turkey took place in
1894 and led to bloody reprisals and to massacres of Armenians in
1894-1896. The European powers felt that it was their duty as
Christian countries to come to the defense of the Armenians, but
the form and extent of their intervention were dictated as much
by political considerations as by humanitarian interests. See also
Nazarbek, Avetis.
German Jewish banker, commercial councillor

arons, dr. p a u l .
and early Zionist leader in Berlin.
a r t in (1828-1901). Turkish statesman. Born in

p a s h a , d a d ia n
Constantinople of Armenian parents. Graduated from the Uni

versity of Paris. Entered the Turkish foreign service in 1855.
Became secretary of the Turkish Embassy in Paris in 1862. Was
appointed member of the Council of State in 1862 and became
under-secretary in the Ministry of Finance. Was twice (1875-76
and 1880-84) under-secretary in the Foreign Ministry. In 1887
was nominated Ottoman High Commissioner in Bulgaria, and
in 1888 was again under-secretary in the Foreign Ministry with
the rank of a Vizier and the title of Pasha.
asch er. Lord Rothschild’s (q.v.) private secretary.
ash fo rd . Urban district in Kent, England, 20 miles west of Dover.
A s h k e n a z i m . See Sephardim and Ashkenazim.
ath enaeum Established in 1824 at 10 Pall Mall, London,

club.
S. W. 1. Its members are devoted to literature, science, public

service and the arts. It still exists today.
At k i n . Resident of London, interested in the Armenian question.
a t t n a n g -p u c h h e i m . Village in Upper Austria, on the Vienna-Linz

railroad line.
auer. On the basis of the brief reference, contained in the January
4, 1901, entry, it was impossible to identify this individual.
(1876-1948). Viennese writer. From 1906 to

a u e r n h e im e r , r a o u l
1933 member of the editorial staff of the Neue Freie Presse (q.v.).
Author of successful comedies, and books of social criticism.
Wrote an introduction to the second edition of Herzl’s Feuille
tons, published by Benjamin Harz, Berlin-Vienna, 1903.
au ersperg , co u n t (1855-1918). Austrian politician, jurist

Le o p o l d
and industrialist. Became in 1886 district chief (Bezirkshaupt-
mann) of Lilienfeld, and, in 1890, of Baden. In 1905 section
head in the Ministry of Commerce; 1906-7 Minister of Agri
culture; 1907 member of the Austrian Upper House. Was presi
dent of an insurance company and of a munitions and metals
factory.
au gu sta Princess of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-

v ic t o r ia .
Augustenburg. Wife of Kaiser Wilhelm II (q.v.), to whom she

was married in 1881.
au ssee. Resort town in the Austrian Alps.
A u s t in , A l f r e d (1835-1913). Poet laureate of England, critic and

journalist.
a u t o -e m a n c i p a t i o n . See Pinsker, Leo.
City in France. Capital of the Department of Vaucluse,

Av i g n o n .
30 miles from the Mediterranean.
(lSyoP-igig). Russian Jewish physician

a w in o w it z k y , d r . f e ib u s h
and Zionist. Settled in Odessa in the early 1890’s and practiced

medicine, but spent most of his time in Zionist activities. In
1903 was elected as vice-rabbi in Odessa, but he was confirmed in
this position by the government only in 1905. In 1903 he stood
by Herzl during the crisis over the East Africa proposal.
a small town in eastern Thrace, in European Turkey,

b a b a e s k i,
some 30 miles south-east of Edime, on the railway line linking

Kirklareli to the Edime-Istanbul main line.
G.B.E. (Knight of Grand Cross Order

BABiNGTON s m i t h , s ir h e n r y ,
of the British Empire) C.H. (Companion of Honour), K.C.B.,
C.S.I. (1863-1923). British representative on the Council of
Administration of Ottoman Public Debt (1900); President of
Ottoman Public Debt (1901); President of National Bank of
Turkey (1903-9); Director of Bank of England (1912-23).
(1857- ? ). German statesman.

b a b o , d r . h u g o f r e ih e r r v o n
Chamberlain of the Grand Duke of Baden, Privy Councilor and

President of the Privy Council of the Grand Duke’s cabinet.
bâch er , eduard (1846-1908), a Viennese Jew, together with Moritz

Benedikt, editor (1879) and then publisher (1881) of the Neue
Freie Presse.
Turkish Jewish official. Was assistant

b a c h o r e f e n d i, a s h k e n a z i.
Lord-Mayor of Constantinople, later member of the Council of

State (1899). After the restoration of the Constitution (1908) was
appointed Senator.
bach rach , dr. ado lph (1853-1932). Austrian Jewish lawyer, legal
consultant of the imperial house.
back. The man by the name of Back whom Herzl met in Palestine
in 1898 seems to have been one of the sons of Nissan Back, a
printer in Jerusalem, bom in Berdichev, who was one of the
heads of the Jerusalem Hassidic community and an energetic
and liberal leader of the old Yishuv. Nissan Back, who died in
1890, had three sons: Samuel, Meir and Hayim. Of Samuel it is
known that he was bom in 1839 and that Sir Moses Montefiore
(q.v.) was his godfather.
b a c o n , s ir Fr a n c i s (1561-1626). English statesman, philosopher

and essayist.
bad n a u h e im Health resort town in West Germany,

, or n a u h e im .
17 miles north-east of Frankfort.
baden or b a d e n BEi W i e n (Baden near Vienna). Fashionable spa

in Lower Austria at a distance of 14 miles to the south-south
west of Vienna.
baden. A grand duchy, became a state of the new German Empire

in 1870. Its ruler in Herzl’s days was Grand Duke Friedrich
(q.v).
baden, gran d d u k e o f . See Friedrich I, Grand Duke of Baden.
b a d e n i, (1846-1909). Austrian statesman,

KAziM iERZ f e l i x , c o u n t
was born in Sorochow. In 1888 he was appointed Commissioner
for Galicia, from 1895 to 1897 was Prime Minister of Austria.
Turkish Jewish civil servant. Was assistant to the

b a d i, a v r a m .
Board of Legal Advisors ( 1907-1912).
bagdad or Ba g h d a d . In Herzl’s days the chief city of the Mesopo

tamian province of the Ottoman Empire; today the capital of
Iraq.
bahr, (1863-1934). Austrian poet, dramatist and theatri

He r m a n n
cal critic. Was a fraternity brother of Herzl in the Albia, de
clared himself an adherent of the Pan-Germanic and anti-
Semitic movement in 1883 at a meeting of the fraternity which
led to Herzl’s resignation from it. From 1894 to 1912 Bahr lived
in Vienna, then moved to Salzburg, and in 1922 to Munich.
baira m . See Bayram.
(1840-1907). British engineer. In 1877 de

baker , sir b e n ja m in
signed the ship that transported Cleopatra’s Needle from Egypt
to London. In the same year became consulting engineer for the
construction of the Aswan Dam on the N ile. Designed pneumatic
shield for the construction of the first tunnel under the Hudson
river, 1888-91. Was co-planner of Firth of Forth Bridge. Was
knighted in 1890.
baksheesh , in Persian, Turkish and Arabic ba k h sh ish , gratuity,

tip, consideration, bribe.
baldov .Abridged form of the Yiddish term Baldover (from the

Hebrew ba’al davar), meaning spokesman, agent, a man of un
derstanding. Herzl uses the term Baldov as a code-name for E.
Crespi (q.v.).
Yiddish expression (derived from the Hebrew

ba lm a ch o m e ,
ba’al milhama), meaning fighter, warlike person, quarrelsome
individual.
Balmoral castle . Private residence of the British sovereign in

Aberdeenshire, Scotland.
bambus , w illy (1862-1904). German Jewish communal worker.

Leader of the Berlin Hovevei Zion. Was influential in diverting
the efforts of the Jewish Colonization Association (q.v.) from
Argentina to Palestine. Attended the First Zionist Congress and
tried to agitate for the piecemeal colonization of Palestine. In
1901 became general secretary of the Hilfsverein der deutschen
Juden (German Jewish Aid Society), the German counterpart
of the French Alliance Israélite (q.v.). Author of the book
Palàstina—Land und Leute (1898: Palestine, Land and People).
bAnheda. Hungarian town located on the Budapest-Vienna rail

way line, with 11,000 inhabitants (in 1950).
(i850?-ig22). Russian Jewish banker. Settled in

barbash , sam u el
Odessa in the early 1880's, founded there a large banking house
and became an active Zionist worker. Was a member of the
Odessa Committee of Zionists, participated in the work of the
Hovevei Zion (q.v.), purchased lands in Talpioth near Jerusa
lem and in Merhavia, attended the Zionist Congresses. At the
Third Congress served on the Colonization and Provisional
Bank Committees. When the Jewish Colonial Trust was founded
he became one of its directors. After the Russian Revolution his
fortune was confiscated and he died impoverished, lonely and
miserable.
barbier .French agricultural expert. Chief agricultural adviser of

the I.C.A. (q.v.) and of Baron Edmond de Rothschild (q.v.).
Used to visit periodically the early agricultural settlements in
Palestine.
barclays, bevan &co. The correct full name of this bank was Bar
clay, Bevan, Tritton, Ransom, Bouverie & Co., of London and
Brighton. In 1896 they joined with Gurney & Co. of Norwich
and with Jonathan Backhouse & Co. of Darlington, to form the
Barclays Bank Ltd., one of the largest banks of England.
barnato , barnett (called Barney; original name Barnett Isaacs;

1852-1897). English financier, made a fortune in diamonds in
South Africa. Founded the firm of Barnato Brothers (1880), the
unsuccessful Barnato Bank in London, and the Barnato Dia
mond Mining Company in Kimberley (1881). The latter was
amalgamated in 1887 with the interests of Cecil Rhodes (q.v.) as
the firm of De Beers. Bamato died by committing suicide at sea
off Madeira.
barrington , sir eric (1847-1918). British civil servant and politi

cian. Private secretary to Lord Salisbury (q.v.) 1895-1900 and to
Lord Lansdowne (q.v.) 1900-05. Later became undersecretary
for foreign affairs.
bartlett , sir ellis ashm ead (1849-1902). English barrister. Mem

ber of Parliament for Suffolk 1880-85, and for Ecclesall Division,
Sheffield, from 1885. Civil Lord of the Admiralty 1885-86,1886—
92. Served in South Africa 1900. Was knighted in 1892.
baruch , J oseph marcou (1872-1899). Jewish adventurer. Bom in

Constantinople, studied at the Alliance (q.v.) school there and at
the university (from 1893). Following brief sojourns in Austria,
France and Algeria, settled in Philippopolis, Bulgaria, in 1895,
joined the Hashahar Zionist youth movement there and founded
and edited its magazine Carmel (in French with a Ladino (q.v.)
supplement). In 1897 Baruch became the principal of the Ash
kenazi (q.v.) school in Cairo, Egypt. Shortly thereafter joined the
Greek anti-Turkish armed forces, and rose to the rank of ser
geant. His war-diaries, published in Italian translation in a Jew
ish paper in 1897-98, express his fierce desire to die a hero’s death
for the liberation of Palestine. T here followed a second period of
wanderings through Egypt, Algeria, Tunisia, Smyrna and the
Balkans. When he learned about Herzl and political Zionism, he
engaged in energetic Zionist propaganda, often walking from
one country to another. One of his projects was that the Jews
should purchase a small Mediterranean island, declare it an in
dependent Jewish state, and organize from it a m ilitary expedi
tion for the armed conquest of Palestine. His strange tenseness
caused apprehension in people who met him, as can be gathered
from Herzl’s Diary statements about him. Following an un
happy love affair he committed suicide in Florence.
basil, Mathieu . See Guesde, Jules.
bath. City and county borough in Somersetshire, England, 107

miles west of London, on the Avon.
battersea , 1ST baron , cyril flo w er (1843-1907). English liberal

politician and civil servant. Was for many years Member of
Parliament, and Lord of the Treasury under Gladstone’s last
administration, 1892. Married Constance, daughter of Sir
Anthony de Rothschild, in 1877. Was created a baron in 1892.
battersea , lady (1843-1931). Constance, the daughter of Sir

Anthony de Rothschild, became Lady Battersea through her
marriage (in 1877) to Cyril Flower, later Baron Battersea (q.v.).
She remained a member of the Jewish faith; founded the Jewish
Association for the Protection of Girls and Women. Her Rem
iniscences (1922), written jointly with her sister Annie, are an
important source of Rothschild family history.
(1853-1941). Viennese writer, librettist, humorist,

bauer , ju l iu s
journalist and editor. Edited for many years the Wiener Illus-
trierte Extrablatt.
Ba u ern feld , eduard von (1802-1890). Austrian dramatist, uni

versal favorite of Viennese society, whose comedies and drawing
room pieces were extremely successful in the 1830’s and 40’s.
BAVARIE, PRINCE RECENT OF. See Luitpold.
bayram or ba ira m . Two Moslem feasts, one following the fasting

month of Ramazan (q.v.) and lasting three days. On this feast it
is the custom to give presents. This is why the Sultan was in need
of special funds as the Bayram approached.
bayswater synagogue . Constituent synagogue of the United Syna

gogue, located at Chichester Place, Harrow Road, London, W.
2. It was completed in 1863, its first minister was the Rev. Dr.
Hermann Adler (q.v.) until his promotion to the Chief Rabbi
nate in 1891. In 1892 his place was filled by the appointment of
the Rev. Dr. H. Gollancz, M.A. (1852-1930), a Hovevei Zionist,
and the only rabbi to have been knighted.
Bazin , rené francois Nicholas m arie (1853-1932). French novel

ist and travel writer, elected member of the French Academy in
1904.
BEACONSFiELD, first earl o f (Benjamin Disraeli; 1804-1881).

British statesman and novelist. His father, Isaac D’israeli, al
though never formally converted, abandoned Judaism, and his
three sons and daughter were baptized in the Anglican church.
In 1837, when Benjamin Disraeli was elected a member of parli
ament, he already had to his credit several novels and political
pamphlets. In 1847 he published his novel Tancred (q.v.). In
parliament he was prominent as leader of the Young England
Party, in 1858 became leader of the House of Commons and
Chancellor of the Exchequer, and in 1868, and again from 1874
to 1880, Prime Minister. In 1875 he purchased for England
177,000 shares of the Suez Canal company with money borrowed
from the Rothschilds, thereby gaining control of the Canal. In
1878 he was created an earl. Throughout his life Disraeli evinced
great interest in the Jews, their history and their situation.
bebek . Outlying district of Constantinople on the Bosporus.
There were at least five physicians named Beck who

beck , dr .
practiced in Vienna in 1896, and any one of whom could have
been the family doctor of Herzl’s parents. They were Dr. Julius
Beck (received his M.D. in 1858); Dr. Bernhard Beck (1858); Dr.
Ferdinand Beck (1872); Dr. Ignaz Beck (1873); Dr. Gustav Beck
(1880). According to S. R. Landau, Sturm und Drang im Zion-
ismus, Vienna, n.d. (ca. 1937), p. 71, the Dr. Beck who treated
Herzl was formerly a physician of the Turkish army.
becker , henri (1861-1932). French Jewish scholar and civil servant,
bom in Lorraine. Was counsellor of Henry and Emile Deutsch
de la Meurthe. Helped Henry Deutsch in the establishment of
the Institut Aérotechnique of St. Cyr, and Emile Deutsch in the
foundation of the Cité Universitaire (University City) in Paris.
At the end of his career Becker was honary receiver of finances
in Paris. Was member of the Légion d’Honneur.
becque , henry (Francois; 1937-1899). French dramatist. His first

important play was Les Corbeaux (The Ravens, 1882), a somber
picture of the impoverishment of a middle class family. His
second noted play, La Parisienne (1885), was an analysis of self-
deceiving immorality.
beer , sam u el fried rich (1846-1912). Jewish sculptor, bom in

Brunn, studied in Vienna, and from 1875 on lived in Paris. His
work is represented in the U.S. by a bust of Washington Irving
in the Washington Irving High School in New York, and a
relief portrait of Michelangelo at the Metropolitan Museum of
Art in New York. A bust of Herzl by him is now in the Herzl
Museum on Mount Herzl near Jerusalem.
(1866-1945). Austrian Jewish poet and

beer -h o fm a n n , richard
dramatist, whose lyric poem Schlaflied fiir Miriam is one of the
finest examples of the use of Jewish themes in modem literature.
His Biblical drama Jacob's Dream was performed in many Ger
man theaters, as well as in New York. In 1938 he escaped to
Switzerland, and in 1939 settled in New York.
beer tuvia (original name Kastinie). Agricultural settlement

(moshava) near the seashore 25 miles south of Tel Aviv, founded
in 1896 by the Hovevei Zion (q. v.).
beerite .A cement-like facing and binding material, invented by

the sculptor Samuel Friedrich Beer (q. v.).
beglerbeg. See Beylerbey.
beha bey , dr . Secretary to Memduh Pasha in 1903.
beiram . See Bayram.
Beirut . A seaboard city on the eastern Mediterranean. In Herzl’s

time the capital of the vilayet (province) of Beirut in the Otto
man Empire. Today the capital of Lebanon.
Beirut incidents . In September 1903 bloody clashes took place in

Beirut between Christians and Moslems.
Beirut , vilayet o f . The vilayet (province) of Beirut, a Turkish

administrative division of Syria and Palestine, included two
Sanjaks (districts): The Sanjak of Acre (q. v.), and the Sanjak
of Belqa, the latter including Samaria, the central portion of
western Palestine.
beit (misspelled by Herzl: Breit), Alfred (1853-1906). British

financier and South African diamond magnate. Of German
birth, went to South Africa in 1875, became closely associated
with Cecil Rhodes (q.v.).
bekir soNHAMi bey . Resident of Galata (q.v.).
Belgian Congo . Colony of Belgium in south-central Africa with

an area of 902,400 square miles. After Sir Henry Morton Stan
ley had traced the Congo river to its mouth, King Leopold II
(q.v.) of the Belgians formed a Comité d’Études du Haut Congo,
later renamed the International Association of the Congo, and
entrusted Stanley with drawing up agreements with the native
chiefs in the area and establishing stations. The Berlin Con
ference of 1884-85 recognized the Association as the independ
ent Congo Free State with Leopold as its sovereign. Following
a number of international legal steps, the State was ceded to
Belgium in 1907 and formally annexed a year later. It obtained
independence in i960.
belkovsky , ZEvi (1865-1948). Russian Jewish lawyer, professor

and Zionist leader. Studied in Odessa, became professor of law
and economics at the university of Sophia, Bulgaria, 1893-97»
Upon Herzl’s appearance became his faithful adherent and the
spokesman of Zionism in Bulgaria. Participated in the first
Zionist Congresses. In 1898 settled in St. Petersburg and took
a leading part in Russian Zionism. Was the author of several
books on Zionism, among them the first Zionist Bibliography
(containing ca. 4,000 items). From 1922 to 1924 was chairman of
the secret Zionist center in Russia. Was arrested in 1924 and
expelled from Russia. He settled in Palestine where he became
a member of the Tel Aviv city court of arbitration.
Be ll a m y , edward (1850-1898). American author who in his

socialistic novel, Looking Backward (published in 1888), at
tempted to solve the problems of economic and political in
equality.
ben J acob , ja c o b (1858-1926). Russian Jewish bibliographer,

one of the founders of the Hovevei Zion in Vilna. Was a mem
ber of the B’nai Moshe (q.v.). One of the early adherents of
Herzl, was a delegate to the first Zionist Congresses. In 1903
Herzl was a guest in his house in Vilna. Was a representative
of the Jewish Colonial Trust (q.v.) in Russia until 1914.
ben -yehuda , eliezer (1858-1922; original name Perelmann).

Pioneer of the renascence of modem Hebrew. Settled in Jeru
salem in 1881 and edited Hebrew journals, worked as a teacher
and, determined to speak only Hebrew, fought for the use of
Hebrew in daily life. In 1915-19 lived in the United States. His
magnum opus is the encyclopaedic dictionary of Hebrew lan
guage more than half of whose volumes appeared during his
lifetime, the rest after his death.
benedikt , moritz(1849-1920), a Viennese Jew, was, together with
Eduard Bâcher, first editor and then also publisher of the Neue
Freie Presse.
One of the two Hebrew names of Herzl; used also as

b e n ja m in .
one of his code-names.
BENNETT, ja m e s cordon (1841-1918). Son of the founder of the

New York Herald, became its managing editor in 1866, and its
proprietor in 1872.
bentw ich , Herbert (1856-1932). British Jewish lawyer specializ
ing in copyright law, and leader of the English Hovevei Zion
movement. In 1897 he organized a Palestine pilgrimage of the
members of the Order of the Ancient Maccabeans, a Zionist
organization, of which he subsequently (1901-14) became Grand
Commander. During the First World War he assisted Chaim
Weizmann in negotiating the Balfour Declaration, and follow
ing the war he settled in Palestine.
bérard , alexandre (1859-1923). French politician. Studied law,

became a lawyer, then a magistrate; was elected as a radical
deputy to the Chamber from 1893 to 1906. In 1908 became a
senator. Became under-secretary of state in 1902 and again in
1905. Wrote several books on French history and politics.
berger ,Théodore (1848-1900). French administrator and financial

expert. Was administrator of the Imperial Ottoman Bank and
had an active part in the financial and administrative reorgani
zation of the Ottoman Empire.
bergmann . Viennese Jew.
berkowicz, dr. michael (1865-1935). Austrian Jewish educator,

translator, author, editor and publisher. Bom in Borislav,
Galicia, educated in Lvov and Vienna, began early to publish
translations of the works of Hebrew authors into German,
became active in the Lvov “Zion” Society and contributed
articles to Hebrew, Yiddish and German Jewish papers.
Founded, together with Ehrenpreis (q.v.), a publishing house for
popular books in Yiddish in Lvov. In 1894 became the secretary
of the “Zion” Society (q.v.) in Vienna. Upon the appearance of
Herzl, became one of his earliest followers, and translated his
Judenstaat (q.v.) and other writings into Hebrew. In 1898
Berkowicz became the manager of the Yiddish Zionist journal
Yud in Cracow. When this paper was discontinued he returned
to Vienna to the staff of Die Welt. From 1906 to 1908, and again
from 1912, was on the staff of Monumenta Judaica. From 1911
to his death was teacher of religion in the Bilitz, Silesia, high
school.
Berliner , dr . abraham (1833-1915). German Jewish literary

historian. Was called to Amswalde as teacher and preacher,
1858; later became teacher of the Shas-Chevra in Berlin, and in
1873 instructor of Jewish history at the newly founded rabbini
cal seminary of Azriel Hildesheimer. In 1874 he founded the
Magazin fiir die Wissenschaft des Judentums which he edited
until 1893. He was co-founder of the separate Orthodox Berlin
community A dass Isroel. He wrote studies on the history of the
Jews in Rome, on the Targum Onkelos, on the life of German
Jews in the Middle Ages, on the daily prayer book, etc.
BERLINER TAGEBLATT a n d FRANKFURTER ZEITUNG Were th e tWO mOSt

influential newspapers in Germany. They were not “Jewish
papers” in the sense of being devoted to Jewish affairs or ad
dressed to a Jewish readership. They were general dailies, but
were to a large extent Jewish-owned and Jewish-edited.
Probably mistake for Pierre I’hermite, Peter

bernard l ’h e r m it e .
the Hermite (ca. 1050-1115), also known as Peter of Amiens,
preacher of the First Crusade, who reached Jerusalem at the
head of a small band of men in 1099, most of his followers having
perished on the way.
berne. The capital of Switzerland.
Bernstein , a . German Jewish merchant in Munich. In 1884

entered into a partnership with David Wolffsohn (q.v.) and
founded the firm Bernstein and Wolffsohn in Papenburg, which
moved to Cologne in 1888.
BERNSTEiN-KOHAN. See Kohan-Bemstein.
beshiktash.Suburb of Constantinople on the European bank of

the Bosporus some 3 miles from the Golden Horn.
Literally House of the People, Hebrew term used

beth h a a m .
to this day in Israel to designate the lecture and meeting hall
in the towns and villages.
(1851-1930). Viennese Jewish journalist, was

b e tt el h e im , anton
first feuilleton editor of the Wiener Presse and the Deutsche
Zeitung, then, from 1890, permanent Viennese theater critic of
the Miinchner Allegemeine Zeitung. From 1921 he was editor
of the Neue ôsterreichische Biographie. In the review referred
to in the Diaries he wrote: " . . . the fantastic dream of a feuil
letonist whose mind had been unhinged by Jewish enthusiasm
. . . We reject Herzl’s Judenstaat with greater distaste than the
meanest anti-Semitic pamphlet.”
bevis marks synagogue . Synagogue of the Spanish and Portuguese

Jews’ Congregation located in the London, E. C. 3, district. It
was erected in 1701, and is to this day the center of the Sephardi
community of England.
beylerbey. A royal palace, located on the Asian bank of the

Bosporus, opposite the Dolmabahçe palace.
Biarritz. French resort town on the Bay of Biscay.

biddulph . English clergyman.
bielefeld, ernst. Austrian statesman, consul of Austria-Hungary

at Karlsruhe.
bierer, reuben dr. (1835-1931). Was one of the early Zionists in

his native Galicia; co-founder of Kadimah, the first Jewish
students’ fraternity in Vienna, and, in 1882, with Perez
Smolenskin, of the religious society for Palestinian colonization,
Ahavat Zion. Later he moved to Sophia, Bulgaria, and created
there the first national Jewish organizations.
BiLLiTZER. Viennese Jewish hat maker.
birnbaum, nathan dr. ( 1864—1937; pseudonym: Mathias Acher).

Viennese Jewish author and cultural and political leader,
founded in 1883 the first Jewish students’ fraternity Kadimah,
and in 1884 the bi-weekly Selbst-Emancipation, both with a
pro-Zionist, Hovevei Zion orientation. In 1896-97 he edited in
Berlin the monthly Zion. He was the originator of the term
“Zionism” and in his writings advocated the solution of the
Jewish question through the national renaissance of the Jewish
people in its ancient homeland. He was a religiously oriented
thinker and several of his essays were addressed in particular to
an orthodox Jewish audience. At first an adherent of Herzl, he
soon turned against him and advocated a Jewish nationalism in
the Diaspora with Yiddish as its medium. In his late years he
joined the ultra-religious Agudath Yisrael movement.
bischofshofen. Village in Salzburg, Austria.
bishop of London. The

Bishop of London referred to in the Diaries
was Arthur Foley Winnington-Ingram (1858-1946), Bishop of
London from 1901 to 1939.
bishop of RiPON. See Boyd-Carpenter.

Bism arck , Herbert (1849-1904; full name: Prince Herbert Niko
laus von Bismarck-Schônhausen). Son of Otto von Bismarck,
German statesman and soldier, succeeded to his father’s title in
1898.
Bismarck , prince otto von (1815-1898). German statesman, uni

fier of the German states into the German Reich, and Chancellor
of Germany.
blanckenhorn , max ludwig pa u l (1861-1947). German geologist.

Was member of the 1897-99 Geological Survey of Egypt. In
1905 was appointed professor of geology, in 1908 received the
Turkish Liakat medallion and in 1923 the German Leibniz
medallion. On the basis of several field trips from 1888 to 1931
he wrote a thorough volume on the geology of Egypt, and laid
the foundations for a modem stratigraphy of Syria and Palestine.
bleicher , carl . Viennese free-lance scholar.
bleyleben , oktavian regner von (1866- ? ). Austrian states

man. Became in 1904 provincial president of Bukowina; from
1911 to 1915 governor of Moravia, then governor of Lower
Austria.
or Ivan Stanislavovich Bliokh (1836-1902). Polish

bloch , je a n d e ;
Jewish financier, economist and military critic. Russian Coun-
cillor-of-State. Proponent of the plan for the 1899 Hague Inter
national Peace Conference. Converted to Calvinism but re
mained interested in the fate of the Jews.
bloch , J oseph samuel (1850-1923). Austrian Jewish politician

and newspaper editor, was member of the Austrian parliament,
and editor of the widely read Jewish weekly, Oesterreichische
Wochenschrift. He was the author of a considerable number of
books on Jewish history, literature, education and apologetics.
(literally: Sons of Moses). Secret society organized by
b ’nai m o sh e
Ahad Haam (Asher Ginzberg, 1856-1927) in 1889. In 1893 its
headquarters were moved to Palestine and its secret character
was abandoned. Its aim was to organize a national effort for the
regeneration of the Jewish people in Palestine. Its members
served as teachers and propagandists, but the organization had
to disband in 1896.
b ’nai zion(Sons of Zion). A Zionist society in England. Founded

1887. In 1898, when the Zionist Federation of England was
founded, the B’nai Zion joined it. They disbanded in 1917.
Refers to the Board of Directors of Jewish Colonial

board , t h e .
Trust (q.v.) in London.
BODENHEiMER, m a x isidor (1865-1940). Lawyer and Zionist leader,

joined the Hovevei Zion in Cologne, Germany, in his youth,
and was one of the first to support Herzl. Was member of the
committee which approved the Basel Program of 1897. In the
following year he accompanied Herzl on his visit to Palestine.
From 1897-1921 was member of the General Council of the
World Zionist Organization. He was the author of the con
stitution of the Jewish National Fund, and its Director from
1907-1914. In 1935 he settled in Jerusalem.
bois de Bo ulogne . Park in Paris, covering an area of 2,155 acres,

with two artificial lakes, bridle paths, drives, restaurants, play
ing fields, two race tracks and a zoo.
BOISDEFFRE, RAOUL-FRANÇOIS-CHARLES LE MOUTON DE (1839-1919).

French general. Was French military attaché in Russia. Became
chief of the army’s general staff in 1893. In 1898 resigned in
consequence of the Dreyfus (q.v.) affair.
bon -m a rch é , a big department store in Paris.

boncourt palace. See Chamisso, Adalbert.
BONETTi, augusto (1831-1904). Italian cleric. Became titular

bishop of Cardica in 1885; apostolic delegate for the orient and
patriarchal vicar for the Latins in Constantinople in 1887.
A district in the Belgian coal producing province of

borinage .
Hennegan.
8ÔRSENw o ch e . The weekly economic and financial section of the

Neue Freie Presse.
Bosporus . The narrow sea-way of great strategic importance be

tween the Black Sea and the Sea of Marmara which, in turn, con
nects through the straits of Dardanelles (q.v.) and the Aegean
Sea with the Mediterranean. The city of Istanbul (see Con
stantinople) lies at the southern end of the Bosporus.
BOTOSANi. Rumanian town, in northern Moldavia, with 29,000 in

habitants (in 1950).
bourgeois , léon victor auguste (1851-1925). French statesman.

Became Minister of the Interior in 1889, Minister of Public
Instruction from 1892-93, and Prime Minister from 1895-96.
In 1899 he headed the French delegation to The Hague Peace
Conference. In 1902-04 he was President of the Chamber of
Deputies, in 1906 Minister of Foreign Affairs. Was first president
of the Council of the League of Nations, and in 1920 was
awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. In 1918-23 he was President
of the French Senate.
bourgoing , baron othon de (1839-1908). French diplomatist.

Advanced to the rank of Ambassador. Resigned and settled in
Vienna. Was known as an art collector and organizer of art
events.
BOURLiER. Staff member of the Paris Journal.

K.C.M.B. (1846-1910). Egyptian statesman.
boutros g h a li pa sh a ,
Foreign Minister, later Prime Minister of Egypt. Boutros Pasha,
a Copt, was backed by the Khedive.
boyd ca r pen ter , (1841-1918). English clergyman.

w il l ia m
Following a distinguished ecclesiastic career, became Bishop of
Ripon, 1884-1911 and thereafter Sub-Dean and Canon of West
minster. Published a considerable number of Biblical and re
ligious studies. Was honored by several universities with honor
ary doctorates.
boy le , harry(1863-1937). English civil servant. Oriental Secre

tary at Her Majesty’s Embassy in Cairo, in 1903.
BRAMLEY-MOORE, rev . w il l ia m . British clergyman. Author of

several theological works, among them Sixty Signs in Confirma
tion of the Belief that the Work Wrought in ‘The Only Holy
Catholic Church’ and Falsely Called ‘Irvingism’ is the True
Spiritual Work of God, etc. (London, 1878); Marturia: or the
Testimony of the Ancient Records and Monuments in the
British Museum to the Historical A ccuracy of the Holy Scripture
(London, 1897).
brandes , georg (original name: Morris Cohen, 1842-1927). Dan

ish Jewish critic, fought for the recognition of new writers. Was
indifferent to Judaism, until he became a fervent Zionist after
World War I.
braun , baron a d o lf von(1821-1904). Austrian statesman. State

councillor, chairman of the Cabinet Office of Emperor Franz
Josef I from 1865 to 1899. For a short time was Austrian consul
in Egypt.
( 1869- ? ). Austrian lawyer and banker.

brecher , dr . bernhard
Contributed to the manual Das ôsterreichische Recht (The Aus
trian Law), and author of Lebensversicherungsvertrag nach
ôsterreichischem Privatrecht (The Life Insurance Contract in
Austrian Civil Law). Was the son of I. Brecher, senior member
of the banking house I. and A. Brecher in Vienna.
i. and
br ec h er , a. Banking house in Vienna. See Brecher, Dr.
Bernhard.
bregenz . Town in western Austria, capital of the Tirol-Vorarlbeig

province. It occupies a beautiful site on a slope rising from Lake
Constance.
b r e it . See Beit, Alfred.
(1855- ? ). Austrian Jewish journalist,

b r eiten stein , dr . m a x
publisher and bookseller. Worked as a journalist since 1876; was
editor of the Wiener Korrespondenz. Owner of a large bookstore
and publishing house at 5 Wâhringerstrasse in Vienna. Pub
lished H erd's Judenstaat in 1896.
breslau . In Herzl’s time Breslau was the chief industrial city of

the German (Prussian) province of Lower Silesia. In 1945, at
the Potsdam conference, it was assigned to Poland and renamed
Wroclaw. An unsuccessful attempt to assassinate Kaiser
Wilhelm II was made in Breslau in 1900.
bresse . French teacher in Vienna.
(1858-1932). French dramatist and journalist. His

br ieu x , eu g èn e
best play, La Robe Rouge (The Red Robe, 1900), established
him definitively as a successful playwright. Most of his plays deal
with social and moral problems. In 1909 was elected member of
the Academy.
Br ig h to n . Popular English seaside resort, 50 miles south of Lon

don, in Sussex, on the English Channel.
Brindisi . The ancient Brundisium; seaport and fortified town in
southern Italy, situated on the Strait of Otranto in the Adriatic
Sea.
(1835-1912). French politician. In 1871

brisson , eugène h en ri
entered the Chamber of Deputies and became a leader of the
Radical Party. Was president of the Chamber 1881-85, 1894,
1904, and 1906-1912; prime minister in 1885 and 1898.
British east Afr ic a . General term used to designate the following

British territories in the central part of the African continent:
Tanganyika, Kenya, Uganda; and the islands of Zanzibar and
Pemba.
brno (German Briinn). City in Austria (today in Czechoslovakia),

capital of the Brno province in southern Moravia, 70 miles
north-north-east of Vienna.
brodsry (or Brodski). Russian Jewish family of industrialists. In

Herzl’s days the family owned the largest sugar refinery in Russia.
Lazar B. (1848-1904) and his brother Lev (1852-1923) used
much of their fortune for philanthropic purposes. They founded
the Polytechnical Institute and the Bacteriological Institute in
Kiev; donated 300,000 rubles for the Jewish industrial school in
Kiev, built the great synagogue there, and supported Jewish
literature. However, the Zionist Organization in Russia was un
able to persuade Lev B. to put up the amount required for the
purchase of the alley facing the Wailing Wall (q.v.) in the Old
City of Jerusalem.
“ brook o f Egypt to t h e Eu ph ra tes .’’ In this form the phrase does

not occur in the Bible. The nearest Biblical phrase is “from the
river of Egypt unto the great river, the river Euphrates” (Gen.
14:18), describing the boundaries of the Promised Land. The
“Brook of Egypt” as the ideal southern border of the land of
Israel is mentioned several times in the Bible (Num. 34:5;
Joshua 15:4, 47; 1 Kings 8:65; etc.). It has been identified with
the Wadi El-Arish (q.v.).
brown, major sir Robert hanbury, K.C.M.G. Commander of St.

Michael and St. George (1849-1926). English irrigation expert.
Inspector-General of Irrigation, Lower Egypt, from 1894 to
1903, Author of The Land of Goshen and the Exodus (London,
1899) and of The Delta Barrage (Cairo, 1896), etc.
brow n . A resident of Birmingham, England.
broze (or Broza), samuel (1869-1944). Russian Jewish pioneer,

bom in Mohilev. One of the founders of the settlement of Moza
(q.v.) near Jerusalem in 1894. Lived there for 50 years until his
death.
bruck , dr. zevi(1868-1922). Russian Jewish physician, communal

worker and Zionist leader. M.D. of the University of Kiev, 1893.
Practiced in St. Petersburg and Homel, and following the First
Zionist Congress took a leading part in Russian Zionist life. In
accordance with the Herzlian slogan of the conquest of the com
munities, he ran for the position of, and was elected as, the official
rabbi of Vitebsk in 1901. In 1905 was elected deputy to the first
Russian Duma. In 1914-17 served in the Russian army as a
doctor. In 1920 settled in Palestine.
BRÜLL, ignaz (1846-1907). Jewish composer, was teacher of piano

at Horak’s Piano School in Vienna (from 1872 to 1878), and
later (from 1881) became its Associate Principal. He composed
several operas including The Beggars of Samarkand (1864); The
Golden Cross (1875); Peace in the Land (1877); Bianca (1879);
as well as piano pieces, songs, etc.
brunetière , Ferdinand (1849-1906). Well-known French literary

critic with a rather negative attitude to Jews.
brusati, uco (1847-1936). Italian soldier. Participated in the
African campaign of 1895-96, became a general in 1897, and
aide-de-camp of the Duke of Naples in 1898. Appointed aide-
de-camp of King Victor Emmanuel III (q.v.), 1910; senator,
1912.
brun1ant or buriant. The name of this individual was mis-heard,

and consequently misspelled by Herzl. His correct name was
Bruyate (q.v.).
bruyate, sir william (edwin) k.c.m .g. (1867-1943). English bar

rister. Entered Egyptian government service in 1898; was Khédi
vial counsellor, 1903; 1914-1916 Counsel of the Sultan of Egypt;
1921-1924 Vice Chancellor of Hong-Kong University.
(1869-1939). Austrian Jewish lawyer,

b u c h m il , jo sh u a h e sh el
author and Zionist leader. Studied in Vienna and France. Under
the influence of Herzl, worked among the Russian Hovevei Zion
for their participation in the first Zionist Congress. Upon his
return to France worked there too for Zionism. Was a leader of
the Zionist opposition to the Uganda project (q v.). Until 1921
worked in Russia as a Zionist propagandist. In 1923 escaped from
Russia and settled in Palestine. He published a book (in French)
on Problems of the Jewish Renascence (1936).
buchs . Swiss town on the Austrian border with 5,000 inhabitants

(in 1950).
Budapest , the capital of Hungary, consisted originally of tw o

separate cities: Buda (Ofen), on the left bank of the Danube, and
Pest, on the right bank. Upon their unification, in 1872, the
city received its present name.
BUKoviNA. Region on the eastern slope of the Carpathian Moun

tains. In Herzl’s time part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire;
today divided between the Soviet Ukraine in the north and
Rumania in the south.
Bulgaria . Country in south-eastern Europe, on the Black Sea. In

1901, there were 33,661 Jews (Sephardim) among a total popula
tion of 3,744,283 in Bulgaria. The Turks conquered Bulgaria
in the 14th century and held it until 1878. From 1878 to 1908
Bulgaria was an autonomous and tributary principality under
the suzerainty of the Turkish Sultan. In the mid-1890’s Russian
influence increased in Bulgaria with a parallel intensification of
anti-Turkish sentiment. It was felt as especially intolerable that
Serbia should be an independent state, while Bulgaria, with
greater economic and military resources, remained a vassal of
Turkey. On October 5, 1908, Prince Ferdinand (q.v.) declared
Bulgaria an independent kingdom.
bülow , carl ulrich von (1862-1914). German soldier. Fifth son

of Secretary of State Bernhard Ernest von Bülow, and younger
brother of Prince Bernhard von Bülow (q.v.). In 1898 he was
sent to Vienna as a military attaché at the German embassy in
which capacity he served until 1906. At the beginning of World
War I he was a Prussian major-general and commander of the
ninth cavalry division. He fell in the war, at St. Croix in Belgium
on the 5th or 7th of August 1914.
bülow , prince bernhard von (1849-1929). German statesman.

Entered the Prussian civil service, 1872, the diplomatic service,
1874. Minister to Rumania, 1888; ambassador to Italy, 1894;
foreign secretary, 1897; chancellor of the German Empire, 1900.
bund . Full name: Algemeyner Yidisher Arbeyterbund in Lita,

Polen un Rusland (General Association of Jewish Workers in
Lithuania, Poland and Russia). Jewish social democratic organ
ization founded at a convention in Vilna in 1897.
burdeau , auguste (1851-1894). French philosopher and politi

cian, was a well-known personality in the days of the Third
Republic. He was a deputy from Lyon, several times Minister,
and was President of the Chamber of Deputies at the time of his
death, in December, 1894. He translated Herbert Spencer and
Schopenhauer into French. He was violently attacked by
Edouard Drumont (q.v.), the French anti-Semitic leader. Bur-
deau died a victim of calumnies, although in a lawsuit in the
Court of Assizes he was exonerated completely. The Burdeau-
Drumont trial whose sessions were attended by Herzl, took place
in 1894.
burg,or in its full form H of burg, is the name of the palace of the
Austrian Emperor in Vienna.
büyükdere , a suburb north of Constantinople, on the European

side of the Bosporus.
c. Initial of Cohn, code-name for Sultan Abdul Hamid II (q.v.).
caesarea . Ancient Palestinian harbor town (about halfway be

tween Tel Aviv and Haifa) built by Herod the Great and named
in honor of Augustus Caesar. Following the Crusades it became
a scene of ruin, and by Herzl’s time practically nothing visible
remained either of the town or of its once magnificent harbor.
café champs elysées . One of the elegant fashionable cafés in

Paris, situated on the Champs Elysées, generally regarded as the
most beautiful avenue in the world.
café louvre ,located in the Wipplinger Strasse in Vienna, was the

weekly meeting place of the Viennese Zionists in the early period
of the movement.
calais. City in France, on the Strait of Dover, in the Department

of Pas-de-Calais, opposite Dover.
Calderon de la barca, Pedro (1600-1681). Spanish poet and play
wright best known for his philosophical play, Life is a Dream.
Caleb, dr. joshua. Bulgarian Jewish Zionist leader. Lived in Sofia.

Attended the First Zionist Congress.
calice, count heinrich (1831-1912). Austrian diplomatist. In

1857 vice-chancellor of the Austrian consulate in Constanti
nople; 1864 consul in Liverpool; 1871 consul general and resi
dent minister to the courts of China, Japan and Siam; 1874 diplo
matic agent, 1876 envoy extraordinary and minister plenipo
tentiary, and 1880 ambassador, in Constantinople. Was made a
Baron in 1873, a Count in 1906.
CALL, GUIDO, BARON OF ROSENBURG AND KULMBACH (1849-1927).

Austrian diplomatist. Began his career in the Austrian legation
in Teheran, was from 1875 to 1894 attached to the Austrian
embassy in Constantinople in various capacities. In 1895 envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary in Sophia. 1900 min
ister of commerce in the Koerber (q.v.) cabinet. 1909 ambassa
dor to Tokio.
cambon, pierre-Paul (1843-1924). French administrator and dip

lomat. Following an administrative career in the home govern
ment, he became French resident in Tunisia in 1882, ambassador
to Madrid in 1886, to Constantinople in 1890, and to London
from 1898 to 1920.
CAMONDOS. Well known Jewish family of bankers and philanthro

pists, first in Venice, then in Constantinople. In Herzl’s days,
several members of the family lived in Paris and had the title
“Count.”
caporal. Business agent of Izzet Pasha, (q.v.).
Cappadocia. Ancient country in eastern Asia Minor, extending

originally from Cilicia to the Euxine. In Herzl’s time the name
was still used to identify that part of Turkey which formerly
was Cappadocia.
The novel La ip e Caravane des Dominicains

caravan of a rceu il .
d’Arceuil, by Lhermite (published in Paris in 1894), describes
how sixteen young boys form a traveling company and visit Con
stantinople, Mount Athos and other places in Greece, under
the tutelage of four “leaders” one of whom is the author.
carlsbad. Town in Austria (today in Czechoslovakia), in north

western Bohemia, celebrated for its hot mineral springs.
Carnegie , Andrew (1835-1919). American industrialist and

humanitarian, whose public gifts amounted to $333 millions.
carol 1 (1839-1914); originally Karl Eitel Friedrich of Hohen-

zollem-Sigmaringen; Engl. Charles). First king of Rumania, pro
claimed king in 1881.
CARTON DE WIART, LEON CONSTANT GHISLAIN (1854-1915). English

lawyer of Belgian origin. From 1883 in Egypt, barrister at law in
Cairo. Took a leading part in many important cases before the
Mixed Tribunals after the British occupation of which he was
a staunch supporter.
CAsiMiR-PÉRiER, je a n pa u l pierr e (1847-1907). French statesman,

premier and president of France.
cassel, sir ernest J oseph (1852-1921). British financier and phil

anthropist. Born of German Jewish parents in Cologne, he went
to England in 1869. Became an international banker, financed
railroads in Sweden, Mexico and the United States; dams and
irrigation canals in Egypt; banks in Morocco and Turkey. He
collected old masters, and objets d’art, and became a confiden
tial adviser to King Edward VII (q.v.). He endowed hospitals
and educational institutions. Was knighted in 1899.
caux .Resort in Switzerland, overlooking Montreux and Territet
on Lake Geneva.
CAVAIGNAC, JACQUES MARIE EUGÈNE GODEFROY ( l 853-1905). French

politician. Was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1882. In
1885-86 was Under Secretary of War; in 1892 and 1898 Minister
of Marine and of the Colonies. In 1898 he forced Lieut.-Col.
Henry to confess that certain letters bearing on the Dreyfus case
were forgeries, but nevertheless declared his belief in Dreyfus’
guilt.
cavendish rooms . Premises for social gatherings, meetings, din

ners, etc. at 51-53 Mortimer Street, London, W. 1. In 1905, on
the same spot, a new building was erected, called “Cavendish
House” (shops and offices).
cavid (djavid ) bey , ibrahim (1866-1899). Turkish official. Son of

the Grand Vizier, Halil Rifat Pasha (q.v.). Graduated from the
School of Political Sciences in 1885. Entered the Turkish foreign
service in 1886, became member of the Council of State in 1895.
Had the reputation of a ruthless and unscrupulous person. Was
assassinated, in broad daylight, by an Albanian, on the Galata
(q.v.) Bridge.
cedar of herzl at MOZA. On the occasion of his visit to Palestine

in 1898, Herzl planted a cedar at Moza (q.v.). The tree was cut
during the First World War in 1916, but was subsequently re
planted.
CELÂLETTiN (celâl ) pasha , m eh m ed (1852-1933). Turkish lawyer

and statesman. Began his career as a clerk of the translation office
in the Sublime Porte in 1867, and transferred to the judicial
service in 1881. Was appointed Professor of Penal Law in the
Constantinople Faculty of Law in 1888. In 1896 became a judge,
and in 1898 President of the Supreme Court of Appeals. In 1902
was appointed Minister of Education, and in 1903 Minister of
the Navy with the rank of a Vizier and the title of Pasha. In 1906
was appointed a member of the Council of State. After the
restoration of the Constitution (1908) he was removed from
office, deprived of his rank, and banished to an Aegean island.
In 1911, following the general amnesty, he returned to Con
stantinople. It was rumored that he was one of the personal spies
of Sultan Abdul Hamid (q.v.).
cemaleddin efendi (1848-1919). The Sheikh ul-Islam (q.v.) in

Heizl’s time. Belonged to an old Moslem religious family. Be
came professor of theology (1867) and was appointed §eyh ul-
Islâm by Sultan Abdul Hamid II (1891). Served in this post until
1908. After the dethronement of Abdul Hamid, he was known as
an opponent of the new regime. During the Balkan War (1912—
13) he returned to his office but following his unsuccessful at
tempt to overthrow the government he was obliged to flee
Turkey. He spent his last years in Egypt as an exile, and died
there.
cevdet (djevdet ) dr . abdullah bey (1869-1932). Turkish physi

cian and writer. First served as an oculist in the Turkish army
with the rank of a captain. Joined a secret society against the
Sultan in 1890 and was banished to Tripoli in 1892. In 1897
escaped to Europe, and began to publish articles in newspapers
which were opposed to the Sultan. Nevertheless was appointed
physician of the Turkish Embassy in Vienna, and kept silent for
three years. In 1904 established a printing office in Geneva,
Switzerland, and began to publish a review and books propagat
ing free thought. In 1905 moved to Egypt and practiced medi
cine. After the 1908 revolution returned to Istanbul. Wrote,
compiled and translated numerous books of literary, philosophi
cal and historical interest.
chaîne anglaise(English Chain). A dance. One of the figures or

movements of the quadrille.
chaldea . Ancient name of part of Mesopotamia.
chamberlain , J oseph (1836-1914). British statesman. Was en

gaged from 1854 to 1874 in manufacturing screws. Became mayor
of Binghamton in 1874, and member of parliament in 1876. In
1880 he became a member of the British cabinet as president of
the Board of Trade. In 1891 he became leader of the liberal
Unionists in the House of Commons and as such opposed Glad
stone. When the Unionists took over the government in 1895,
he was appointed Secretary for the Colonies. During this office
which he held until 1906, he greatly improved the relationship
between the colonies and Great Britain.
chamisso , Adalbert von (1781-1838). German writer and natural

ist of French origin. His original name was Louis-Charles-Ade
laide de Chamisso de Boncourt. He was bom in Boncourt Palace
in the Champagne in France and devoted to it one of his best-
known poems, entitled The Boncourt Palace. He described his
discoveries in the North and South Pacific in several volumes.
His most famous and original work is Peter Schlemihls Wunder-
bare Geschichte (1814), which was translated into English and
published as The Wonderful History of Peter Schlemihl. It
tells the story of the man who sold his shadow. See also Boncourt
Palace.
Charles, grand duke of baden , and Napoleon. The version

Hechler told Herzl about the origin of the title “Grand Duke
of Baden” is based on a confusion of Baden and Hesse. The
historical facts are as follows: Grand Duke Charles of Baden
(1786-1818), reigning prince in Napoleon’s time, was the grand
son and successor of Grand Duke Charles Frederick (died 1811).
Thus he inherited the title from his grandfather. He aided
Napoleon and married his adopted daughter, Stephanie de
Beauhamais, in 1806. The man whom Napoleon made a Grand
Duke was Landgrave Louis X of Hesse-Darmstadt who, in 1806,
assumed the title of Grand Duke Louis I.
Charles em m a nuel ii (1634-1675). Duke of Savoy. Succeeded to
the duchy in 1638, with his mother serving as regent until her
death in 1663. He was a contemporary of Sabbatai Zevi (q.v.)
and thus the family-tradition told by King Victor Emmanuel
III (q.v.) to Herzl on January 23, 1904, may have had historical
foundation.
charriant . Secretary to Mme Rattazzi (q.v.).
charter . The term used by Herzl to denote the international legal

document he tried to obtain from Turkey for the cession of
Palestine to the Jews.
châtelet , place de ch â telet ,a place in the 1st and 4th districts

of Paris, with the Fontaine de Châtelet in its midst. On it is
located the Châtelet theater, built in 1862.
chesireh . See Ghezireh.
By the beginning of the 20th century the old

china , jew s o f .
Chinese Jewish community of Kai-Feng-Fu was practically
extinct. About the middle of the 19th century a new Jewish
settlement came into being in Shanghai, composed first of Jews
from India, to whom later Jews from Europe were added. In
1898 Jews began to settle also in Charbin in Northern Man
churia which soon became the largest Jewish center in China.
chlumecky , baron jo h a n n von (1834-1924). One of the most

influential political figures of Austria. Minister of agriculture,
1871; of commerce, 1875; vice-president, 1885, and president,
1893, of the Austrian parliament; member of the Upper House,
l897-
chodinko pla in . A plain near Moscow, in Russia.
chorin , aaron(1766-1844). Hungarian reform rabbi. Was rabbi

in Arad from 1789 to his death, and introduced several reform
measures in the synagogue service and the religious life of the
community. He wrote a considerable number of scholarly books
and treatises dealing with issues of religious reform, all in
Hebrew.
chotek, countess sophie (1868-1914). Was lady-in-waiting at the
Viennese court. In 1900 Crown Prince Francis Ferdinand (q.v.)
married her in a morganatic marriage and she was given the
hereditary title of Duchess of Hohenberg. In 1914 she was as
sassinated together with the Crown Prince in Sarayevo.
chrysander, friedrich (1826-1901). German musical historian.

Specialized in the study of Handel. Lived from 1866 in Berge-
dorf and was thus a neighbor of Bismarck (q.v.). He was a
frequent guest in Bismarck’s home in Friedrichsruh and oc
casionally served the chancellor in a secretarial capacity.
circenses. The meaning of this Latin term is games, entertain

ment.
citadel in J erusalem. See Tower of David.
Clifford, J ohn (1836-1923). English Baptist clergyman, minister

of the Praed Street and Westboume Park churches in London
(1858-1915), active in religious and communal affairs, authored
several religious books.
coblenz. City in Germany, capital of the Rhineland Palatinate

(q.v.), situated on the left bank of the Rhine.
cohen, Alfred l . (1836-1903). English Jewish communal worker.

Vice-President of the Jewish Free School, counsel of the ad
ministration of the I.C.A.
cohen, Arthur (1830-1914). British Jewish lawyer, was appointed

Queen’s counsel in 1874 and a privy councillor in 1905. He was
active in Jewish communal affairs.
cohen , cusTAv Gabriel (1830-1906). German Jewish merchant and
banker, lived in Hamburg, father-in-law of Otto Warburg
(q.v.). Pre-Herzlian Zionist, became a close friend of Herzl.
Author of Die Judenfrage und die Zukunft (1891 and 1896: The
Jewish Question and the Future).
cohn , salo.Wealthy Viennese Jew, supporter of Jewish writers

and friend of Chief Rabbi Giidemann.
colbert, karl (1855- ? ). Co-owner and publisher, jointly with

Ernst Ziegler, of the fortnightly journal Wiener Mode (Viennese
Fashion), from 1888 to 1893. Thereafter his name appears only
occasionally as that of a contributor to the journal.
collas. French financier; negotiated a loan to Turkey.
columbus, Christopher (c. 1451-1506). Discoverer of America.
communard . Partisan of the Paris Commune of 1871. The latter

was a revolutionary power installed in Paris following the siege
of the city by the Prussians and the insurrection of March 18,
1871. It instituted a number of important reforms.
CONCORDIA ( o r KONKORDIA) WIENER JOURNALISTEN UND SCHRIFT-

steller -verein (Concordia, Viennese Union of Journalists and
Writers), founded in 1859. The most important society of its
kind in Vienna, with a large number of committees and varied
activities. Herzl was elected a member of its Ball Committee in
1888.
condottiere. Skilled professional soldier in Italy in the 14th and

15th centuries who commanded his own military companies
and sold his services to princes and states.
CONEGLIANO. Italian town, about 30 miles to the north of Venice.

conference o f Am erican Zionists . T he reference is to the Sixth
Annual Convention of the Federation of American Zionists
which took place in Pittsburgh from June 6 to 9, 1903.
Congo free state . See Belgian Congo.
Congo state . See Belgian Congo.
constance or konstanz . German city on the southwestern side of

the Lake of Constance, forming a German enclave on the Swiss
side of the lake.
constance , lake o f . Lake between Germany, Switzerland and

Austria.
constans, jEAN-ANTOiNE-ERNEST (1833-1913). French politician.

Was first professor of law. In 1876 was elected to the Chamber
of Deputies, re-elected in 1877; named under-secretary of state
of the interior in 1879. Minister of the interior in 1880. In 1886
was sent as minister plenipotentiary to China; from 1886 to
1888 was governor-general of Indo-China, and from 1889 to
1890 and 1890 to 1892, again minister of the interior. From
1898 to 1907 he was French ambassador to Constantinople.
Constantine constantinovich (1858-1915). Grand Duke of Rus

sia. Was head of the Russian military academies and a well-
known Russian poet under the pseudonym K.R. Wrote dramas
(1Sergeant Manfred, 1910; King of the Jews, 1913), and translated
Shakespeare’s Hamlet, Goethe’s Iphigenia and Schiller’s The
Bride of Messina into Russian.
Constantinople (today Istanbul). Capital of the Ottoman Empire,

located at the southern end of the Bosporus (q.v.).
Constantsa or constanza . Rumanian port on the Black Sea. Em

barkation point for East European travellers to Palestine.
cook .The well-known international travel agency, founded in
England in 1841.
coRNHiLL. A part of London, E.C.3.
Corot, je a n baptiste c a m ill e (1796-1875). French painter, one

of the so-called Barbizon School, excelled in landscapes. In
1867 was made an officier of the Legion of Honor.
correspondance de l ’est . Viennese daily evening paper, subtitled

Le petit journal, appeared from 1887 to 1899. It printed mainly
international economic news. Its editor-in-chief was Louis
Bresse, its publisher, Newlinski (q.v.).
cosmopolis . International monthly review, edited by F. Ortmans

(London: F. Fisher, Unwin—New York: International News
Company). It appeared from 1896 to 1898 and published
articles in French, English and German. Among its contributors
were Israel Zangwill, A. Vambery, Arthur Schnitzler, etc.
cottage was the name of a high-class residential section in Vienna.
couDENHOVE, count karl m a ria (1855-1913). Austrian jurist.

1882 vice secretary in the Ministry of Agriculture; 1892 ad
ministrator of Reichenberg and provincial president of Silesia;
1896-1911 governor of Bohemia. He was a patron of culture and
science.
count of m o n te cristo . Novel by Alexandre Dumas, written from

1814 to 1844.
cousTou, Nicolas (1658—1733). French sculptor whose decorative

figures adorn the gardens of the Tuileries in Paris.
cowen, J oseph (1868-1932). English Jewish businessman. At

tended the First Zionist Congress (1897), and thereafter became
one of HerzI’s most efficient aides in England. He accompanied
Herzl to Constantinople in 1902, served on the Board of Gover
nors of the Jewish Colonial Trust (q.v.), and from 1919, as its
chairman. He helped Chaim Weizmann in the latter’s negotia
tions for the Balfour Declaration (1917), and was a member of
the Zionist Commission sent to Palestine in 1918. From 1921 to
1925 was member of the Zionist Executive, and for several yean
president of the English Zionist Federation. Cowen served as
the prototype for the figure of Joe Levy in Herzl’s Altneuland
(q.v.).
CRAILSHEIM, COUNT FRIEDRICH AUGUST ElUSt Gustav Christoph

Krafft (1841-1921). Bavarian statesman. Was appointed Bavar
ian Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1880; from 1890 to 1903
Chairman of the Bavarian Council of Ministers. Previously a
baron, in 1901 he was created a count. He was one of the last
representatives of official liberalism in Bavaria.
crespi , eduard . Served as Herzl’s confidential agent in Constanti

nople.
Cretan rebellio n . The Mediterranean island of Crete, under

Turkish rule, was the scene of a rebellion in February, 1896,
organized by the Greeks with the intention of annexing the
island. The European powers intervened, and their ambassa
dors to Turkey drafted a series of reforms which were accepted
by both the Sultan and the Greek insurgents in the summer of
the same year.
creusot .French city, capital of the Saône-et-Loire district. In it

are located the famous metal works of the Schneider Brothers,
founded in 1837.
cromer , lord (1841-1917). Evelyn Baring, first Earl of Cromer.

British colonial administrator, was private secretary to Lord
Northbrook in India (1872-76), and became, in 1877, British
commissioner of the Egyptian public debt office. His report of
Egypt’s bankruptcy brought about Khedive Ismail Pasha’s abdi
cation in 1879. From 1880 to 1883 Cromer served again in India.
In 1883 he returned to Egypt as British agent and consul general
and minister plenipotentiary. As such he was to all practical
effects the lord of Egypt until his resignation in 1907. He re
organized Egypt’s finances and taxation, introduced sanitation,
built an irrigation system, etc. He installed Abbas II, an Anglo
phile, as Khedive. He was created a baron in 1892, viscount in
1898, and earl in 1901.
On March 28, 1903, Cromer wrote to Sanderson (q.v.) about
Herzl: “He is a wild enthusiast.”
cronbach Sig m u n d . German Jewish publisher and book dealer in

Berlin.
crown land . In Arabic and Turkish miri (i.e. princely or royal)

land. Agricultural land in the Ottoman Empire owned by the
Sultan (or the state) and given by him to his subjects in usufruct.
cryptogams a re p la n ts b e a rin g re p ro d u c tiv e organs o th e r than

flowers, such as algae, fu n g i, lichens, mosses, ferns.
cunctator . See Fabius Cunctator.
Cyprus . The third largest island in the Mediterranean, 60 miles

west of Lebanon and 40 miles south of Turkey, with an area of
3,572 square miles. It was under Turkish rule from 1571 to 1878
when it was ceded to Britain, although Turkey officially recog
nized the seizure only in the Treaty of Lausanne (1923). It at
tained independence in i960.
Cyprus p r o je c t . Several Zionists, led by Davis Trietsch (q.v.), ad

vocated the settlement of the island of Cyprus by Jews, as long
as Palestine cannot be obtained from the Sultan.
czernowitz (Cemauti, Chernovtsy). Russian city, capital of the
region of the same name in the Ukraine, ca. 140 miles south-east
of Lvov.
czoRTKOW (Chortkov). Russian town, in the Ukraine, 100 miles

south-east of Lvov.
daade . Herzl’s nickname for David Wolffsohn (q.v.).
daily chronicle .London daily paper, founded in 1876 (as Clerk-

well News in 1855).
daily graphic . London daily paper, illustrated. Founded in 1890.
daily m a il . London daily paper, founded 1885.
daily new s . London daily paper. Founded in 1846.
daily telegraph . London daily paper, founded 1855. In 1937 it

merged with the Morning Post, to form the Daily Telegraph and
Morning Post.
daniel deronda . The well-known novel by George Eliot (q.v.).

Published originally in four volumes (1874-76). Tells the story
of Daniel Deronda, who was brought up in ignorance of his
Jewish parentage, but, upon learning the truth about his birth,
returns to Judaism and works for the creation of a national cen
ter for the Jews.
Danube principalities . In 1878, the Danube principalities of

Bulgaria, Rumania and Serbia, formerly under T urkish domina
tion, achieved independence.
danusso . Resident of Constantinople. Helped Newlinski (q.v.) and
later Herzl directly, in their activities at the Sublime Porte. Was
close to Artin Pasha, (q.v.)
daoud effen d i (David Molho Pasha) (1845-?). Turkish Jewish

official. His father was a money-changer. Entered the foreign
service in 1861. Became director of Important Affairs (1878),
then chief assistant-translator at the Sublime Porte (1880). Was
promoted to the upper class official rank (1893).
d ’arbella , dr . isaac (1847-1910; originally named Gregory Am-

cislevsky). Bom in the Ukraine, studied medicine. Became physi
cian in the court of the Sultan of Zanzibar, where he changed his
name. From 1887 practiced as a doctor in Rishon le-Zion and
subsequently was the director of the Rothschild Hospital in
Jerusalem where he belonged to the circle of Eliezer Ben-Yehuda
(q.v.). He left Palestine and died in Tunis.
Dardanelles . The straits between Europe and Asia, connecting

the Aegean Sea with the Sea of Marmara. Its strategic importance
as a waterway between the Mediterranean and the Black Sea
equals that of the Bosporus (q.v.).
darmstadt . Town in Germany. Capital of the Republic of Hesse,

104 miles south-east of Cologne.
Darw inian m im ic r y . Darwin (as well as other contemporary natu

ralists) observed, and commented upon, the mimicry of certain
animals, and especially insects and spiders, which exhibit an
amazing likeness to leaves, bits of twigs, stones, etc. This mimi
cry serves as a protective device facilitating the species’ struggle
for survival.
daudet, alph o n se (1840-1897). Well-known French novelist.

was the initiator of the four-horse carriage in which
d ’a u m o n t , duc ,
the horses were led by two postilions. T h e expression “a la
D ’Aumont” was born in the days of the French restoration, and
refers to driving in state after the m anner of the Due d ’Aumont.
David , He in r ic h (1856-1935). Swiss lawyer and statesman. Was

elected state attorney in Basel, 1887. Became president of the
criminal court and member of the Great Council, 1890-96.
Member of the government council, first as head of the Educa
tion Department, 1897; then as head of the Finance Department,
1902; and finally as head of the Police D epartm ent, 1905. From
1899 to 1908 also represented Basel in the N ational Council. Was
Vice Chancellor in Bern, 1910-18. Retired to Zurich and de
voted the last years of his life to historical and literary studies.
(1872-1954). English Jewish writer.

d ’avigdor , svlvie c l a pc o t t
Daughter of Elim D’Avigdor, a founder of the English Lovers of
Zion Association. Married to C. B. Clapcott. Translated Herzl’s
Judenstaat into English (The Jewish State; published in Lon
don, 1896 by David Nutt). Also translated most of the addresses
Herzl delivered in England. Author of the poems “T o the Jew
ish People in England,” and “T he Colonization of Palestine,”
usually read at meetings of the English Hovevei Zion.
de FiORi, Ro berto . Italian journalist. Edited the nationalist II Ber-

sagliere. Was Rome correspondent of the N eue Freie Presse,
1902.
de Haas , J acob (1872-1937). Zionist leader, author and journalist.

Was one of the earliest helpers of Herzl upon whose advice he
moved in 1902 from England to America to carry on Zionist
work. In England he edited the Jewish W orld (1896-1900). In
America he brought Justice Louis D. Brandeis into the Zionist
movement, and played a leading role in Zionism. He wrote a
two-volume biography of Herzl (1927) and several other volumes
of Jewish interest.
de sola , clarence (1855-1920). Canadian Jewish architect and
director of steamship lines. Was first president of the Canadian
Zionist Federation, 1898.
dead sea . The largest inland sea of Palestine (today divided be
tween Israel and Jordan), about 55 miles long and 10 miles wide.
Its surface lies 1,290 feet below the level of the Mediterranean
and is the deepest point on earth. Its greatest depth is 1,308 feet.
It contains a high concentration of minerals, more than 27 per
cent by weight near the surface, increasing to 33 per cent near the
bottom.
del balzo , carlo (1853-1908). Italian politician, lawyer, journal

ist and writer. Was elected to the Chamber of Deputies where
he belonged to the radical-legalist group. In 1878 participated
in the literary congress in Paris, and it was upon his motion that
the International Literary Society was organized. He edited the
Rivista Nuova (New Review) in Naples. The speech referred to
by Herzl (entry of May 5, 1901) was delivered by Del Balzo in
the Italian Chamber of Deputies on May 4,1901, and ended with
the statement: “Turkey must know that Europe cannot support
its barbaric system 1” See A tti parlamentari. Discussioni. Sessione
1900-1901, i° della Legislatura, vol. IV , pp. 3372-75.
Wrote a Letter to the Editor of The Jewish Chroni

delaforce , e .
cle, on “A Jewish Trades Union,” which was published in the
October 22,1897, issue of The Jewish Chronicle. Mr. Delaforce’s
address was 22 Princes Square, Bayswater, London, W. 2.
delcassé, Th é o p h il e (1852—1923). French statesman. Became

deputy in 1889, re-elected in 1893 and 1898. Under Secretary of
State for Colonies in 1893; Minister of Colonies in 1894. Minis
ter of Foreign Affairs 1898-1905. As such, settled the Fashoda
incident (q.v.) with Great Britain in 1899. From 1911 to 1913
was Minister of Marine. In 1913 became French Ambassador to
Russia. In 1914 again Minister of Foreign Affairs.
der Geiuian-Jewish semi-weekly paper in Mainz.
israelit .
Founded in i860.
der judenstaat (The Jewish State). Title of a booklet written by

Herzl in 1895, and published in German in 1896. It heralded the
emergence of the Jewish national movement and political Zion
ism. In the same year it was translated into English by Sylvie
d’Avigdor (q.v.) and published in England.
der osTERREicHiscHE OEKONOMIST. Viennese economic bi-weekly,

appeared from 1858 to 1924. Its editors were first Bâcher (q.v.)
and Benedikt (q.v.), later Ludwig Bondi.
derenbourg , hartw ig d . (1844-1908). French Jewish orientalist,

professor of Arabic and Semitic languages at the École des
Langues Orientales (1875) and the École des Hautes Études
(1885). Was the author of numerous studies on Arabic grammar,
literature, religion, and Semitic manuscripts and inscriptions.
He was president of the Société des Études Juives and was active
in Jewish life. He was a German Jew by extraction. He himself
was bom in Paris, but his father, Joseph (Naftali) D. was bom
in Mainz (in 1811) and died in Ems (in 1895).
dervish .The Turkish term dervish, from the Persian darvish,

means originally ‘beggar,’ but is applied, in particular, to a mem
ber of one of the numerous Moslem fraternities or religious
orders which take vows of poverty and austerity. The Maulawi-
yah, or ‘whirling dervishes,’ were frequently encountered all
over Turkey up to the Kemalist revolution and reforms. They
induced ecstacy by whirling around until loss of consciousness,
as a means or ‘way’ of reaching Allah.
dessauer , adolph (1849-1916). Austrian Jewish banker and

writer. He became Director of the Allgemeine Depositenbank
in Vienna in 1892. Under the pseudonym Erwin Balder he pub
lished the novels Wahre Liebe (True Love, 1891) and Gross-
stadtjuden (Metropolitan Jews, 1910).
Baron d’Estoumelles de
d ’estournelles , pa u l h e n r i b e n ja m in ,
Constant (1852-1924). French statesman and pacifist. Member
of the 1899 Peace Conference at T he Hague. Deputy, 1895;
senator, 1904. Received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1909.
dette o t to m a n e . See Turkish Debt.
Deutsche Wo c h en sc h r ift . Viennese weekly, published from 1883

to 1899, subtitled Organ fiir die nationalen Interessen des
deutschen Volkes (Organ for the National Interests of the
German People). It was a national-radical paper, published by
Josef Russell and edited first by Karl Neisser, and from 1888
by Karl Zeller.
devleth . Armenian, resident in Constantinople.
diamant , (Hermann Gabriel Hersch; 1805-1871).

hasch el
Herzl’s maternal grandfather, was bom and died in Pest.
die wage . Viennese satirical paper.
die w elt . Official weekly of the Zionist organization founded by

Herzl in 1897 (first issue appeared on June 4, 1897). In 1898 it
had 2400 subscribers and in May of the same year its distribution,
including free copies, reached 10,000. The last issue appeared
on July 13, 1914. In 1907 a Hebrew edition was launched under
the title Haolam. This was discontinued in 1949.
Viennese periodical, founded by Isidor Singer (1857-

die zeit .
1927), Austrian Jewish economist, jointly with Kanner. In 1902
Die Zeit was converted into a daily paper with a strong anti-
Habsburg position.
dilke , sir Charles w e n tw o r th , 2nd Baronet (1843-1911). British
politician, traveler and author. Was several times member of
parliament; in 1880 undersecretary to the Foreign Office in
Gladstone’s government, and in 1882 president of the local
Government Board. During the early 1870’s when Queen Vic
toria’s popularity was at a low ebb as a result of her retirement
following Prince Albert’s death, Dilke publicly questioned
whether the monarchy was worth its cost.
DiMiDow, pa u l . Pseudonym of Isaac Turow (q.v.).
dirsztay , baron ladislaus . Hungarian Jewish merchant. Honor

ary Turkish Consul General. The original name of the family
was Fischl. The title of nobility (de Dirsztai) was given to Gutt-
mann Fischl in 1884. The family-name was changed to Dirsztay
in 1889. Ladislaus Dirsztay was created a Baron in 1905.
Disraeli, b e n ja m in . See Beaconsfield.
djavid or djevad bey . See Cavid Bey, Ibrahim.
d je l l a l . See Celâlettin (Celâl) Pasha.
djevdet bey abdullah . See Cevdet.
DÔBLING. A suburb of Vienna (today the 19th district of Vienna).
dôczy, baron Ludwig von (pseudonym: Ludwig Dux; 1845-1919).

Hungarian-Austrian politician and writer. Became head of the
Viennese Press Office, and in 1871 section head in the Foreign
Ministry. Was created a Baron in 1901. In the same year he
withdrew from state service and devoted himself to literary
work. His main achievement was the translation into German
of Hungarian classics.
doge .Title of the elected head of the independent republic of

Venice from 697 to 1797.
one of the Sultan's palaces in Constantinople, not
d o lm a ba h ce ,
far from the Yildiz Kiosk (q.v.), on the European shore of the
Bosporus (qv.).
don Qu ix o te is the hero of the famous satire of the romances of

chivalry by Miguel de Cervantes (1547-1616); Sancho Panza is a
peasant whom Don Quixote takes as his squire.
DONATi. Italian Jew, resident of Modena.
donaueschingen . German town, some ten miles north of the Swiss

border, located near the origin of the Danube, with 10,000 in
habitants (in 1950).
German exclamation (literally: thunder-weather),

d o n n erw etter .
meaning something like “I’ll be darned!” or “Damn it!” or
“Hang it all!”
DORMiTiON. T o the south of the Old City walls of Jerusalem w a s

located the spot where, according to Christian tradition, St.
Mary died, fell asleep for ever. This is the origin of the name of
the site: Dormitio Sanctae Mariae. In 1898, when Kaiser Wil
helm II visited Palestine, he received this land from the Sultan,
and gave it to the Palestine Society of German Catholics for the
erection of a church on the site. The church was built in 1910
and has been in the safekeeping of Benedictine monks. It is
today within the boundaries of Israel.
Dover . Parliamentary and municipal borough in England, on the

Strait of Dover, 76 miles east-south-east of London and 22 miles
from Calais on the French coast.
T itle of a German comedy by Adolf L’Arrange (origi

dr . klaus .
nal name: Adolf Aronsohn; 1838-1908), written in 1878.
dragoman . Official interpreter in the Turkish court, or in a foreign

embassy in Turkey.
The reference is to one of the stories of
d r e a m o f t h e p it c h e r .
the Arabian Nights in which a person dreams that he leaves his
tent and overturns a pitcher of water while doing so. Then
follows a long and involved adventure tale, covering a time-
span of many years, after which the hero returns to his tent.
Upon entering the tent he notices that water is still trickling
from the overturned pitcher, indicating that in less than a
minute of real time he lived through years of dream time.
dreyer, m ax (1862-1946). German journalist, novelist and play

wright. His plays, characterized by a measured naturalism and
often a fresh humor, deal with modem social problems. His
novels give a realistic picture of the Island of Rügen where he
lived.
d reyfu s, (1859-1935). French Jewish army officer, was on

Alfred
the general staff with the rank of Captain when, in 1894, was
arrested on a charge of treason and espionage on behalf of
Germany. Dreyfus was court-martialed and sentenced to life
imprisonment on Devil’s Island. In 1896, Georges Picquart, head
of the army intelligence, discovered evidence which pointed to
Dreyfus’ innocence and the guilt of Major Esterhazy (q.v.). In
1897 Dreyfus’ brother, Mathieu, began to work for a new trial.
Esterhazy was, in fact, tried but was acquitted. In 1898 Emile
Zola published his J'accuse and was sentenced to jail as a result.
In the same year, Hubert Joseph Henry, an army officer who had
been arrested and had confessed to having forged evidence
against Dreyfus, committed suicide. In 1899, the Court of Cas
sation voided Dreyfus’ conviction, but in a subsequent re trial he
was again found guilty, although the sentence was reduced to ten
years’ imprisonment. Somewhat later the French President
pardoned him. In 1906 the Court of Cassation completely exon
erated Dreyfus. He was reinstated in the army, promoted to the
rank of Major, and awarded the Legion of Honor. Dreyfus served
in World War I, and became a lieut.-colonel in 1918. The
Dreyfus affair was for years a cause célèbre in France, involving
anti-Semitism versus liberalism, clericalism versus anti-cleri
calism, pacifism versus militarism, and hastened the separation
of church and state (1905).
DROHOBicz or DROGOBYCH. Town and district in the western

Ukraine, on the northern slopes of the Karpathian Mountains.
Until the end of World War I part of Austria.
drumont , edouard a d o lph e (1844-1917). French journalist and

author many of whose published works were violently anti-
Semitic in character. In 1886 he published La France Juive
(Jewish France; in two vols.) in which he sought to prove that
France was dominated and exploited by Jews. In 1892 he
launched an anti-Semitic newspaper, La Parole Libre, which
specialized in attacks on the Jewish officers in the French army.
druses. Members of a religious sect, founded in the 11 th century

by Muhammad ibn Ismail al-Darazi, which regards the Fatimid
Caliph of Egypt, al-Hakim (996-1021) as the last incarnation of
the deity. The Druse sect, regarded as heretical by the Moslems,
is represented by about 82,000 adherents in Lebanon, some
95,000 in Syria, and some 15,000 in Israel (1951). The Druses
keep their religious doctrines in secret, divulging them only to
a few initiates, called uqqal (“knowers”) while most of them
remain in the status of the juhhal (“ignorants”). The Druses
practice monogamy, and believe in the transmigration of souls.
dryander, ernst von (1843-1922). German cleric. Court Preacher

at Berlin, with considerable influence on Kaiser Wilhelm II
(q.v.) and his court.
duclaux , pierre -Em il e(1840-1904). French scientist. Was pro

fessor of physics at Lyon, then (1879) at the National Institute
of Agriculture. In 1885 became professor of biological chemistry
at the Sorbonne. In 1888 was elected to the Academy of Sciences.
In 1895, upon the death of Pasteur, became director of the
Pasteur Institute.
dühring , eugen karl (1833-1901). German philosopher who

wrote the anti-Semitic Die Judenfrage als Frage der Rassen-
schàdlichkeit fiir Existenz, Sitten und Kultur der Volker (The
Jewish Question as a Question of the Racial Damage for the
Existence, Morals and Culture of the Nations). The book, pub
lished in 1881, preached a racial fight against the Jews.
d unam . Turkish land measure, corresponding to about one fourth

of an acre.
duncker and h u m blo t . Publishers in Leipzig. They published

Herzl’s book on French politics, Das Palais Bourbon (q.v.), but
later rejected his pamphlet, The Jewish State (see Der Juden-
stoat) because of its Jewish controversial nature.
dundee . The ship “Dundee” on which Herzl returned from Pales

tine was, according to Lloyd’s Register, a 350-ton, orange-carry
ing vessel.
dwinsk or dvinsk . City in Russia (today in Latvian U.S.S.R.), on

the right bank of the Western Dvina River, 120 miles south-east
of Riga.
DZiENNiK poLSKi. Polish language daily paper published in Lem

berg, Austria (today Lvov, Poland).
east Africa p r o je c t . See Uganda Project.
east end in London . The “Whitechapel” district in London, E.C.

1, where in Herzl’s day the Jewish masses, including the Jewish
immigrants from East Europe, lived.
The English East India Company, formed
east india co m pa n y .
in 1599, practically controlled India until 1858 when Queen
Victoria assumed its government. The Company was dissolved
in 1874.
ECKARDSTEIN, BARON HERMANN JOHANNES Arnold Wilhelm Julius

Ernst (1864-1933). German diplomatist. 1889 attaché at the
German Embassy in Washington; 1891 member of the German
Foreign Office, sent in the same year to Madrid and to London.
Participated in London in the negotiations concerning the
Portuguese colonies (1898) and Samoa (1899). In 1901 was ap
pointed first secretary and councillor of the German Embassy
in London. Until 1907 Eckardstein continued to maintain loose
relations with the German Foreign Office. He published a num
ber of books on political subjects.
eckardstein , baroness , née Maple. Wife of Baron Eckardstein

(q.v.).
econom ist . See Der ôsterreichische Oekonomist.

1
Edward vu (1841-1910). King of England, succeeded his mother,

Queen Victoria, in 1901.
Egyptian Pa lest in e . Herzl’s term for the el-Arish (q.v.) area, the
north-eastern part of the Sinai Peninsula (q.v.).
ehrenpreis , marcus (Mordecai; 1869-1951). Hebrew writer and

rabbi, bom in Lvov. Became an early adherent of Zionism and
a helper of Herzl. From 1896 to 1900 was rabbi in Djakovar,
Croatia (now Yugoslavia), from 1900 to 1914 chief rabbi of
Bulgaria, and from 1914 to his death, chief rabbi of Stockholm.
He wrote in Yiddish, Polish, German, Hebrew, Ladino, Bul
garian and Swedish, on Jewish historical, religious and cultural
subjects.
Eh r lich , sigmund (1853-1932). Austrian Jewish journalist. After
earning his Dr. jur. entered the editorial staff of the Neue Freie
Presse (q.v.) and was from 1890 to 1898 head of its economic
section. Later was member of the executive committee of the
Concordia (q.v.) and from 1909 to 1919 was its president. In 1909
he published a volume entitled Concordia, on the occasion of
the fiftieth anniversary of that society.
In Herzl’s days the Eiffel tower in Paris (built in

e if f e l to w er .
1887-89 by Alexandre Gustave Eiffel) was the tallest structure
in the world. Its height is 984 feet.
eiss, Alexander ritter von (1832-1908?). Austrian Jewish soldier.

Joined the army in 1848, became a lieutenant in 1855, captain
in 1870, major in 1881. Was knighted in 1884, became a colonel
in 1890. Retired in 1895. Was made a major-general in 1906.
In the last years of his life was an active Zionist.
eisner von EiSENHOF, baron . Papal privy-councillor, owner of Die

Information. See Graf, Joseph.
elasona . Town in Greece, north-west of Larissa.
el -arish .Wadi and town at its mouth on the Mediterranean coast

of the Sinai Peninsula, located some 30 miles west of the present-
day border of Israel. In Herzl’s time the term El-Arish referred
to the entire area of the Mediterranean seashore both to the
east and to the west of El-Arish, as well as its hinterland. See
also Wadi el-Arish.
elector of hesse . Electors were those German princes who had

the right to elect the King of Germany, in the Middle Ages.
Since the 14th century, they constituted the Electoral College.
The Elector of Hesse was the only one who retained the title,
which was terminated in 1866, when Hesse was annexed by
Prussia. The Elector of Hesse, Friedrich Wilhelm, died in 1875.
(1844- ? ). Turkish Jewish physician.
elia h u (elias ) pash a , co h en
Studied in Turkey, Berlin and Vienna. Was appointed profes
sor at the Military School at Haidar Pasha, later was sent to the
Monastir headquarters of the T hird Army Corps as oculist and
chief surgeon. Thereafter was stationed in Constantinople at
the Central Naval Hospital (1890-1908). Became court physi
cian, and in 1888 was appointed the Sultan’s private physician.
In 1894 became member of the newly created Superior Sanitary
Commission. In 1900 he became a vice-admiral.
elias , dr . Alfr ed . Alsatian Jewish physician and Zionist, resident

in Miihlhausen. One of the German Zionist leaders, member of
the Zionist Actions Committee. In 1901 he initiated steps
against the Frenchifying trend in the Alliance Israélite Univer
selle (q.v.).
elias , dr . Sa lo m o n (1840-1936). Austrian Jewish lawyer who

practiced in Vienna.
Elio t , ceorce (pseudonym of Mary Ann or Marian Evans; 1819-

1880). English novelist of great repute. Her best known novels
are Adam Bede (written in 1859); Silas Marner (1861); Romola
(1863); and Daniel Deronda (1874-76; q.v.).
Elizabeth a m a l ie e u g en ie ( 1837—1898), wife of Franz Josef I

(1830-1916) Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary.
or El-Qantara. Town on the east bank of the Suez

el -kantara ,
Canal, about halfway between Port Said and Ismailiya (q.v.).
ellbogen . Viennese Jewish lawyer.
ELLIS, MAJOR-GENERAL SIR ARTHUR EDWARD AUGUSTUS (1837-1907).

Served in Crimea and India. Following a distinguished military
career became the Queen’s Sergeant-at-Arms in the House of
Lords 1898-1901. Was Comptroller in the Lord Chamberlain’s
Department to H.M., and Extra Equerry to King Edward VII
(q.v.).
em press o f Germ a n y . See Augusta Victoria.
engel , adolf von jà n o si (1820-1903). Hungarian Jewish in

dustrialist. Was knighted in 1885. Developed coal mines on his
estate in 1892. Died in Vienna.
ephrussi , Mich el (i846?-i9i4) French Jewish banker. Married

Miss Beer. Lived at 48 Rue Lapérouse, Paris, and owned a
chateau at Vaux le Pénil (Seine et Marne), and a stable of race
horses at Chantilly. Was awarded the knighthood of the Order of
Saint Vladimir and the Grand Cross of the Order of Christ of
Portugal. His daughter was married to Prince de Faucigny-
Lucinge.
erb , baron Ferdinand von rudtorf (1833-1904). Received the

title of nobility in 1887. From 1896 to 1904 was Section Head
in the Ministry of the Interior in Vienna.
erev rosh hashanah (Hebrew: New Year’s Eve). In his original

manuscript Herzl transliterated these words, in accordance with
the so-called “Askenazi” pronunciation then prevalent among
the German and other Central-European Jews, and the German
orthography, Erew Rausch Haschonoh.
eritrea .A coastal area in the east horn of Africa, on the shores of

the Red Sea, of an estimated 47,900 square miles. Following two
decades of gradual penetration, the Italians declared Eritrea
their colony in 1890. Their attempt to establish a protectorate
over neighboring Ethiopia resulted in their disastrous defeat at
Adawa in 1896 which checked their further expansion for four
decades. Eritrea itself remained an Italian colony until 1941,
when it was occupied by the British. In 1952 it was united with
Ethiopia. The number of Jews in Eritrea throughout these
decades never exceeded a few hundred.
(1829-1911). Austrian Jewish physician. Author

ernst , dr . ludw ig
of many medical writings, e.g. Der Hausarzt (1888: The Family
Doctor); Die Selbst-hilfe (1887-1903: Self-Help, a medical “how
to”); etc. His polemical book against Herzl’s Judenstaat was
published in Vienna in 1896 under the title Kein Judenstadt,
sondern Gexvissensfreiheit (No Jewish State, but Freedom of
Conscience).
erter . Pseudonym of Dr. Wilhelm Goldbaum (q.v.).
eski baba . See Babaeski.
A palace of the Sultan, located in the old part of Con

eski serai .
stantinople overlooking the Marmara Sea.
ESTERHAZY, MAJOR COUNT MARIE CHARLES FERDINAND WALSIN

(pseudonym Comte de Voilemont; 1847-1923). French army
officer. Became commander in the regular army in 1892. In 1894
Capt. Alfred Dreyfus (q.v.) was condemned as a spy for Germany
as a result of Esterhazy’s forgeries. In 1897 he was tried by a
court-martial but was acquitted. Public indignation became so
strong that he had to leave France. He settled in England where
he eked out a living by working as a translator and writing
occasional articles.
French seaside resort, on the English channel, 15 miles

etreta t .
north of Le Havre.
eugen , archduke o f Austria (1863-

? ). Commanded since 1900
the 14th division of the Austrian army at Innsbruck. In 1908
became inspector general and commander-in-chief for the Tirol
and Vorarlberg provinces of Austria. Following the First World
War he retired to Switzerland.
zu (1838-1921). Prussian diplomat and
eu len bu r g , co u n t au gu st
court official. In 1890 became Oberhof und Hausmarschall (chief

court and house marshall) to Kaiser Wilhelm II.
EULENBURG, PRINCE PHILIPP OF EULENBURG AND HERTEFELD ( 1847—

1921). German diplomatist and friend of Kaiser Wilhelm II
(q.v.). He was German Ambassador at Vienna from 1894 to 1902,
and since he himself was a poet and writer, had friendly rela
tions with Viennese authors. In 1900 he was raised to the rank
of prince and made a hereditary member of the German House
of Lords. He retired from public life in 1909 as a result of a
press attack charging him with immorality.
Eu r o p e a n p o s t o f f i c e s . See French mail.
(1857-1913). British politi

Ev a n s -g o r d o n , m a j o r w i l l i a m e d e n
cian, member of Parliament. Was the initiator and member of
the Royal Commission on Alien Immigration, 1902, before
which Herzl testified. Author of The Alien Immigrant (1903).
e x p o s it io n . The reference is to the Paris exposition of 1900.
extrapo st. Viennese Monday-paper, appeared from 1882 to 1921.

Its publisher was Singer, and from 1890 Ferdinand Gross; its
editor Emanuel Gerber, and from 1890 Julius Leo Wallner. It
was a Jewish paper, and published repeatedly radical articles.
eydtkuhnen. Small town in the Gumbinnen district of Prussia,

Germany, near the (former) Russian border.
eyssle r , dr. r u d o lph . Austrian journalist. Editor of the Viennese

Lustige Blatter.
eyüp. A quarter in Constantinople located on a hill just north

west of the old city walls overlooking the Golden Horn. It has a
beautiful old mosque.
F. o.—Foreign Office (of Great Britain).
fabius cunctator . Quintus Fabius Maximus, Roman statesman

and soldier, lived in the third century b .c . (died in 203 b .c .).
He was sumamed Cunctator, “the delayer,” from his cautious
tactics in the war against Hannibal.
fair bey . Turkish civil servant. Private secretary to Memduh

Pasha (q.v.).
family council . This term, referring to a family council of the

Rothschilds, appears the first time in the entry of June 7, 1895,
in the Diaries. It is repeated frequently in subsequent entries.
Herzl planned to read his projected solution of the Jewish
problem to the Rothschild family council.
fantasia. Turkish-Arabic (originally Italian) word meaning

ostentation, display, and in particular a group performance of
horsemanship which was imitated by the early Jewish settlers
and watchmen in Palestine.
farbstein, dr. david zvi (1868-1953). Bom in Warsaw; studied in

Switzerland, where he became a Swiss citizen and practiced law
in Zurich. A leader in the Swiss Social Democratic Party, he was
elected to the Swiss National Assembly. At the First Zionist
Congress, he delivered a detailed report on the economic basis
of the Jewish problem. He left the Zionist movement after
Herzl’s death. Author of Das Recht der unfreien und freien
Arbeiter nach jiidisch-talmudischem Recht (1896; The Rights
of the Slave and of Free Labor according to Jewish-Talmudic
Law); Der Zionismus und die Judenfrage— oekonomisch und
ethisch (1898; Zionism and the Jewish Question—An Economic
and Ethical View).
farqu har , gilbert (1850-1920). English actor. Was the younger

son of Sir Minto Farquhar and brother of Lord Farquhar, but
he himself was not a Lord as Herzl mistakenly states.
fashoda incident .The Sudanese town Fashoda (400 miles south

of Khartoum, founded in 1867 by the Egyptian government)
was occupied in July 1898 by a French force, but was later
claimed for Egypt by the British. The French retired and the
town was occupied by Sudanese troops. T he British government
changed its name to Kodok.
(1858-1921). Austrian jurist and university

FEiLBOGEN, s i e g m u n d
professor. Received his education at the Vienna University, his
Dr. jur. in 1880 and Ph.D. in 1882. In 1895 became "Privat-
dozent” at the Law Faculty of the Vienna University and in
1898 was appointed Professor at the Export Academy of the
Commercial Museum. He published several studies dealing with
problems of economic theory.
FEiLiTZSCH, count max (1834-1913). Bavarian statesman. Was

minister of the interior, 1881-1907. He was an outstanding ad
ministrator, and was influential in the German Reich as well
as in his capacity of delegate to the Bundesrat.
feinberg . French Jew in the employ of Baron Hirsch (q.v.).
(1868-1919). Author and historian. Bom in

feldm an , w il h e l m
Poland, fought for the assimilation of the Jews of Poland.
Edited several journals, among them Krytyka (1901-1914),
regarded as the best Polish paper of his time. Bom as a Jew, he
converted to Christianity.
fellahs or f e l l a h in . Arab, and especially Egyptian, peasants w ho

in Herzl’s days were often day-laborers or tenant-farmers ruth
lessly exploited by their landlords.
Ferdinand i (full name: Maximilian Karl Leopold Maria, 1861-

1948), second son of Prince August of Saxe-Coburg, was offered
in 1886 the vacant throne of Bulgaria, took the oath to the con
stitution and the title of prince in 1887. In 1908 he declared the
full independence of Bulgaria from Turkey and assumed the
title of king or czar. In 1918 he abdicated in favor of his son,
Prince Boris.
FERiD pasha , m e h m e t (Vlora; 1851-1914). Turkish statesman.

Scion of an old Turkish family which lived in Albania for 400
years. Was a member of the Council of State from 1884-1898.
Was appointed governor of Konya (1898-1902), and Grand
Vizier (1902-1908). During the constitutional regime was
nominated Senator and for a short period Minister of the
Interior (1909) and President of Senate (1912). After the 1913
coup d’état he left Turkey and spent his last months in Egypt
and Italy.
ferrara . City in Italy, capital of Ferrara Province, 57 miles south

west of Venice.
feu illeto n , a French term, designating the literary section o f a

newspaper, was widely used in Europe. T he feuilleton usually
appeared on the lower half of the first page and contained
essays, literary criticism, or fiction. Herzl became feuilleton
editor of the Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung in 1887, soon there
after began to contribute feuilletons to the Neue Freie Presse,
and, after his term as Paris correspondent of the Presse, became
its feuilleton editor in 1895. A collection of his feuilletons was
published in two volumes in Berlin in 1903 (I. Singer & Co.
Verlag, pp. 349, 295).
fin ancial news . London daily paper, founded 1884. In 1888 it

was incorporated into the Financial Times.
fir m a n . Turkish imperial decree.
firth of fo rth .An estuary of the North Sea in Scotland, spanned

by the famous Forth Bridge.
f iu m e . Townand seaport in Hungary (today in Yugoslavia, called

Rijeka), 40 miles south-east of Trieste (q.v.).
Flammarion , cam ille (1842-1925). French astronomer and popu

lar writer on astronomical subjects. His first published book
was La pluralité des mondes habités (The Plurality of Inhabited
Worlds, 1862). After writing several additional successful books,
he founded L ’Astronomie, a popular astronomical monthly in
1882. In 1887 he founded the Société Astronomique de France.
Several of his popular astronomical books were translated into
English.
flavius , josephus (original name Yosef ben Matityahu Hakohen,

about 37-100). Jewish historian. Of priestly birth, closely re
lated to the Hasmoneans, he was entrusted with the defense of
Jotapata in the Galilee, but surrendered to Vespasian in 67. As
a Roman captive he accompanied Titus to Jerusalem and was
present in the Roman camp when the city fell, in 70. Taken to
Rome, was set free and adopted the Flavian family name. The
historical works of Josephus (The War of the Jews; The Antiq
uities of the Jews), his autobiography and his polemic work
Against Apion, all written in Greek, are extremely important
sources for the history of the Jews in the period from the end of
the Biblical period to the fall of Jerusalem.
fleissig. Rabbi in Vienna.
floq uet , Charles ernest (1826-1896). Prominent French politi

cian, was repeatedly President of the Chamber of Deputies, and
became in 1893 a member of the Senate.
FLORiDSDORF. Village in Lower Austria; one o f Vienna’s northern

suburbs.
florin . See Guilder.
flushing (Dutch Vlissingen). Seaside resort town in the Nether

lands.
Folkestone . Municipal borough, popular resort and fishing center

in Kent, England, on the Strait of Dover, 7 miles west-south
west of Dover and 70 miles south-east of London.
FRANCIS FERDINAND ARCHDUKE OF AUSTRIA (1863-1914). Nephew,

and after 1896 heir, of Franz Josef (q.v.) to the throne of Austria-
Hungary. Contracted morganatic marriage with Countess
Sophie Chotek (q.v.) in 1900. His assassination in 1914 in Sara-
yevo by a Bosnian terrorist triggered the First World War.
Franciscans o f tiberia s . Some ten miles north of Tiberias, on the

shore of the Sea of Galilee is located the Franciscan hospice of
at-Tabigha adjoining the ruins of Capernaum of New Testa
ment fame. The site was purchased by the Franciscans from the
Turkish government in 1894.
franckel , Leo . See Frankel, Leo.
frankel , Leo (1844-1896). Hungarian-French Jewish politician,

bom in Pest, Hungary. Was at first a jewelry worker, immi
grated to France, was sentenced to two months imprisonment for
participating in the Internationale. In 1871 was elected deputy
of the 13th District to the Paris Commune, became a member of
the Commissions of Work and of Finances, of the Committee of
Public Health and of the Executive Committee. He signed the
Manifesto of the Minority. Following the downfall of the com-
munalist movement, he fled to London and was sentenced to
death in absentia. In 1876 returned to Hungary where he was
imprisoned from 1882 to 1884. Thereafter he established him
self in Vienna, and in 1889 returned to France, and died in Paris.
He contributed to French and foreign socialist journals.
frankfurter zEiTUNG. Important daily paper published in Frank

fort on the Main, Germany. See also Berliner Tageblatt.
i (1830-1916). Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary.

franz jo se f
He became emperor in 1848.
franzenbad . Well-known resort town and spa in Bohemia, Austria,

with 12 mineral springs.
franzensfeste . A fort in Southern Tirol. In Herzl's days belonged

to Austria; since 1919—to Italy.
Frederick h i (183 i - i 888), emperor (Kaiser) of Germany, who died

three months after he was crowned, father of Wilhelm II.
f r e i , ludwig . See Frey, Ludwig.
Freiberg , ritter rudolf von (1843-1902). Austrian journalist,

court councillor. In the beginning of his career worked for the
Reichsratskorrespondenz, later became official of the Prime Min
ister’s office. He advanced to the position of a ministerial coun
cillor and was created a knight (Ritter). Under Badeni (q.v.) he
became the head of the prime minister’s office; but upon
Badeni’s fall he resigned.
freie osmanische post . German-language journal published in
Constantinople from 1890. In 1898 its name changed to Wien
und Konstantinopel-Freie Post. Its aim was to supply all types
of information about the Orient with special emphasis on eco
nomic news. Its publisher and editor was Dionys Rosenfeld.
freies blatt zur ABWEHR des ANTiSEMiTisMus (Free Paper for De
fense Against Anti-Semitism). Viennese journal edited by Baron
Leitenberger (q.v.), published by Zenker, later by Haffner. It
was published three times a month from 1892 to 1897. Last issue
May 10,1897.
frem denblatt . Viennese daily paper.
In the lands of the Ottoman Empire several Euro

french m a il .
pean powers (e.g. France, Germany, Austria) maintained their
own mail services with post offices of their own.
french paym ents in 1871. T he reference is to the indemnity of

five billion francs France had to pay to Prussia after her defeat
in the Franco-Prussian war (1870-1871).
freskville . English solicitor.
frey , dr . ludwig (186i - i 937). Austrian physician. Chief medical

councillor. Was a well-known physician in Vienna, active in the
field of medical-social work.
FREYCINET, CHARLES LOUIS DE SAULCES DE (1828-1923). French

statesman, senator, minister and premier, member of the French
Academy. His two-volume autobiography, Mes souvenirs, was
published in 1911-13.
(1855-1923). Austrian official. Was Regierungs-

FRiEBEis, jo h a n n
kommissar (governmental commissar) of the city of Vienna in
1895-96.
(1871-1932). German Jewish Zionist and
friedem a nn , dr . adolf
author. Went with Herzl to Egypt in 1902; was member of the
Greater Actions Committee and of the board of the J.C.T.,
1902-1920. Published several volumes on Palestine and Zionism,
including a biography of Herzl and of Wolffsohn (q.v.) Died in
Amsterdam.
(1851-1920) was an Austrian Jewish his

fr ied ju n g , heinrich dr .
torian who edited in the 1880’s the Deutsche Wochenschrift in
which young Herzl’s short story “Naphtalin” was published.
Friedjung was a supporter of the Greater Germany idea (the
unification of all German-speaking lands). Later, as editor of
the Deutsche Zeitung, he aroused the hostility of the National-
Germans of Austria. He was the author of Der Kampf um die
Vorherrschaft in Deutschland 1859-1866 (The Fight for Hegem
ony in Germany 1859-1866).
Friedland . A Jewish student in Moscow.
Friedmann , david moses (1827-1903). Hassidic rabbi o f Czortkow

reputed to be a mircle working saint.
Friedmann , otto (1860-1901). Lecturer, later professor, of law

at the University of Vienna, and from 1900 on at the University
of Prague.
Friedrich , grand duke of baden (1826-1907), served first as regent

in place of his insane brother, then, from 1856, ruled in his own
right. His wife was the daughter of Wilhelm I of Prussia and the
aunt of Wilhelm II. At the establishment of the German Empire
at Versailles in 1871, Frederick made the official proclamation of
Wilhelm I as Kaiser. The Grand Duke was the most democratic
and liberal prince in Germany, and following his meeting with
Herzl he became a staunch supporter of Zionism and a great
admirer of Herzl.
friedrichsruh . The residence of Chancellor Bismarck (q.v.).
Full name Alfred, Baron von Fries-Skene (1870-1946).

fries , von .
Austrian statesman. From 1909 section-head in the Ministry of
the Interior. From 1913 to 1915 provincial president of Kâm-
ten; from 1915 to 1918 governor of Trieste.
fuad pasha (1835-1931). Turkish soldier. Became brigadier-

general in 1872. Served as commander-in-chief of the Danubian
Armies in the Turco-Russian War (1877-78), became famous
as the hero of Elena, and was made a marshal. Was appointed
aide-de-camp of Sultan Abdul Hamid II (q.v.), and was sent as
an extraordinary ambassador to the Russian court. He was op
posed to the Sultan’s autocratic regime, was accused of having
planned his assassination, and was sentenced to death. The Sul
tan commuted the death sentence to banishment to Damascus
(1902). Following the restoration of the Constitution, he re
turned to Constantinople and was elected to the Senate (1908).
During the Balkan War (1912) he led the defense of Constan
tinople against the Bulgars.
fuller , LoiE (1869-1928). American dancer and actress. Had great

success in Paris at the Folies-Bergère, in 1892, with her famous
serpentine dance. In 1914 she appeared at the Châtelet with the
school she had formed.
fürth , m a r tin . Secretary

to Baron Hirsch (q.v.) and later to Prince
Ferdinand of Bulgaria (q.v.). Prior to assuming the latter posi
tion he converted to Catholicism.
gabel, Heinrich (1873-1910). Austrian (Galician) Jewish lawyer,

Zionist leader. Received his Dr. Jur. in Lvov and worked there
as a lawyer from 1892. In 1907 was elected a member of the
Austrian Reichsrat. He was a convinced Zionist, fought for the
participation of Galician Jews in Austrian public life as a na
tional organism. Was president of the Jewish National Organ
ization, and member of the Greater Actions Committee of the
Zionist Organization.
galart , m . de . One of the French contacts of Herzl.
A quarter of Constantinople (today Istanbul), on the

galata .
European shores of the Bosporus, northeast of the Golden Horn.
galatz(Galati). A town in Rumania along the lower reaches of the

Danube, 90 miles from the Black Sea, a chief port of Rumania.
gal IB. See Galip.
Galicia . In Herzl’s days an Austrian crownland, to the north-east

of the Carpathian Mountains. After World War I, it was joined
to Poland, and after World War II it was divided between
Poland and the U.S.S.R. A considerable percentage of Galicia’s
population until World War II was Jewish.
galilee .The hilly northern district of Palestine (today Israel),

bounded by the Mediterranean in the west, Lebanon in the
north, Syria in the east and the Yezreel Valley (Emek) in the
south.
galip pasha , m eh m ed(1861-?). Turkish court official. Entered the

foreign service in 1877. Was secretary of the Turkish Legation
in Belgrade. Became Assistant Master of Ceremonies at the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1881, and in the following year
was appointed Master of Ceremonies by command of the Sultan.
In 1906 he became Interpreter at the Imperial Chancery of State
and Minister of Ceremonies. Served in these posts until the res
toration of the Constitution (1908).
cam zu l et a u v o I Hebrew expression meaning “may this too be
for the good!”
cam alah . Fraternity of Jewish students at the University of

Vienna, founded by Sigmund Werner, Markus Ernst, and others.
GAMBETTA, Leon m ic h e l (1838-1882). French lawyer, statesman

and orator, one of the founders of the T hird Republic, presi
dent of the Chamber of Deputies (1879), premier (1881).
Of Genoese extraction.
(1858-1922). Viennese Jewish jour

cans-ludassy , dr . ju l iu s von
nalist, poet and author, was editor of the Neues Wiener Tag-
blatt (1885), the Fremdenblatt (1890), the Wiener Allgemeine
Zeitung (1894), and the Neue Freie Presse (1902).
ganz, dr . hugo (1862-1922). Austrian Jewish writer; an editor of

the Neue Freie Presse in the fields of politics, literature, and
cultural history.
garibaldi, g iu seppe(1807-1882). Italian patriot. In the 1859 war

he led irregulars against Austria and in i860 his famous Red-
shirts captured Sicily and Naples from the Bourbons. In 1870 he
fought for the French against Prussia. In Italian politics he was
always in opposition.
GARSTIN, SIR WILLIAM EDMUND, G.C.M.G., C.B.E. (1849-1925).

English engineer. Inspector General of Irrigation in Egypt; and
Under-Secretary of State for Public Works in Egypt, 1892; Ad
viser to the Ministry of Public Works in Egypt 1904. Since 1907
British Government Director of the Suez Canal Company.
gartwich . See Hartwig, N ikolas de.
caster, moses (1856-1939). Hakham (Chief Rabbi) of the Sephardi

communities of England from 1887 to 1918, outstanding folk
lorist, communal leader, pre-Herzlian member of the Hovevei
Zion and active Zionist during and following Herzl’s leadership.
He played an important part in the negotiations for the Balfour
Declaration.
gastyne . See Garstin.
gaulois . See Meyer, Arthur.
GAUTSCH, BARON PAUL GAUTSCH OF FRANKENTHURN (1851-1918).

Austrian statesman. In 1874 entered into the service of the
Ministry of Education; 1881 became director of the Austrian
Military Academy and soon thereafter director of the Oriental
Academy. From 1879 to 1893 and again in 1895-96, was Prime
Minister of Austria. In 1895 became member of the Upper
House of the Austrian parliament, and in 1905-06 again Prime
Minister.
gazeta LWOWSKA. Polish-language daily paper published in Lem

berg, Austria (today Lvov, Poland).
G E is L iN G E N . German city in Wiirttemberg-Baden, 18 miles north-

north-west of Ulm.
gelbhaus , sigmund josua samuel (1850-1928). Austrian rabbi.

Was rabbi in Karlsstadt, Nordhausen, Prague and lastly in
Vienna, where he also taught as a lecturer at the Beth-
Hamidrash. He wrote studies on Spinoza and the Kabbala, on
Islam and Judaism, on Aramaic sources, religious trends,
apologetics, etc.
or Sea of Galilee, or Lake Tiberias, in

gennesaret , lake o f ,
HebrewFam Kinneret, large sweet water lake in Israel.
Genoa , grand duke and duchess o f . Tomaso, Grand Duke of

Genoa (1854-1930), and his wife Isabella di Baviera ( 1863-
1924)-
george, henry (1839-1897). American economist, developed the
theory of “single tax” in his book Progress and Poverty (1879).
His proposal was “to abolish all taxation save that upon land
values,” and to base upon this system far-reaching social reforms.
george, prince o f Prussia (1826-1902). Full name: Friedrich Wil

helm Georg Ernst, Prince of Prussia. Spent most of his life on
travels or along the Rhine working on literary projects. Under
the pen-name of Georg Conrad he wrote historical plays (pub
lished in four vols, in 1870), diaries, etc.
german east Africa . Territory between Lake Tanganyika and the

Indian Ocean, placed under the protection of the German Gov
ernment in 1895, proclaimed a German colony in 1897. By the
outbreak of the First World War the colony comprised an area
of some 380,000 square miles. After the war most of the terri
tory was mandated to Great Britain.
german settlements in Pa lestin e . Members of the Württemberg

Templer society (a religious society teaching the need for estab
lishing a “spiritual temple,” hence the name Templers) began
to settle in Palestine in 1868. They established first the agricul
tural settlements of Sarona and Wilhelma near Jaffa, others near
Haifa and Beirut, and in 1878 also a quarter in Jerusalem. All
these settlements and urban quarters continued to develop and
flourish until the internment of their members (many of whom
became Nazi sympathizers) by the British Mandatory Govern
ment of Palestine in the Second World War and their subse
quent liquidation.
German author. The full title of her

gerstenbergk, je n n y von .
book mentioned in the Diaries is Ottilie von Goethe und ihre
Sôhne Walter und Wolf in Briefen und personlichen Erinner-
ungen (Ottilie von Goethe and Her Sons Walter and Wolf in
Letters and Personal Reminiscences). It was published by I. G.
Cotta Nachfolger, Stuttgart, 1901 (VIII, 123 pp.).
gestor. Legal term in the Roman law, meaning manager, repre
sentative, chargé d’affaires. See Negotiorum gestio.
ghalib bey . See Galip Pasha, Mehmed.
ghazi osman pasha (1832-1900). Turkish soldier. Graduated from

the Turkish Military Academy. Served in the Crimean War
(1853-56) as a staff officer and took part in suppressing revolts in
Crete (1866-69) and in Yemen (1870-74). Became Brigadier
General (1874) and General (1875). In the Turco-Serbian War
he won the Zaitchar victory (1876) and was promoted to Mar
shal. Was Commander of the Turkish Army in the Turco-Rus-
sian War (1877-78) and distinguished himself by his heroic de
fense of Plevne (Pleven) against Russian attacks. Was forced to
surrender and went to St. Petersburg as a prisoner of war but
Czar Alexander II pardoned him. After peace was concluded,
Sultan Abdul Hamid (q.v.) honored him with the title of Ghazi
(victorious) and appointed him Commander-in-Chief of the Im
perial guard, Minister of War (1878-1885) and Grand Marshal
of the Sultan’s household.
ghetto . Play by Herzl. See New Ghetto, The.
ghezireh . Island in the Nile, in Cairo, with sport facilities, tennis

courts, etc.
GiBBOR-HAYiL. The operetta, Der Gibbor Hayil (The Great Hero),

subtitled "or the Vow of the Princess,” in 4 acts, was written by
Sigmund Feinman and had its premier performance in New
York in September, 1895.
GioLiTTT, (1841-1928). Italian statesman and politician.

g io v a n n i
Became councillor of state and deputy in 1882, minister of the
treasury, 1889-90. Prime Minister 1892-93. In 1895 fled to
Charlottenburg, returned to Italy and resumed his political
career in 1897. Became minister of the interior, 1901-03; presi-
dent of the council of ministers, 1903-14 (with brief interrup
tions).
GiouR. Turkish word meaning infidel, and especially Christian.
GiRARDi, Alexander (1850-1918). Austrian actor, son of an Italian

immigrant. Was member of the Theater an der Wien 1874-
1896; of the Carltheater 1896-97; of the Wiener Deutsches
Volkstheater 1898-1900; then, after a period of guest appear
ances in Vienna, Berlin, Hamburg and Dresden, of the Viennese
Burgtheater 1918.
Gladstone , w il l ia m ew a rt (1809-1898). British statesman and

author, was Prime Minister from 1868 to 1873, from 1880 to
1885, and from 1886 to 1894.
GLANUSK, 2ND BARON, JOSEPH HENRY RUSSELL BAILEY (1864-1928).

English soldier. Joined the Grenadier Guards in 1885; received
the Distinguished Service Order in 1900; commanded the
Guards Depot, Caterham, 1901-03; the 3rd Battery S.W.B.,
1905-10; Brecknockshire Batt., 1911-13; London Command
Depot since 1916.
glaser, eduard (1855-1908). Bohemian Jewish explorer, travelled

all over the Near East, made four journeys to Yemen between
1883 and 1894, discovered many inscriptions, archeological re
mains and ancient Arabic manuscripts. The reference in the
February 4, 1898, entry in the Diaries is to an article published
by Glaser late in 1897 in the Berliner Tageblatt. In it Glaser
stated that Zionism was a British attempt at dismembering
Turkey and establishing a buffer state for the protection of the
overland route to India. Cf. Die Welt, 1898, no. 1, p. 1.
GLEICHEN-RUSSWURM, BARON CARL ALEXANDER VON (1865-1947).

German author, great-grandson of Friedrich Schiller (q.v.).
Wrote a biography of Schiller (1914) and a number of studies,
e.g. Schiller als asthetischer Erzieher (1905: Schiller as an Aes-
thetical Educator); Geschichte der Europaischen Geselligkeit
(1911-22, 6 vols.: History of European Sociability); Reichtum
(1923: Richess). Also wrote several plays. Together with Fr.
Wencker he edited a two-volume history of the culture and
mores of all times and peoples (Kultur-und Sittengeschichte
aller Zeiten und Vôlker, 1929-31).
GLIKIN, moses (1874—?). Russian Zionist. Went to Palestine in 1892,

worked as an agricultural day-laborer for two years in Ein
Zetim, returned to Moscow in 1894 to receive legal exemption
from service in the army. In 1899 went to Germany to study at
the university of Leipzig, and participated in the establishment
of the “Democratic Fraction” in the Zionist movement. In 1908
settled in Palestine, where he managed the Migdal farm on the
shores of Lake Genesaret (q.v.) from 1909 to 1934, and where he
still lived in i960.
GLiON. Swiss village near Montreux on the shores of Lake Geneva.
glogau, dr . heinrich(1855-?). Austrian journalist. Editor of the

Neue Freie Presse in charge of the economic section, and cor
respondent of German financial papers. Subsequently director
of the Press Bureau of the Austrian government in Vienna.
gmunden . Austrian resort town with 12,000 inhabitants (in 1950).
gobelins . An avenue (Avenue des Gobelins) in the 5th and 13th

districts of Paris.
goethe , jo hann Wolfgang von (1749-1832). German poet, novel

ist, playwright and scientist.
goldbaum , dr. w ilh elm(1843-1912). Viennese Jewish journalist

and author, served first (1869) in the editorial offices of the
Posener Zeitung, then (1872) became feuilleton editor of the
Neue Freie Presse in Vienna. He published several volumes of
essays and literary studies. He became a fervent supporter of
Herzl and contributed weekly articles to Die Welt under the pen-
names Spectator and Erter.
goldberger, ludwig m a x (1848-1913). Privy Councillor of Com

merce, a German Jewish economist, played an important role in
the economic life of Germany in the 1890’s and 1900’s. In 1892
he became chairman of the Association of Berlin Merchants and
Industrialists; in 1896 organized the Berlin Trade Exhibition,
and was co-founder of the Berlin Chamber of Commerce. He
took an active part in Jewish community affairs as well.
golden horn is the horn-shaped bay cutting from the Bosporus

(q.v.) into Istanbul; one of the famous beauty spots in Europe.
German Jewish journalist. Began his career

goldmann, dr . p a u l .
in Vienna, later became Paris correspondent of the Frankfurter
Zeitung, then moved to Berlin. Was a colleague of Herzl in
covering the proceedings at the Palais Bourbon (q.v.).
goldmark, karl (1830-1915). Jewish composer, bom in Hungary,

lived in Vienna. His musical works include several operas, of
which The Queen of Sheba (1870) was the most successful. He
also composed a number of symphonies, overtures, etc.
goldreich, samuel (1861-1921). South African Jewish public and

communal worker. President of the South African Zionist Fed
eration. Received the right from Lord Milner (the High Com
missioner for South Africa) to issue en trance-visas to Jews who
had to leave the Boer States during the Boer war and wished to
return after the war. Committed suicide in 1921.
Goldschmidt . Individual whom Herzl contemplated for the posi

tion of a secretary in the Labor Exchange of the future Society
of Jews.
goldschmied , dr . Leopold (1876-1935). Rabbi in Mieslitz, Aus
tria; later in Posen (Poznan).
GOLDSMID, COL. ALBERT EDWARD WILLIAMSON (1846-1904). Son of
a converted Jew who brought him up as a Christian. After his
father’s death, young Goldsmid discovered that he was of Jewish
origin, and at the age of 24 he embraced Judaism. In 1892-93
he went to Baron Hirsch’s Jewish colonies in Argentina, os
tensibly to supervise them, but in actuality in order to imbue
them with the spirit of Jewish nationalism. In 1894 he was ap
pointed colonel-in-command of the Welsh regimental district
at Cardiff. In the following year he formed the “Jewish Lads
Brigade.” He was a leader of the British Hovevei Zion whom
he organized in a military style.
goltz , colmar freiherr von der (1843-1916). German soldier.
Bom in East Prussia, became attached to the General Staff of
the Prussian army in 1868, and teacher of military history at the
Prussian Military Academy in 1878. From 1883 to 1895 was
given leave to enable him to serve as adjutant to Sultan Abdul
Hamid II (q.v.) and head of the Turkish military educational
system. Before his return to Germany was given the rank of Field
Marshal in the Turkish army. In 1898 was appointed Royal
Prussian inspector general of the Engineering and Pioneers
Corps and of the fortifications. In 1911 attained the rank of a
Field Marshal General. In 1909-10 he received another leave
of absence and went back to Turkey to reorganize the Turkish
army. In 1914 became Governor General of Belgium, and in
November of the same year he was detailed to the Turkish Army
Headquarters as adjutant to the Sultan. In April 1915 became
commander-in-chief of the First Turkish Army. In addition to
German decorations, he received the title Pasha from the Sultan.
He died in Baghdad.
GOLUCHOwsKi, count agenor von ( 1849—1921). Austrian statesman,
was foreign minister of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire from
1895 to 1906.
gomperz , theodor (1832-1912). Austrian Jewish classical philol
ogist and philosopher, taught at the Vienna University from
1873, and became in 1901 a member of the Upper House in the
Austrian Parliament. He continued to voice his opposition to
Zionism in occasional articles.
gordon. See Evans-Gordon, Major W. E.
GOREMiKiN, ivan longinovich (1839-1917). Russian statesman.

Was minister of the interior from 1896 to 1899.
gorst, sir jo h n eldon (1835-1916). English legislator. Civil com

missioner of Waikato, New Zealand 1861-63; member of parlia
ment 1866-68, 1875-92, 1892-1906; solicitor general 1885; Un
dersecretary of State for India 1886-91; financial secretary of the
Treasury 1891-92; rector of Glasgow University 1893-94; vice-
president of the committee of the Council on Education 1895-
1902. In 1903 was British official in Egypt.
gorz (Italian Gorizia; Slovene Gorica). Town in Austria (today

in the Italian province of Udine).
GOTTHEiL, gustave (1827-1903). American rabbi and author, bom

in Germany. In i860 became rabbi of the Manchester Reform
Congregation, and from 1873 to 1899 served as rabbi of Temple
Emanu-El in New York. In 1886 he published the Jewish Hymn
Book. He was one of the first Reform Rabbis to support Zion
ism. In 1898 he served as vice-President of the newly formed
Federation of American Zionists.
GOTTHEiL, richard ja m e s h o ra tio (1862-1936). Semitic scholar,

son of Gustave Gottheil. In 1886 he became instructor of Syriac
language and literature, in 1887 lecturer, and in 1892 Professor
of Semitic languages, at Columbia University. In 1896 he be
came director of the Oriental Division of the New York Public
Library. In 1920-21 served as Exchange Professor at the Uni
versity of Strasbourg. In 1898 he was elected first president of
the Federation of American Zionists. Was member of the Ac
tions Committee of the World Zionist Organization. Wrote
numerous scholarly studies in various fields of Semitics, and in
1914 published a volume, Zionism, the first comprehensive ac
count of the subject in English.
goy. Yiddish term (from the Hebrew), meaning Gentile.
graben . Business street in the center of Vienna.
graf, jo sef(1841-1908). Austrian Jewish journalist. From 1896-

1908 publisher and editor of Die Information, a private informa
tion sheet for embassies, consulates, politicians and financiers
owned by Baron Eisner von Eisenhof (q.v.).
grand prix de paris ,an international race for three-year-old run

ning horses, established in 1863 and held annually in June at
Longchamp, near Paris, for a purse of 100,000 francs.
great-becskerek (Hungarian Nagybecskerek). Town in southern

Hungary, today Petrovgrad (Veliki Beckerek) in Yugoslavia.
greater actions c o m m iit e e . See Actions Committee.
Greenberg, Leopold J acob (1861-1931). English Jew. In his youth

had no interest in Jewish affairs, but, following Herzl’s appear
ance, was attracted by political Zionism and became an im
portant member of the team which helped Herzl in his political
work in England and Egypt. He served as Herzl’s agent in his
negotiations in both countries from 1902 to 1903. In 1903-05
conducted negotiations with the British government concern
ing Uganda (q.v.). From 1905 to 1907 was a member of the Zion
ist Executive. Subsequently he had an important part in the
efforts which led to the issuance of the Balfour Declaration
(1917). In 1896 he founded the Jewish Year Book, and from
1907 edited the London Jewish Chronicle (q.v.).
GREGORY, BULGARIAN ARCHBISHOP (1828-1898). His full civilian

name was Gregory Nemtsov. Bom in the Bessarabian village of
Soroka to Bulgarian emigrant parents, he went in 1848 to Sveta
Gora (Athos) to the Hilendari monastery and was ordained
Friar. In 1863 he graduated from the theological school on the
island of Chalki near Constantinople. Took active part in the
struggle for church independence. In 1872 was elected Arch
bishop of Dorostol and Tshervena. When Bulgaria gained in
dependence from Turkey (in 1878), Gregory became President
of the Holy Synod and thereby the head of the administration of
the Bulgarian Orthodox Church, since its titular president, the
Bulgarian Exarch Joseph, had at that time his seat in Constan
tinople. Archbishop Gregory retained his leading position until
his death.
gretel. A comedy by Herzl in four acts, written in 1899, completed

in October 1900. Originally he intended to call it The Sinful
Mother. It is the story of a mother who has fallen into immoral
ways, has been reawakened to a sense of duty by her sick child,
and commits suicide for fear that her husband will deprive her of
the child. It was performed at the Viennese Raimund Theater
in 1900.
grillparzer, franz (1791-1872). Famous Austrian dramatist,

whose plays, mostly tragedies, won him the reputation of being
heir and continuator of the great German classical tradition.
His Der Traum, ein Leben (1834), a dream play, has often been
called the Austrian Faust.
was the wife of Henryk Groppler, diplomatic

groppler, m m e . l .,
agent of the Polish National Govemment-in-Exile. They settled
in Constantinople in 1863.
cross, w ilh elm (Ze’ev; 1857-1928). Jewish merchant, bom in
Tokaj, Hungary. Moved to Vienna where he founded and man
aged the commercial firm Jakob Schreiber & Co. In 1888 settled
in Jerusalem where he founded the first Jewish export-import
business. In 1889 moved to Jaffa where he opened a branch.
When he learned of Herzl’s work he wrote to him several times,
encouraging and supporting him. Participated in the First Con
gress as a delegate of the Palestinian Jews. It was due to his sug
gestion that Herzl was invited to stay in the Marx house (q.v.)
in Jerusalem in 1898.
Russian baptized Jew; an anti-Semite; editor of a paper in

grund .
Moscow.
GRÜNFELD, dr. jo se f (?-igio). Austrian Jewish university lecturer,

public worker and writer. President of the Union of Austrian
Jews from 1886 to 1897. For many years member of executive
committee of the Viennese Jewish community. From 1900 to
1907 chairman of the Viennese Jewish Students Aid Society.
Wrote a history of the Jewish hospital in Vienna.
gruscha , anton h i J oseph (1820-1911). Austrian priest. Became

titular bishop of Vienna in 1878; archbishop of Vienna from
1890 to 1911; cardinal in 1891.
güdemann , moritz (1835-1918). Became Chief Rabbi of the

Viennese Jewish Community in 1890. Had great reputation as
a rabbi and a scholar. His books on the history of education and
culture among the Jews of Western Europe are first-class
scholarly studies.
gudenus, count Leopold (1843-1913). Austrian statesman. En

tered the Austrian diplomatic service and became secretary of
the legations in Rome, Paris and St. Petersburg. From 1884 to
1894 was representative of the large estate owners in the diet of
Lower Austria and in the Reichsrat. In 1893 became Province
Marshall of Lower Austria, in 1894 chief chamberlain of
Stephanie, widow of the Crown Prince; in 1897 chief hunt mas
ter, and later imperial chamberlain. Was created a count in
1907.
guesde, ju l e s(1845-1922; real name: Mathieu Basil). French

socialist, newspaper editor, in 1893 was elected to the Chamber
of Deputies.
guilder, or f l o r in . T he monetary unit used in Austria in Herzl’s

day. It consisted of two Kronen (crowns) and its value was about
half of a U.S. dollar.
Gunther , pr in c e . See Schleswig-Holstein.
günzburg, baron Horace (1833-1909). Russian Jewish financier,

became head of the banking house founded by his father. Was
president of the I.C.A. Committee in St. Petersburg and made
efforts to improve the conditions of the Russian Jews.
gutmann , david . See Gutmann, Wilhelm.
gutmann , ludw ig . See Gutmann, Wilhelm.
gutmann , w il h e l m von(1826-1895). Austrian Jewish industrial

ist. Bom to poor circumstances, he began, with his brother
David Gutmann (1834-1912), to deal in coal and participated
in various businesses. He acquired partnerships in coal mines,
sugar factories, etc., and became co-owner with Rothschild of
the Witkowitz Iron Works. T he two Gutmann brothers were
knighted (“von”) in 1878. Wilhelm Gutmann’s son, Max (1857—
!93°) joined the firm in 1883, and developed the Witkowitz
mining and iron industries and the coal mines of Orlau-Lazy.
He was a member of the Upper House of the Austrian parlia
ment, received two doctorates honoris causa in 1925, and was
president of the Industrial Club in Vienna and of the Austrian
Industrialists’ Association. David Gutmann’s son, Dr. Ludwig
G. (1857-1930), was present at the meeting Herzl describes in the
Diaries (see entry of November 9, 1895).
guttenberg , pal (i860-?). Hungarian Jewish educator. Studied

in England, Denmark, Sweden and Norway. His major interest
lay in the field of adult education. Among his writings is a vol
ume Iskolai Képek a jôvô szâzadbôl (School Pictures from the
Next Century), and a book Dan parasztegyetemek (Danish
Peasants’ Universities).
ha -am ,a Hebrew bi-weekly, published in Kolomea, Galicia, be

ginning with 1891. Its editor was David Isaiah Silberbush, and
its publisher Arie Leib (Loebl) Taubes. T he letter mentioned
in the Diaries was written by Taubes on March 7, 1896; in it he
spoke of the tremendous impression The Jewish State made on
the Jews of Kolomea, and asked Herzl for information about the
movement and for permission to publish the booklet in Yiddish.
haas , jacob de . See De Haas, Jacob.
habrda , baron jo h a n n(1846-1916). Austrian civil servant. Was

chief of police of Vienna from 1897 to 1907.
Ha d ji . See Haji.
h affkine , waldemar (1860-1930). Polish Jewish bacteriologist

Studied in Odessa, became assistant in Geneva in 1888, and at
the Pasteur Institute in Paris ( 1889) where he produced a serum
for cholera and pest. In 1893 he was called to India to fight these
two diseases. He stayed on, to work at the laboratory in Bombay
which later was called Haffkine Institute. In recognition of his
services he was awarded the C.I.E. (Companion of the Order of
the Indian Empire) and received numerous other prizes and dis
tinctions. In 1920 he became a member of the central committee
of the Alliance Israélite Universelle. He left one and a half
million Swiss francs for the support of East European Yeshivot;
this legacy became the Haffkine Foundation with headquarters
in Lausanne.
hagenau . A novel by Herzl, completed in the summer of 1882. The

hero of the novel is Count Robert Schenk von Hagenau, a scion
of an ancient line fallen from power and a shy artist.
hagia sophia (Saint Sophia). The most famous Byzantine church

in Constantinople, originally built under the sponsorship of
Emperor Justinian in 532-37. After the Turkish conquest of
Constantinople in 1453 it was converted into a mosque. In 1935
it was converted into a museum.
hahn , samuel RITTER von (1837-1897). Austrian Jewish banker.

Director of the Imperial and Royal privileged Austrian Lander-
bank.
hahn , Sigmund (1844-1929). Austrian journalist. Became in 1875

editor of the Neues Wiener Tagblatt, was its night editor until
1907. In 1877 he founded the Reichsratsalmanach. Retired in
1919-
Turkish government official. Was for many years

ha j i ali bey .
first chamberlain of Sultan Abdul Hamid (q.v.). In 1902 re
ceived the rank of a vizier with the title Pasha.
Turkish court official in charge of the

h a ji m ahm ud e f f e n d i .
Sultan’s stables and equipage.
hakham bashi , the Turkish title of the Chief Rabbi of the Jewish
millet (nation) in the Turkish Empire. See Halevi, Moses.
halban , Heinrich , edler von (1845-1892). Original name:

Blumenstock. Austrian Jewish author, civil servant and Zionist.
Wrote studies in criminal law, worked as secretary in the office
of the president of the Austrian ministerial council, 1870, and
as ministerial secretary in the press department, 1873. Trans
lated Polish poetry into German. Was knighted in 1892. Later
became office-director in the bureau of the Austrian Reichsrat,
1897.
halevi . Herzl’s code word for “loan.” Distorted from Yiddish

halvo’e, which in turn comes from the Hebrew halva’ah, mean
ing loan.
halevi , moses(1826-1910). Turkish rabbi. Was the acting Hak

ham Bashi (q.v.) of Turkey from 1874 to 1908.
halevy , J oseph (1827-1917). French Jewish Orientalist, taught

at the Alliance Israélite Universelle (q.v.) schools in Turkey and
Rumania. In 1868, the Alliance sent him to Abyssinia where he
studied the Falashas, or Black Jews of Abyssinia. In 1869-70, he
studied, for the French Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-
Lettres, Sabean inscriptions in Yemen, disguised as a rabbi from
Jerusalem. In 1879 was appointed professor of Ethiopie at the
École des Hautes Études in Paris. He wrote numerous studies
on Semitic philology, epigraphy, archaeology, and Biblical
exegesis.
Ha lil Rifat pasha (1827-1901). Turkish statesman. Entered

government service as a clerk in 1844, rose through the ranks,
and from 1876 to 1891 served as governor of various Turkish
territories. In 1891 was appointed minister of the interior; from
1895 to 1901 was Grand Vizier. His death was attributed to his
distress over the assassination of his son, Cavid Bey (q.v.).
hallgarten , Charles l . (1838-1908). German Jewish merchant.
President of the Society for the Study of the History of Jewish
Art at Frankfurt a. M.
haluka . Hebrew term, meaning literally “distribution.” T h e

name of an institution of charity established in the 15th cen
tury. Its purpose was (and has remained to this day) to collect
alms for the support of religious Jews who lived in Jerusalem
and in the other three Holy Cities of Palestine (Safed, Tiberias
and Hebron) to enable them to dedicate themselves to the study
of the Talmud.
ha -maggid , founded in 1857, a religiously oriented Hebrew

weekly paper, published until 1892 in Lyck, East Prussia, and
thereafter was transferred to Cracow, Galicia. Jacob S. Fuchs
was its editor. Nordau must have suggested that Herzl get in
touch with the London representative of Ha-maggid.
hamburger n a c h rich ten . Daily paper published in Hamburg,

Germany.
HAMMERSTEIN-LOXTEN, BARON HANS VON (1843-1905). German

estate owner and politician. Was Royal Prussian minister of
state for the interior from 1901 to 1905. Married Marie von
Rabiel in 1872.
hanotaux , (albert auguste ) gabriel (1853-1944). French his

torian and statesman. Was councillor of the French Embassy
in Constantinople in 1885 ; member of the Chamber of Deputies,
1886-89; Minister of Foreign Affairs 1894-95, 1896-98. His
ambitions in Africa resulted in the Fashoda incident (q.v.) of
July 1898.
harden , (real surname: Witkowski; 1861-1927).

Ma x im ilia n
German Jewish journalist, founded, in 1892, Die Zukunft
(Future), a weekly, in which he often supported highly un-
popular causes. He was several times tried for libel, lèse majesté
and similar offenses, and twice sentenced to imprisonment.
After the entry of the United States in World War I, he
emphasized the idealistic motives of America and castigated
Germany.
Town in England, in Middlesex. 12 miles north-west of

harrow .
London. Famous for the Harrow School located in it.
harte , bret (1836-1902). American writer of fiction and poet,

described in his novels the life of California in the mid-19th
century.
hartwig (or gartwich ), nirolas de (1855-1914). Russian civil

servant. Director of the Asiatic Department in the Russian
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, leader of the Pan-Slavic movement,
from 1909 Russian minister to Belgrade.
hasan hüsnü pasha (1832-1903). Turkish Admiral. His father was

one of the admirals of the Turkish fleet which was destroyed by
the Russians off Sinope in 1853. Graduated from the Naval
College and began his service as a sub-lieutenant in the Turkish
Navy in 1848. Was admiral commanding the Turkish fleet in
the Turco-Russian War (1877-78), and thereafter chairman of
the Navy board. Was appointed minister of marine in 1881 and
from 1882 to his death remained in this post. It was generally
held that his negligence and abuses were responsible for the
decay of the Turkish Navy.
hassan pasha . Herzl refers to Hassan as the Turkish minister of

war. However, the Turkish minister of war in his days was Riza
Pasha Mehmed (q.v.). On the other hand, there were two Turk
ish marshals in the Ministry of War called Hassan Pasha. One
was the official in charge of ceremonials, the other the chief
military accountant. It is possible that Herzl mistook one of
these men for the minister of war.
Hassid (plural Hassidim), an adherent of Hassidism, the Jewish
religious movement founded by Rabbi Israel Baal Shem Tov
(1699-1761) in Volhynia and Podolia. Hassidic rabbis were
often believed to possess miraculous virtues.
HATZFELDT, COUNT PAUL VON HATZFELDT-WILDENBURG (1831-1901).

Prussian diplomatist. German Minister Extraordinary in Ma
drid, 1874-78; then ambassador in Constantinople; secretary of
state in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 1881-85, then ambas
sador in London.
hauer, franz RITTER von (1822-1899). Austrian geologist. Member

of the Upper House. Curator of the Vienna Museum of Natural
History, professor of geology at the College of Agriculture. His
studies in the geology of the Alps and his activity in developing
scholarly institutions made him one of the founders of scientific
geology in Austria.
hauran. A district to the east and north-east of the Lake of

Genesaret (q.v.), today in the Kingdom of Jordan.
hauser, Caspar (Kasper, i8i2?-i833) was a German foundling

who became a public figure. It was rumored about him that he
was the son of the Grand Duchess of Baden. At the age of 21
he died of self-inflicted wounds.
havas news agency (Agence Havas). French news agency, founded

in 1835 by Charles Havas as a translation bureau. Following
fusions with other information bureaus, the Agence Havas be
came the largest and most important news agency in France.
hayehudi. The only Hebrew weekly published in England from

1898 to 1913. It was edited by Isaac Suwalski (1861-1913), a
Hebrew writer and scholar of note, who served also as the
paper’s printer, publisher and administrator, and was one of its
chief contributors.
(1845-1931). British minister, was bom in
h ech ler , w illia m h .
South Africa of German parents. After completing his studies
for the ministry, he became, upon recommendation of the
British court, tutor to Prince Ludwig, son of the Grand Duke
of Baden. While in this post, he got to know the Grand Duke’s
nephew, the future Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany. Following
Prince Ludwig’s untimely death, Hechler served as a minister
in England, and published a leaflet, The Restoration of the
Jews to Palestine According to the Prophets (1882). From 1885
to 1910 he was chaplain of the British Embassy in Vienna where
he met Herzl and became his devoted friend.
hectare . Metric area unit, containing 10,000 square meters and

corresponding to 2.471 acres.
hedad ! Hebrew cry, meaning Haill
heder . Hebrew term, literally room, used in Yiddish to denote a

traditional Jewish religious school where boys were taught to
read Hebrew and to translate into Yiddish the Five Books of
Moses.
hegel , georg w il h e l m F riedrich (1770-1831). German philos

opher.
(originally Chaim Harry, 1797-1856). German

h e in e , hein rich
poet and author. Bom a Jew, converted to Christianity. From
1831 lived in Paris. Ranked as the leading German poet after
Goethe.
heinrich , prince .Heinrich, Albert Wilhelm of Prussia (1862-

1929). Imperial German Grand Admiral, son of Frederick III
(q.v.), Emperor of Germany, younger brother of Kaiser Wil
helm II (q.v.).
h e it . Viennese Jewish textile dealer.

The north-western province of Arabia, bordering on the
h e ja z .
Red Sea. Within it are Mecca (q.v.) and Medina, the two
holiest cities of Islam.
h ejaz railroad . The plan to build, with German support, a

railway from Constantinople to Mecca, the so-called Hejaz Rail
way, was widely advertised by Sultan Abdul Hamid II (q.v.) in
1901, as an act of piety “for the facilitation of the pilgrimage
to Mecca.” Work on the railroad began in 1904 under the su
preme directorship of the German Meissner Pasha. In 1908,
when the line reached Medina, work was suspended.
Helgoland , or Heligolan d . A small island in the North Sea, was

transferred by England to Germany in 1890, and was thereupon
made by the latter into a great fortress.
helm holtz , h errm ann von (1821-1894). German naturalist. Pro

fessor of physics at Berlin 1871; president of the German
Imperial Physical-Technical Institute, 1888.
h ep! h e p!An old taunting cry of Jew baiters. It probably origi

nates from Roman times, representing the initials of the words
Hierosolyma est perdita\ (Jerusalem is Lost!)
herbst , carl .Bulgarian Jewish civil servant. Was official in the

Ministry of Housing and Construction. Later Director of the
Bulgarian branch of the German firm Siemens 8c Halske. At
tended the First Zionist Congress and was active in behalf of
the Jewish Colonial Trust in Bulgaria.
herrschkowitz (hercovici ). Rumanian Jew.
hertz , J oseph Herm an (1872-1946). Rabbi. Bom in Slovakia,

studied in New York, served as a rabbi in Syracuse, N. Y. In 1898
was appointed rabbi of the Witwatersrand Congregation at
Johannesburg, South Africa. During the South African War
was expelled for pleading religious liberty for Jews and Catho
lics. Lectured in the United States, returned to South Africa,
and from 1906 to 1908 served as professor of philosophy at
Transvaal University College. In 1912 became a rabbi in New
York City, and in 1913 was appointed Chief Rabbi of the United
Hebrew Congregations of the British Empire, a position he held
until his death.
hertzka , theodor (1845-1924). Viennese economist and journal

ist, economic editor of the Neue Freie Presse (1872-79), and
founder and editor of the Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung (1879—
86). His utopian novel, Freiland, published in 1890 in German
and in 1891 in English, describes a society in which the economic
order is based on public land ownership, while all other prop
erty is owned individually.
herzl , hans(1891-1930). Herzl’s son. Was bom in Vienna, died

by his own hands in Bordeaux.
herzl , J acob (1835-1902). Herzl’s father, was bom in Semlin in

southern Hungary (now Yugoslavia), died in Vienna.
herzl , je a n e tt e , née diamant (1836-1911). Herzl’s mother, was

bom in Pest, died in Vienna.
(1868-1907). Herzl’s wife; born in

herzl , ju l ie , née nashauer
Pest, married in Reichenau, 1889.
herzl , margarethe (1893-1943). Herzl’s youngest child, familiarly

known as Trude. On September 10, 1942, she was taken from
Vienna, together with her husband, Richard Neumann, to the
Theresienstadt concentration camp, and shortly thereafter they
were both put to death in a Nazi extermination camp.
herzl , pauline (1859-1878). Herzl’s sister who died at the age of

18 in Budapest. Herzl, who was greatly attached to her, named
his oldest child after her.
herzl, pauline ( 1890- 1930). Herzl's oldest child.
herzl , simonLOEB (1805-1879). Herzl’s paternal grandfather, was

born in Semlin, died in Budapest.
herzl, Theodor. Bom in Pest, May 2, i860; died in Edlach, July

3»1904-
herzl , theodor ’s h o m e addresses . Following his return from

Paris, the Herzl family lived at 16 Pelikangasse, Vienna 9. After
the first Zionist Congress (1897) they moved to Berggasse,
Vienna 9. Thereafter to 50 Carl Ludwig-Strasse, Vienna 18.
Herzl's last home address was 29 Heizingergasse, Vienna 18. This
last one was a duplex apartment, with the social rooms on the
main floor and the bedrooms and Herzl’s study on the second
floor. Adjoining the house was a garden. Herzl’s widowed
mother lived nearby in the same street.
herzl , trude . See Herzl, Margarethe
herzlingen .The telegraphic address of the office of the Zionist

Congress in Vienna.
hess, moses (1812-1875). German Jewish social philosopher. In

fluenced by Hegel and Spinoza, he published Heilige Geschichte
der Menschheit (Sacred History of Mankind, 1837), and Die
Europaische Triarchie (The European Triarchy, 1841) ad
vocating a United States of Europe. After a brief period of co
operation between Hess and other left-wing Hegelians in found
ing the Rheinische Zeitung, sharp differences arose between
him and Marx (q.v.) and Engels (q.v.). Hess, unable to accept
the materialistic interpretation of history and the doctrine of
class-war, withdrew from the movement, moved first to Geneva,
then to Paris. His interest in the Jewish people, their history
and destiny, increased throughout the years, and in 1862 he
published his pamphlet Rome and Jerusalem which has become
a Zionist classic.
One of the German states. In Herzl’s lifetime there

hesse (hessen ).
were about 25,000 Jews in Hessen.
In Hend's days the ruler of Hesse was Grand

hesse , grand duke o f .
Duke Ernst Ludwig (born in 1868; became ruling prince in
1892; lost his throne in 1918). Was a patron of the arts, com
poser, dramatist, (under the pseudonym K. E. Ludhard).
Russian soldier and court official. In 1903 was com

hesse , von .
mander of the Imperial Palace in St. Petersburg, member of
the Imperial Headquarters, and Adjutant General to the Czar.
hevras . The typical, traditional East and Central European Jewish

Hevras were called Hevra Kadisha-s (sacred societies). Their
activities and tasks were usually limited to visiting the sick,
burying the dead, and comforting the bereaved. It was an old
tradition for well-to-do members of the congregation to enroll
their sons in the Hevra Kadisha at an early age.
heym an , s. l . A South African Jewish businessman, member of

the first board of the Jewish Colonial Trust, and owner of the
Jewish World from 1897.
heyse , paul(1830-1914). German poet and novelist who received

the Nobel Prize for literature in 1911. He lived in Munich, and
by 1895 had published more than two dozen highly successful
volumes of short stories, novels, poems and plays.
hildesheim er , hirsch ( 1855-1910). Rabbi, historian and orthodox

Jewish leader. In 1880 became instructor of Jewish history at
the Rabbinical Seminary for orthodox Judaism founded by his
father Israel (Azriel) H. in Berlin in 1873. From 1883 he was
editor of the Jüdische Presse in Berlin. Was co-founder, in 1901,
of the Jewish Historical and Literary Society of Berlin and of
the Hilfsverein der Deutschen Juden (German Jewish Aid So
ciety), also know as Esra (Hebrew for aid). He was greatly in
terested in philanthropic work for Jews in Palestine, but was
opposed to the political Zionism of Herzl.
hill , sir c l em en t lloyd ( 18 4 5 -1 9 13). British civil servant and

M. P. Became chief of the African Department of the Foreign
Office in 1894. Was superintendent of the African Proctectorates
from 1900-05; thereafter won a seat in Parliament.
hindjakists , or Huntchakists. See Armenians.
hinterbrühl . Austrian village, some 6 miles to the south-west of

Vienna.
Hirsch, baron Ma u rice de (183 i - i 896). Railroad magnate and

philanthropist, founded the Jewish Colonization Association
(JCA) for the agricultural settlement of Jews in Argentina, and
supported it by donations amounting to ten million pounds
sterling.
(1843-1923). Bom in Amsterdam, lived

hirsch, samuel a br a h a m
in London, was editor of The Jewish Standard from 1888 to
1891, and of Palestina from 1891 to 1899. He laid down the
formula for the Jewish Calendar in the Jewish Year Book (first
issued in 1896) used to this day. Among his published works are
A Book of Essays (1905); A Commentary on the Book of Job
(1905); The Cabbalists and Other Essays (1922). He was secre
tary of the Hovevei Zion and Senior T u to r at Jews’ College.
HOHENLOHE, CARDINAL GUSTAV ADOLF ZU H. -SCHILLINGSFÜRST

(1823-1896). German cleric. Was a cardinal in Rome since
1866. As an opponent of the Jesuits left Rome following the
Vatican Council. In 1872 Bismarck (q.v.) suggested him as
German representative at the Papal court, but the Pope re
fused him. In 1876 Hohenlohe returned to Rome and he died
there.
HOHENLOHE-SCHILLINGSFÜRST, PRINCE CHLODWIG VON, (1819-1901).

German Imperial Chancellor (“Reichskanzler”) from 1894 to
1900.
HOHENZOLLERN. Royal dynasty of Germany that supplied kings to

Prussia from 1701 to 1918 and German emperors from 1871 to
1918. William I (1797-1888) king of Prussia, was crowned
Emperor (Kaiser) of Germany in 1871. His son, Frederick III
(1831-1888), succeeded him in 1888, but died after three months,
and was succeeded by his son, Wilhelm II (q.v.).
hokhm e. Yiddish term (from the Hebrew hokhmah), meaning

wisdom, understanding.
hokhm etzen . Yiddish verb, derived from Hokhme (q.v.), mean

ing to banter.
HOLLiNEK, brothers . Owners of the printing press in Vienna in

which Herzl’s Judenstaat was printed in 1896. The press,
founded by Emil Hollinek in 1880, is still in existence today.
holy mantle at treves . Believed to be the shroud in which the

body of Jesus was wrapped, is kept in the cathedral of Treves
(German Trier), a town on the Moselle river in the Rhine
province of Prussia.
holy sepulchre , church of t h e . Church in the Old City of

Jerusalem (today in Jordan), built on the Hill of Golgotha
which, according to Christian tradition, was outside the city
walls in the days of Jesus. The first church was built on the site in
antiquity, and subsequently rebuilt or reconstructed several
times. In its center is the traditional tomb of Jesus.
holzm ann , dr . j. Jewish physician. Lived for some time in Berlin.

Wrote articles under the pen-name Etzyoni. Reviewed Herzl’s
article which was published in the London Jewish Chronicle
(q.v.), in the Berlin monthly Zion (q.v.). During his years of
residence in Jaffa, Palestine, was a member of the B'nai Moshe
(q.v.). Later in life he became converted to Islam.
HÔRITZ. Small town in Bohemia, Austria.
horn , anton . Russian Jewish journalist. Staff-member of the

Journal des Debats. In 1858 joined the Journal de St. Peter-
bourg, and from 1870 to 1900 was its editor-in-chief. He wrote
mainly on problems of financial policy. He was a brother of
Eduard Horn (q.v.).
horn , ede (Eduard; original name Ignacz Einhom; 1825-1875).

Hungarian Jewish economist. While studying in the Yeshiva of
Pressburg began to contribute articles to Jewish journals. In
1847 published his pamphlet (in German) Zur Judenfrage in
Ungarn (On the Jewish Question in Hungary), and founded a
reform congregation in Pest (q.v.) in which he served as the
preacher. In 1848 became co-editor of the Elso Magyar Zsidd
Évkônyv (First Hungarian Jewish Yearbook), and served as
chaplain in the Hungarian war of liberation. Following the
defeat of the Hungarians he fled abroad, and while living in
Paris, Leipsig and Brussels, began to study problems of national
economy. In the year of his death he was appointed Hungarian
undersecretary of state for commerce.
Horowitz . Rabbi in Rymanow. Son-in-law of the “Rymanower”

wonder-rabbi.
hottinguer . Banking house in Paris, headed by M. Henri Hot-
tinguer. See Mallet.
hovevei zion (Hebrew: Lovers of Zion). Members of the Hibbat

Zion (Hebrew: Love of Zion) movement, organized in Russia
in 1882 under the immediate impact of the Russian pogrom of
the same year, but basing itself upon ideas put forward by David
Gordon and others as early as 1870. A group of Jewish students,
who called themselves Biluim (Bilu being the acrostic of the
Biblical phrase “O house of Jacob, come ye and let us walk;
Isaiah 2:5), settled in Palestine in the very same year with the
help of the Hovevei Zion. In 1884 Leo Pinsker (q.v.) called the
Hovevei Zion to a conference in Katowice to further the cause
of colonization in Palestine. In 1887 a second conference was
called in Druskeniki, and in 1889 a third one in Vilna. In 1890
the Russian government confirmed the statutes of the move
ment which assumed the official name of “Society for the Support
of Jewish Agriculturists and Artisans in Syria and Palestine”
and had its first general assembly in the same year. Groups of
Hovevei Zion were organized also in Germany, England and
elsewhere. The spirit of the movement was national-Jewish, but
it opposed political Zionism, until it was largely absorbed by
the Zionist Organization.
(bom 1851). German author and journal

h u h n , Arthur ernst von
ist. Correspondent of the Kôlnische Zeitung in Berlin. Author
of Der Kampf der Bulgaren um ihre Nationaleinheit (The
Struggle of the Bulgarians for Their National Unity).
hülsner , or hilsner , Leopold . Jewish cobbler of Polna, (Austrian

town on the Bohemian-Moravian border), who, in 1899, was
accused of having committed a “ritual murder,” and sentenced
to die. The death sentence was commuted to life imprisonment.
All efforts for a re-trial remained unsuccessful. Only in 1916, on
the occasion of the coronation of Emperor Charles IV, was
Hiilsner given amnesty. The trial of Hiilsner led to anti-Semitic
excesses in Bohemia and Moravia. See Polna.
Humphreys , thom as henry a y l m e r . British officer in the Egyptian

Civil Service. In 1918 vice-consul, Bizerta, Tunis. Resigned
in 1919.
hunt , w illia m h o lm a n(1827-1910). English painter, one of the

founders of the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood (in 1848). In 1854
he went to Palestine in order to give authenticity to his paint
ings of Biblical scenes.
Full name and title Miralai G. G. Hunter (late

hunter , ca pta in .
Captain, The Buffs). Director General of the Coast Guard Ad
ministration, residing at Ghezirah, Egypt.
1. c. a. See Jewish Colonization Association.
1. c. a . bill . In the course of a polemics with Israel Zangwill, the

I. C. A. was made aware of a discrepancy between its statutes
and its activities. Thereupon, in 1903, the I. C. A. applied to the
British Parliament to have its statutes changed so as to cover
also the utilization of the Hirsch Fund for purposes other than
colonization. This application was approved by the House.
1love you . A comedy by Herzl in one act, written in 1900.
ibrahim rasih bey ( 1852—?). Turkish court official. Succeeded

Munir Pasha (about 1900-1905) as secretary for official foreign
correspondence at Yildiz Kiosk (q.v.).
ibsen, Henrik jo h a n (1828-1906). Norwegian dramatist Recog

nized universally as one of the greatest masters of modem drama.
ica . See Jewish Colonization Association.
ifrikar order . Herzl misheard and consequently misspelled this

name. Its proper form is Iftihar order (q.v.).
iftih a r order .Turkish decoration, the Sultan’s Legion of Honor,

established by Sultan Mahmud II in 1833. It was a jewelled
decoration and had only one class. Sultan Abdul Mejid abro
gated it and introduced his Mejidi Order (see Mejidiye) to take
its place. However, Sultan Abdul Hamid (q.v.) restored it, and
also established a medal by the name of Iftihar in 1888. This
latter was of two kinds, a golden and silver one.
iGNATiEFF, count nikolai pa v lo v itch , (1832-1908). Russian sol

dier and diplomat. Was appointed in 1881 Minister of the
Imperial Domains and later of the Interior, but was dismissed
from office in the following year. While in power, he persecuted
the Jews relentlessly.
Ignatius, fath er (original name Joseph Leycester Lyne; 1837-

1908). English preacher. Assumed the Benedictine habit and in
1862 the name Father Ignatius. In 1869 purchased land in the
Black Mountains, South Wales, and built Llanthony Abbey.
In 1890-91 made a missionary tour through Canada and the
United States. His effort to revive monasticism in England bore
little fruit.
ilyas bey , cay an or d ja ia n (1838-?). Turkish Armenian official.

Entered the foreign service in 1861. Was appointed assistant
under-secretary of state in the Foreign Ministry in 1879 in which
capacity he served until 1895.
imeretinski , duke Alexander (1837-1900). General in the Russian

army and governor of Poland.
Indian je w s in J eru sa lem . There are no data to indicate how
many Jews from India lived in Jerusalem at the end of the 19th
century. However, it is known that in 1929 their number was 60.
inner actions c o m m it t e e . See Actions Committee.
innere stadt , literally “inner city,” the central borough of Vienna.
Innsbruck. Capital of the Tyrol, Austria, 59 miles south of Munich

(q.v.), situated in the Valley of the Inn (Innthal).
irade. Decree issued by the Turkish Sultan.
irvingites. Popular name

of the members of the Catholic Apostolic
Church, founded by Edward Irving (1792-1834) in Scotland
in 1832.
ischl. Town and summer resort in Upper Austria, with a number

of saline and sulphurous springs.
ISH-KISHOR, e ph r a im (original name Spindelman; 1863-1945).

Hebrew teacher, Yiddish writer and newspaper editor, pre-
Herzlian Hovevei Zionist. Helped Herzl to found the first Zion
ist society in London. Lived for several years in the United
States, then settled in Palestine where he died.
islam .The religion founded by Mohammed (570-632), and fol

lowed by some 90 per cent of the population of the Middle East,
as well as by other peoples, in areas as far as Indonesia. The total
number of Moslems today is estimated at ca. 300 million.
Ismail hakki bey (P-igio). Turkish general. Friend of Sultan

Abdul Hamid (q.v.), for whom he occasionally acted as an
interpreter. During World War I, became governor of Lebanon.
(1830-1895). Son of Ibrahim Pasha. Became Turk
Is m a i l , k h e d i v e
ish Viceroy of Egypt in 1863, and khedive with the title Highness
in 1867. In 1868-69 he sought to establish himself as an inde
pendent monarch, and did, in fact, obtain concessions from the
Sultan which made him practically independent. In 1879 Ismail
was deposed and retired to a palace on the Bosporus as a virtual
prisoner.
isMAiLiA or isMAiLiYA. Town close to th e s o u th e rn end of the Suez

Canal, in Egypt.
Israel , nathan . German Jewish merchant, member of the cen

tral committee of the I.C.A.
iSRAELinscHE allianz of Vienna. Austrian Jewish service organi

zation, founded in 1873, following the example of the French
Alliance Israélite Universelle (q.v.). Its aims included the aid
ing of persecuted Jews and the establishment of Jewish schools.
From 1881-82 on, the A llianz dealt with problems of emigration.
(1824-1911). Dutch Jewish painter and etcher.

Is r a e l s , j o s e f
Became famous for his impressionistic pictures of fishing scenes,
poor villages and huts. Among his paintings on Jewish themes
the best known were his “David and Saul” (referred to by Herzl
in the Diaries), “The Torah Scribe,” "A Son of the Old People.”
He depicted Jewish figures in the old Jewish quarter of Amster
dam.
isvosHCHiK. Russian for carriage driver.
d is c u s s io n in the Chamber of Deputies. Following a

It a l i a n
question of a deputy, the Under Secretary of Foreign Affairs in
the Italian Chamber of Deputies stated on May 4, 1901, that in
1900 the Turkish government had twice asked the representa
tives of foreign powers in Constantinople to intervene in order
to prevent the settlement of foreign Jews in Turkish territory.
See Die Welt, 1901, No. 19, p. 13.
Italy, king o f . See Umberto I and Victor Emmanuel III.
rrzKANY. Small town in Bukowina, Rumania, on the Suczawa

River, some three miles to the north of the town Suczawa. See
Sereth-Suczawa.
rvRiA. Jewish student organization in Vienna, founded in 1892.
izzet pasha , HOLO al -abed (died 1924). Turkish statesman, bom

in Damascus. His father was a wealthy Syrian Arab. He became
chamberlain and second secretary to the Sultan, and in 1902 was
promoted to the rank of a vizier with the title of Pasha. He was
held in high esteem and was greatly trusted by Sultan Abdul
Hamid II. Had great influence on state affairs and was a strong
rival of First Secretary Tahsin Pasha (q.v.). During the last
years of Abdul Hamid he became, in fact, the most powerful
official in the Empire. His reputation was bad, he was regarded
as bent on bribery and unscrupulous. Upon the outbreak of the
1908 revolution he fled from Turkey.
JABLOCHKOW, pa u l . Russian electrical engineer, inventor of the

“candles" named after him. These were lighting appliances con
sisting of two carbon sticks placed in a parallel position and
insulated from each other by a layer of caoline.
jackson , auditor. Wilhelm Charles Jackson (1845-1923), founder

of the firm Jackson, Pixley & Co., Chartered Accountants, with
offices at 58 Coleman Street, London, E.C., today at Kent
House, Telegraph Street, London, E. C. 2.
J acobs, baron . No traces of a Baron Jacobs could be found either
in Vienna or in Paris.
J acobs, J oseph (1854-1916). English Jewish historian and folk

lorist. He wrote on medieval English Jewish history, on Spanish
Jewish history, on Celtic folklore, etc. Was secretary of the
Russo-Jewish Committee, founder of the Jewish Historical So
ciety of England, editor of Folklore (the journal of the British
Folklore Society). After settling in the U.S. in 1900, became
revising editor of the Jewish Encyclopaedia. Jewish Contri
butions to Civilization is his most important Jewish book. He
was opposed to Zionism.
J acobson, victor (1869-1924). Russian Jewish banker and com

munal worker. Born in the Crimea of assimilant Russian-Jewish
parents, was attracted to the Zionist movement and became a
member of the Greater Actions Committee. When the Anglo-
Palestine Co. was established in Palestine, he became the man
ager of its Beirut branch office, 1906-08. When Katzenelsohn
(q.v.) and Wolffsohn (q.v.) decided to found a bank in Constan
tinople, its directorship was entrusted to Jacobson, 1908-11. He
helped to launch and maintain Zionist journals in Constan
tinople. In the years of the First World War he directed the
Zionist Office in neutral Scandinavia.
ja f f a . Town on
the Mediterranean coast of Palestine (today Israel)
which was in Herzl’s day the main port of the country and was
connected with Jerusalem by a railway line of ca. 40 miles in
length.
According to the New Testament story (Mark

ja ir u s ’ daughter .
5:22-43; Luke 8:41-56), the 12 year-old daughter of Jairus died,
and Jesus, using the Aramaic phrase “Talitha Cumi” (daughter
arise) restored her to life.
ist Lord James of Hereford (1828-1911). Eng

ja m e s , sir henry ,
lish lawyer and statesman. In 1869 he entered the House of
Commons as a liberal member. In 1873 became solicitor general
in Gladstone’s (q.v.) government. In 1885 was made privy coun
cillor, in 1895 raised to the peerage. Among his many public
functions was the chairmanship of the Royal Commission for
Alien Immigration.
jameson , sir leander starr (1853-1917). British colonial politi

cian who became widely known as the organizer and leader of
a raid on Johannesburg in the Boer state on Dec. 29, 1895. The
British government repudiated the action, had Jameson brought
back to England, tried and sentenced him in 1896 to fifteen
months’ imprisonment. Jameson returned to South Africa, was
elected in 1900 to the parliament of the Cape Colony, and, fol
lowing the death of Cecil Rhodes (q.v.) in 1902, became head of
the Progressive Party and Prime Minister of the Cape Colony
(1902-1908). It was largely due to his efforts that Rhodes’ great
dream of a union of Boer and Briton in South Africa was realized
in 1909. Jameson was created a baronet in 1911.
janiculum . Hill on the right bank of the Tiber, part of the city
of Rome.
JASINOWSKI, Israel (1842-1917). Polish Jewish attorney and com

munal worker. Graduated from Kazan University in 1874.
Joined the Hovevei Zion and was one of the organizers of their
Katowice Conference in 1884, where he was elected to the central
committee. Later he became a devoted follower of Herzl, was a
delegate to the First Zionist Congress, and became a leader of
Russian Zionism. In 1903 Herzl stayed in his house in Warsaw.
After the Seventh Zionist Congress J. became a leader of the
Terri torialists.
jardin du paris . In Herzl’s days one of the fashionable café-

concerts on the Champs Elysées. It was managed by M. Oiler,
and was open from May to September.
A district in Transjordan, to the east and northeast of the
ja u l a n .
Sea of Galilee.
(1834-1900). Austrian theater director.

ja u n e r , franz ritter von
Was director of the Carl T heater from 1872 to 1878; of the im
perial and royal court opera house from 1875 to 1880; of the
Ring Theater in 1881. In the same year, however, the Ring
Theater burned down, and this catastrophe led to Jauner‘s with
drawal from theatrical life. In 1884 he was active for a while in
the Theater an der Wien. When Herzl in 1897 speaks of Jauner
as the director of the Carl Theater, he probably follows the
Austrian usage of attributing to people titles indicating positions
they no longer filled.
or ja g stzell . Resort in the Ellwanger Mountains in

ja x tz el l
Württemberg, Germany.
Rabbi and scholar of German birth. Was rabbi

je l s k i , dr . Israel .
of the liberal synagogue in Lodz from 1892 to 1909 when he had
to leave Russia because of his German citizenship. He settled
in Geneva, Switzerland, where he worked in Jewish scholarship.
He was a Zionist, and, in spite of the objections of the assimilants
in his congregation, he spoke in a Zionist spirit from the pulpit.
Established in 1897 at 73
je n n e r institute for calf l y m p h l t d .
Battersea Church Road, London, S.W. 11 and is still located in
the same building. It is a commercial institute, manufacturing
calf-vaccine according to the idea of Edward Jenner (1749-1823).
(1877-1960), M.B.E., M.C. English civil

jen n in g s -bramly , g . w .
servant. Went to Egypt in 1896, at the age of 19, and continued
to live there and in the Sudan for 50 years. In 1897 he became
a director of customs; some time after that started the Cairo Zoo.
At the beginning of the 20th century he did a remarkable trek
by foot and camel across the Western Desert to Siwa—the first
Christian to visit that holy city. Before the First World War be
came governor of the Sinai Desert. He built the town of Burg
al-Arab, to the west of Alexandria near the Mediterranean, with
buildings copied from Florentine palaces, and lived in it for
many years. He died in Florence.
J ericho . Town of Biblical fame north-west of the Dead Sea. In

Herzl’s days it was a small Arab village by the name of Ariha or
Riha. Today in the Kingdom of Jordan.
J erusalem . Jewish majority in Jerusalem in 1897. It is estimated

that in 1897 of the 45,000 inhabitants of Jerusalem 28,000 were
Jews.
J erusalem , sa n ja k o f . In Turkish times Palestine was adminis

tratively divided into several sanjaks (districts). The largest of
these was the Sanjak of Jerusalem which included Judea and the
Negev.
(1846-1925). Austrian civil servant,

jettel von etten ba ch , e m il
of Jewish origin, Privy Councillor. From 1906 to 1910 section
chief in the Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
J ewish association . See Jewish Colonization Association.
J ewish chronicle , t h e . The oldest, and today the most influential,

Jewish periodical in England. It was founded in 1841 as a fort
nightly, but in 1847 it became a weekly. From 1878 to 1902 its
editor was Asher I. Myers. The paper’s tendency was conserva
tive, and while it was opposed to Zionism, it published discus
sions and correspondence on the movement fairly and exten
sively.
J ewish colonial trust . The original financial instrument of the

Zionist Organization envisaged by Herzl in his Judenstaat
(1896, q.v.), founded in 1899 and began operations in 1901. It
eventually raised a capital of £395,000—far short of the sub
scriptions envisaged by Herzl. However, it played a considerable
role through its subsidiary, the Anglo-Palestine Company (q.v.),
founded in 1902 in Palestine, in financing settlements and co
operative institutions in Palestine from 1903 on.
J ewish colonization association (I.C.A.). A company for the emi

gration and settling of Jews in agricultural colonies overseas,
was founded by Baron Moritz de Hirsch (q.v.) in 1891 as a share
holders’company, incorporated in England. His aim was thereby
to alleviate the sufferings of Jews in East Europe, and he per
sonally invested the entire capital amounting to two million
pounds. Later he increased the capital to over seven million
pounds. In 1895-96 Hirsch constituted the Jewish communities
of Berlin, Frankfort and Brussels and the Anglo-Jewish Associa
tion (q.v.) as the juridical person in control of the I.C.A. In
addition to establishing agricultural settlements in South and
North America, the I.C.A. aided the Jewish colonists in Pales
tine, in Wadi Hanin, Rehovot and Gedera (1896) and organized
several groups of Jewish settlers (1898). Additional amounts
were contributed to the I.C.A. after Hirsch’s death by his widow,
the Baroness Clara Hirsch. In 1899 Baron Edmond Rothschild
(q.v.) entrusted the I.C.A. with the administration of his Pales
tinian colonies together with a considerable fund.
J ewish com pany . The name of the business arm of the Society of
Jews (q.v.) envisaged by Herzl in his Judenstaat as the institu
tion which was to take care of the liquidation of Jewish property
in the countries of emigration, its transfer to the Jewish state,
its investment there, and of the acquisition of land.
J ew ish national fu n d . Hebrew name: k eren kayemeth le-

israel . Land purchasing and development agency of the World
Zionist Organization, founded at the Fifth Zionist Congress in
1901. Originally conceived by Prof. Hermann Schapira (1840-
1898) of Heidelberg, who suggested its establishment in 1884
to the Katowice conference (q.v.), and again in 1897 to the First
Zionist Congress of Basel. The aims of the Fund are to acquire
the soil of Palestine as a Jewish national and inalienable prop
erty; to carry on drainage, afforestation, amelioration; to give
land to individuals or collective groups for cultivation under a
49-year hereditary lease. It began purchasing land in Palestine
in 1905. By 1955 it had collected I. L. 110 millions, and owned
865,964 acres of land on which about half a million people lived.
J ewish negroes fro m I ndia . Herzl’s informant, Dr. D’Arbela (q.v.)

of Jerusalem, was not quite precise in describing the Indian Jews
as Negroes. Certain Jewish groups in India are of a black skin
(e.g. the Bene Israel in Bombay), but they belong, together with
most other Indians, to the Caucasian, rather than to the Negroid,
race.
J ewish state , t h e . See Der Judenstaat.
J ewish world , t h e . English-Jewish weekly founded in 1873 by

George Lewis Lyon (1828-1904), Christian forerunner of Zion
ism. In it Henry Wentworth Monk published letters every week
(1881-1884) urging Jewish colonization in Palestine. Its co
editors were Myer Davis (1873-1875), then Lucien Wolf. Jacob
de Haas (q.v.) became associate editor in 1892; Lyon sold The
Jewish World to S. L. Heymann in 1897. From 1898 to 1900
Jacob de Haas was its editor. He was succeeded by John Raphael.
A few years later The Jewish World was acquired by a syndicate
of men who sympathized with the Jewish Territorial Organisa
tion (ITO) and, in 1913, it was acquired by the Jewish Chronicle.
In 1934 it was amalgamated with the Jewish Chronicle.
Valley or plain in Palestine (today in Israel)

jezreel, valley o f .
between the Haifa Bay and the Lake of Gennesaret (Kinneret).
jodenbreetstraat (literally: Jews’ Broad Street). The main street

in the Jewish quarter in Amsterdam.
JOFFE, dr . h illel (1864-1936). Russian Jewish physician, settled
in 1891 in Palestine where he practiced as a physician and fought
malaria and typhoid. Also played a prominent part in the eco
nomic development of early agricultural settlements in Pales
tine, especially Hedera and Kastinie (q.v.). In 1903 he partici
pated in the El-Arish expedition of the Zionist organization.
jo h a n n . See Kant, Immanuel.
J ohnston , sir harry Ham ilton (1858-1929). English traveler and

African expert. Explored and studied North Africa, the Congo
region and Mount Kilimanjaro, and held various consular posts
in Africa. Published several volumes dealing with Africa.
jONEU.SeeJonin.
JONIN, von (whose name Herzl misspelled Joneu). Russian dip

lomat. Was Russian envoy to Switzerland from 1897 to 1902.
J oseph , nathan Solomon (1834-1909). English Jewish architect

who served in 1882 as secretary to the Mansion House Fund for
relief of Russian Jews. He was a brother-in-law of chief Rabbi
Hermann Adler.
judenstaat , DER. See Der Judenstaat.
jüdische akademische lesehalle (Jewish Academic Society), a

club of Viennese Jewish university students.
German Jewish weekly published in Berlin

jüdische presse , d ie .
from 1869 to 1923. Its editors were E. and M. Hildesheimer. Its
trend was orthodox and scholarly.
jüdische volksstimme . Jewish weekly published in Brno (Briinn).

Founded in 1901. Its general trend was Zionist.
German Jewish society, founded in 1892 in Berlin by
jung Israel.
Heinrich Lowe and Willi Bambus, with a national-Jewish
program.
jungmann , h .Pseudonym of Herzl under which he published his

story Die Heimkehr (The Return) in the Neue Freie Presse in
1900.
kadimah, the first national Jewish students’ fraternity, was founded

in 1882, by Viennese Jewish students of East European origin.
Its initiators were Reuben Bierer, Nathan Bimbaum, Oser
Kokesch, Moritz T. Schnirer, and Perez Smolenskin. Its aim:
“To combat assimilation, intensify Jewish consciousness, colo
nize Palestine.” In 1888 Kadimah became a “duelling” fraternity
thus better to be able to defend Jewish honor. Following the
publication of Herzl’s The Jewish State, Kadimah was the first
Jewish fraternity to support him.
kaftan was the traditional, religiously sanctioned men’s garb of

East European Jewry. It was an ankle-length robe or gown of
square cut with narrow sleeves, held together by a girdle at the
waist.
kahn, dr. Leopold(1859-1909). Austrian Jewish lawyer and Zion

ist leader. Member of the Inner Actions Committee from 1898
to 1904. Author of the Zionist pamphlets: Warum? Die Alte
Lehre im Lichte neuer Katastrophen (1906: Why? The Old
Doctrine in the Light of New Catastrophes); Durch Wahrheit
zum Frieden: ein Mahnwort an den VII. Kongress (1908:
Through Truth to Peace: A Warning to the VII. Congress).
kahn, zadoc (1839-1905). Rabbi. Bom in Alsace, became Chief

Rabbi of Paris in 1868, and of France in 1889. Was a member of
the Alliance Israélite Universelle (q.v.) from 1872, its Honor
ary President from 1890. In 1896 he became a member of the
Council of the Jewish Colonization Association (q.v.). Became
an officier of the Légion d’Honneur in 1901. He played an im
portant role as leader of French Jewry, fought anti-Semitism
especially during the Dreyfus (q.v.) affair. He founded the
Société des Études Juives. He participated in the preparations
for the colonization work of Barons Hirsch (q.v.) and Rothschild
(q.v.) and displayed a positive attitude to the rebuilding of
Palestine.
raiser , german . See Wilhelm II.
kaiser, dr . pa u l . See Kayser, Dr. Paul.
Kalman , dr. Viennese Jew of Hungarian extraction.
Kamil (kiamil) bey ( 1839-1897). Turkish civil servant. Entered

the service of the Sultan as a secretary of the Code Office, and re
mained in the civil service until his death. He was an intellectual,
who wrote and published several books on religious subjects.
He was a Turkish delegate to the Congress of Orientalists held
in Geneva in 1894.
Ka m il , mustafa (1874-1908). Egyptian journalist and leader of

the Egyptian Nationalist movement. One of the organizers of
the first National Congress in Egypt, 1907, which had a liberal
and pacifist program and strove for cultural advancement and
the education of the masses.
kaminka , armand (Aaron, 1866-1949). Rabbi and Jewish scholar,

was from 1893 to 1897 rabbi in Prague. In 1901 he became secre
tary of the Israelitische Allianz in Vienna. From 1901 to 1924 he
taught at the Vienna Beth Hamidrash. In 1924 he founded the
Maimonides Institute, and from 1926 lectured at the University
of Vienna. In 1938 he settled in Palestine. Most of his works
deal with Jewish historical, literary and religious subjects.
kammerknechte , literally “servants of the [imperial] camera.” In

the Middle Ages the Jews were excluded from the association of
the subjects of the German State; however, they were not re
garded as foreigners but as servi camerae imperialis, and as such
were directly dependant on and subject to the head of the state
whose protection they enjoyed. This special status of the Jews
was abolished in the first half of the 19th century when the
German Jews were emancipated. Also in other European coun
tries the Jews had a status similar to that of the German Kammer
knechte.
kamphovener , louis v o n . (1843-1927).German soldier. Son of a

Prussian lawyer, married in 1877 Anna von Werlhog of Celle,
Hanover. A military career in the Prussian army brought him
to the rank of a Lieutenant General. In the service of the Sultan
he became a Turkish field marshal in 1895 and received the
title of Pasha. His main task, until 1908, was infantry instruc
tion at the Turkish Ministry of War.
kana, Heinrich . German Jewish writer and critic, was a close

friend of the young Herzl. He killed himself on February 6,1891.
kann, jacobus h .(1872-1942). Dutch Jewish banker, partner in

the firm Lissa and Kann in The Hague. Was a close friend of
David Wolffsohn (q.v.), and became one of the earliest followers
of Herzl in Holland. He aided the establishment of the Jewish
Colonial Trust (q.v.) and founded the Zionist Organization of
Holland. From 1905 to 1911 was member of the Inner Actions
Committee.
rant, imm anuel (1724-1804). German philosopher. Johann was

Kant’s servant who was something like a fixture in Kant’s life,
and yet had to be dismissed because of his bad behavior.
k a n ta r a . See El-Kantara.
kapnist , count peter Alexeyevich (1839-1904). Russian diplo

matist. Minister extraordinary at The Hague, 1884-92; ambas
sador in Vienna, 1895-1904. Co-author of the “Miirzsteger
Punktationen 1903.” See Miirzsteg reforms.
karatheodory pasha , Alexander (1833-1906). Turkish states

man of Greek nationality, Christian by faith. Studied law in
France and Germany, 1859. Became president of the Court of
Nautical-Commercial Affairs 1862; under-secretary of state in
the Ministry of Commerce, 1868; and in the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, 1872. In 1874 was sent to Rome as Turkish minister; be
came minister of Public Works with the title of Pasha and the
rank of vizier, 1878. In the same year represented Turkey at the
Berlin Congress. Was appointed governor-general of Crete, then
Minister of Foreign Affairs, 1879. Was sent to Chios as Bey
(ruler), 1885-1894. In 1895—again governor-general of Crete.
In 1896—first translator to the Sultan. From 1897 to his death
was member of the Civil Section of the Council of State.
karl , margrave . See Charles, Grand Duke of Baden.
Karlsruhe , or carlsruhe . German city, formerly capital of Baden,

four miles east of the Rhine river.
karntnerstrasse . A street of elegant shops in Central Vienna.
karus or karplus . See Carus, Dr. Fritz.
KASTiNiE. See Beer Tuvia.
katzau . Official of the Israelitische Allianz (q.v.) in Vienna.
KATZENELSON, dr. nissan (1862-1923). Russian Jewish physician

and banker. As a young man was assistant to Helmholtz (q.v.).
Later took over his father’s banking business. Became a friend
of Herzl and Wolffsohn (q.v.), and a leading figure in Russian
Zionism. He was a member of the Board of the Jewish Colonial
Trust (q v.) and of the General Executive Committee. Was
deputy to the Duma in 1906.
(1852-1899). Outstanding Jewish scholar, profes

k a u f m a n , d a v id
sor of Jewish history, religious philosophy and homiletics at the

Jewish Rabbinical College in Budapest from 1877 to his death.
He wrote most of his studies dealing with medieval Jewish
philosophy, the modem history and genealogy of the Jews in
Central Europe, etc., in German, some of them in Hebrew.
kaufm ann, j. French Jew, lived at 2 rue des Diguières, Paris.

Played host to Leon Kellner (q.v.).
kavass. Uniformed doorman, especially at foreign consulates in

Constantinople.
kayser, dr. paul (1845-1898). German civil servant. Privy lega

tion councillor with the rank of a councillor of the first class.
Executive and, since ca. 1895, director, of the colonial division
of the German Foreign Office. Bom Jewish, converted to
Christianity.
kelenfold, suburb of Budapest (q.v.), capital of Hungary.
kellner, leon (1859-1928). Austrian Jewish literary historian,

philologist and Shakespearian scholar. He taught English lan
guage and literature at the universities of Vienna and Czemo-
witz. He was one of the earliest followers of Herzl, who desig
nated him as executor of his literary will and whose collected
works he edited in German. He also wrote a biography of the
young Herzl, entitled Theodor Herzl’s Lehrjahre (1920).
kemeth or kehmetz. See Klehmet.
kessel , count gustav von(1846-1918). Prussian general; in 1898,

aide-de camp of Kaiser Wilhelm II (q.v.).
kessler, Leopold (1864-1944). South African Jewish engineer,

bom in Tamovicz, Silesia. From 1893 was engaged in mining
operations. Was President of the Transvaal Zionist Association,
1899-1901. In 1900 became Vice President of the South African
Zionist Federation. In 1901 moved to London. In 1902 was ap
pointed head of the expedition to El-Arish (q.v.). In 1907 be
came member of the board of the Jewish Chronicle, and to
gether with Leopold Greenberg (q.v.) became instrumental in
turning it towards Zionism. President of the Zionist Federation
in England, 1912. Member of the political committee appointed
by Weizmann and Sokolow to work for the Balfour Declara
tion, 1917.
khair eddin bey (?-igi2). Medical officer in the Turkish army;

served as secretary for the Grand Vizier, Halil Rifat Pasha.
Kh a lil Rifat pasha ; see Halil Rifat Pasha.
Kharkov . City in Russia, until 1934 capital of the Ukraine. By

“Kharkov people” Herzl refers to the participants in a confer
ence of Russian Zionist leaders which took place in Kharkov in
October 1903 and in which a resolution was passed to direct an
ultimatum to Herzl demanding that he abandon all political
moves not concerned directly with Palestine.
Khedive . Title of the Pasha of Egypt, roughly equivalent to Vice

roy. In Herzl’s times the Khedive of Egypt was Abbas II (in full
Abbas Hilmi Pasha; 1874-1944), who succeeded his father in
1892. In 1914, with the termination of Turkish suzerainty over
Egypt, he was deposed.
kiamil bey. See Kamil (Kiamil) Bey.
kiau-tschou ,or k ia o ch o w . District in China on Kiaochow Bay in

Eastern Shantung Province. In 1898 it was forcibly leased by
Germany. Soon thereafter the Germans built the east-west
Tsinan-Tsingtao railroad, thus consolidating their influence all
over the Shantung Peninsula.
Kiel . German harbor town located in the Kiel Bay of the Baltic
Sea.
kielmannsegg , count erich (1847-1923). Although of German

birth, Kielmannsegg entered the Austrian government service
in 1866 and became Section Head of the Ministry of the In
terior, then Governor in Czemowitz, and in 1895 Prime Minis
ter of Austria, the first Protestant to achieve this office.
kielmannsegg, countess . The wife of Count Erich Kielmannsegg

(q.v.).
KiESERiTZKY, l . a . (1805-1853). Chess champion.
Kiev. Capital of the Ukraine.
kifling, rudyard (1865-1936). English author, bom in India

where he spent most of his life. Many of his writings in prose and
poetry expressed ideas of hardheaded colonialism epitomized in
the phrase, “the white man’s burden.” He was especially a mas
ter of the short story. The expression mentioned by Herzl (p.
799) is a paraphrase of several similar expressions used by Kip
ling in his famous Jungle Book.
KIREYEV, GEN. ALEKSANDER ALEKSEYEVICH (1833-1910). Russian

court official. Exponent of Pan-Slavism. Aide-de-camp of the
Czar. Court Marshall at Pavlovsk.
Kishinev events . The reference in Herzl’s letter to Plehve (dated
May 19, 1903) is to the pogroms which took place in the South
Russian town of Kishinev in April 1903.
kittel and talles . To swear to something “ in kittel and talles”

means to render the most holy oath. Kittel is the traditional
Jewish shroud which used to be worn by married Jewish men
twice a year, on the Day of Atonement and at the Seder (q.v.) of
Passover. Talles (Hebrew tallit) is the prayer-shawl worn for
every morning (shaharit) prayer, as well as for the mussaf (sup
plementary) prayer said on Saturdays and holidays following the
shaharit.
klatschko , simon lvovich (? -i9 i4 ) . Russian Jewish journalist.

Was a nihilist in his youth, and consequently had to leave Russia.
Went to Vienna, where he worked as a clerk in a patent office
and as a journalist. His home in Vienna was a center for Russian
political emigrants. He translated Herzl’s Judenstaat into Rus
sian, and helped Herzl in his political negotiations with the
Armenians.
klausner , max albert (1848-1910). German Jewish journalist and

politician, was political editor of the Berlin Borsen-Courier. His
influence was great in German government circles, and in the
1880’s every deportation order issued against a Jew was sub
mitted to him. In the last decade of his life he devoted himself
entirely to Jewish affairs, became editor of the Israelitische
Wochenblatt, headed the German office of the Alliance Israélite
Universelle, introduced Jewish religious studies in the Prussian
high schools, etc.
k leh m et , reinhold (1859-1915). German civil servant. Entered

the German foreign service in 1886. In 1888 he was detailed to
the German consulate in St. Petersburg, Russia, where in 1889
he received the title of a vice-consul. In 1890 he returned to the
Foreign Office, in 1891 became vice-consul in St. Petersburg,
and in 1892 was back again in the Foreign Office. In 1893 he was
appointed a Legation Councilor and in 1899 a Privy Legation
Councilor. He was in the retinue of the Kaiser on the latter’s
trip to Palestine in 1898. In 1909 was appointed German consul
general in Athens. Retired in 1914.
klinenberger , karl (1865-1938?). Austrian journalist. Worked

for the Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung. Upon the founding of the
Neues Wiener Tagblatt he joined its staff and remained as an
editor until 1890. Thereafter contributed feuilletons to a num
ber of periodicals on a free-lance basis.
Klinger, ernst (1862-1932). Austrian Jewish industrialist, com

mercial councillor. Was president of the Vienna Jewish com
munity.
koerber, ernst von (1850-1919). Austrian statesman. Minister of

Commerce, 1897; of the interior, 1899; prime minister 1900-
1904. In 1915 became again minister of finance and in 1916
again prime minister.
(1859-1929). Russian Jewish physi

kohan-bernstein , dr . ja co b
cian and Zionist. An early member of the Hovevei Zion, joined
political Zionism, and became a member of the Actions Com
mittee, 1897-1905. Was director of the press department of
the Zionist Organization in Russia, 1897-1901; member of the
Inner Actions Committee, 1905-07. Lived in Palestine from
1907 to 1910.
kohn. Assize-Court Councillor in Vienna.
kohn, dr. gustav (1840-1915). Austrian Jewish lawyer. In 1884

became a member of the Kultusrat (Religious Council) of the
Vienna Jewish community; in 1890 state school councillor; in
1897 vice-president of the Jewish community; in 1915 chairman
of the committee of the National-Je wish Party.
k o h n , dr . J acob . Viennese lawyer, of Galician origin. Was a mem
ber of Kadimah (q.v.) in 1884 and of the Viennese Jiidisches
Volksverein. Later became a leader of the Austrian Jiidische
Volkspartei together with S. R. Landau (q.v.), and member of
the executive committee elected in 1893 in Cracow by a con
ference of the Galician Hovevei Zion. In the same year he was
sent by the Jewish Nationalist Party to Tamopol to found
there a national-Jewish association. Was a delegate to the Second
Zionist Congress.
kokesch , dr. oser (1855-1905). Viennese Jewish lawyer, co

founder of the Kadimah, and founder (1890) of the first Zionist
society of Vienna, the Admat Yeshurun. Became one of the
closest collaborators of Herzl, was a member of the Inner Actions
Committee of the Zionist Organization.
kollmer (formerly kohn ), dr . gustav (1846-?). Austrian

Jewish journalist. Editor of the Neue Freie Presse in charge of
parliamentary news, editorials and internal politics. He changed
his name to Kollmer in 1897.
KÔLNISCHE zeitung . Daily paper published in Cologne, Germany.
KOLOMEA or KOLOMYYA. Town in the Ukraine, to the east of the

Karpathian Mountains, 40 miles to the west of Czemowitz
(q.v.).
(1853-1927). Austrian journalist. In 1880 became

konried , ju liu s
co-founder with Theodor Hertzka of the Wiener Allgemeine
Zeitung. Author of many major reportages, became internation
ally known. Wrote a striking report of the Ringtheater catas
trophe. His sensational reports on the death of King Ludwig
of Bavaria netted him attacks from the Bavarian government,
but Konried’s accounts turned out to have been accurate. In
1887 he joined the staff of the Neues Wiener Tagblatt, working
on local news. Was correspondent of the Daily Telegraph.
konstantinides. Greek journalist in Constantinople.
kopek .Herzl slightly misspelled this Hungarian word which, in

the form Kopec, was used in the dialect of the Csik province of
Hungary to designate a shepherd’s dog.
koppay, j. arpad (1857-1927). Hungarian Catholic painter.

Favored a light technique in his pastels and achieved an early
popularity with his female figures and portraits. In 1884 he
moved to Munich, and then to Vienna where he worked also
as an illustrator. Among his works are several large full-size
portraits of Herzl.
KOPSTEiN. Viennese Jew.
psychiatrist. There were two psychiatrists named

kornfeld, dr .,
Komfeld active in Vienna in 1899. See the following two entries.
kornfeld, dr. Herm an n (1840-1905). Austrian Jewish physician

and psychiatrist. Son of a Talmudic scholar. Wrote numerous
studies in his field, especially on criminal anthropology.
kornfeld, dr . sicm und (1859-1927). Austrian Jewish psychiatrist.

Was assistant at the Vienna Psychiatric Institute under Krafft-
Ebing; chief physician of the state asylum, 1893-99, and lecturer
in physiological psychology at the Technical Institute, 1896,
both in Briinn. Because of his pronounced Jewish and Zionist
convictions his position in Briinn became untenable, and he
moved to Vienna, where he practiced as a psychiatrist, and
became Privatdozent for psychology and ethics, 1918.
Polish author. Published statistical

korvin-piatrovska , pa u l in a .
studies about industry in Poland. She sympathized with Zionism
and greeted the Second Congress with a Polish poem. Since the
1890’s was friendly with Plehve (q.v.) in St. Petersburg and
arranged for Herzl’s meeting with Plehve. Thereafter, she
repeatedly intervened for the Zionist cause in high Russian
political circles.
kotze , lebrecht von (1850-1920). German court official. Royal

Prussian chamberlain and equerry, imperial knight of the Order
of St. John. Married in 1879 Elisabeth von Treskow of the house
of Friedrichsfeld. Kotze was falsely accused in 1894 of being
the author of the hundreds of anonymous letters that had dis
turbed the peace of the German imperial court and high society
for two years. The informer was Schrader (q.v.). Following
Kotze’s release from prison, a duel took place between the two in
which Kotze shot and killed Schrader.
KOZMIAN, STANISLAW, BARON DR. (1836-1922). Polish-Austrian

statesman, historian, critic, newspaper editor and theater direc
tor. He was editor-in-chief of the conservative daily Czas in
Cracow, a member of the Austrian parliament, and became, in
1895, the right-hand man of Prime Minister Badeni. His three
volume history of the Polish uprising of 1863 (entitled Rzecz 0
1863) was published in Polish in 1893 and in German in 1896
(translated by S. R. Landau). In 1896 Kozmian published a
very favorable review of Herzl’s Judenstaat in the government
paper GazetaLwowska.
kramer , mendel . Turkish-Jewish secret-service agent stationed

in Palestine.
kremenezky , jo h a n n(1850-1934). Austrian Jewish engineer and

Zionist leader. Bom in Odessa, settled in Vienna where he estab
lished a plant for the manufacture of electrical bulbs. Became
one of Herzl’s close associates, member of the Inner Actions
Committee (1897-1905), director of the Jewish National Fund
(q.v.) from 1905-1907.
kreuzer . Small Austrian currency unit, corresponding to a penny.

kriger.Russian admiral. Visited Turkey in 1901 and received a
high decoration from the Sultan. In 1903 commanded the Rus
sian Mediterranean fleet.
Kronstadt. Russian city, naval base and fortress on Kotlin Island

in Kronstadt Bay.
krupp, artur (1856-1938). Relative of the German (Essen)

Krupps. Owner and director of large iron works in Bemdorf,
Triestingtal, Lower Austria.
kuranda, Arthur (1853-1933). Austrian Jewish lawyer. President

of the Austrian Israelitische Alliance (q.v.), of the Orphan’s So
ciety, etc.
kurdish jew s in J eru sa lem . There are no data to indicate how

many Kurdish Jews lived in Jerusalem at the end of the 19th
century. However, in 1929 their number was 4,369.
Kurds. Herzl’s statement about Kurds in Palestine is based on a

mistake. There were no Kurds in Palestine either in his days
or earlier. In all probability he meant Druses (q.v.).
kursk. Russian town, capital of the Kursk Region.
kushan. Turkish-Arabic term designating an offlcial document

attesting to the legal ownership of landed property duly reg
istered in the Tabu (or Tapu), the Turkish office of land
registry.
kuttenberg. See Polna Protest Meeting.
la gerusalemme liberata (Jerusalem Delivered). The title of

the most significant work by Torquato Tasso (1544-1595). It is
a romantic epic in 20 books, dealing with the recovery of Jeru
salem in the First Crusade.
Labich e , eugêne (1815-1888). French playwright. Wrote more

than 100 comedies, which were successfully performed in Paris
and translated into many languages.
LACHMANN, e . ( ? -1909). German Jewish lawyer. Lived in

Berlin. Was awarded the title Justizrat. Was member of the
council of the Jewish Colonization Association from 1896 to
1909, representing the Jewish community of Berlin in whose
work he had an active part.
LADiNO (occasionally also referred to as Spaniolic) is the traditional

colloquial tongue of the Sephardi Jews. It is a language based
on medieval Spanish, with a slight admixture of Hebrew words.
Laffitte , rue . the Paris address of the banking house of Rothschild.
LAMSDORF, COUNT VLADIMIR NIKOLAYEVICH (1845-1907; also Spelled

by Herzl Lamsdorff, Lambsdorff). Russian statesman. Became
minister of foreign affairs in 1901.
lam y , Étienne marie victor (1845-1919). French author and

publicist.
landau , Herman (1844-1921). Bom in Poland, settled in England

in 1864. Co-founder and president of the Jews’ Temporary
Shelter; member of the Council of the Anglo-Jewish Association;
co-author with Joseph Jacobs (q.v.) of the Yiddish-English
Manual.
LANDAU, RABBI JEHUDA MENAHEM HALEVI, “of Przemysl” ( 1862-

1920). Rumanian rabbi. Bom in Galicia. Became rabbi in
Botosani, Rumania.
landau, Leopo ld (1848-1920). German Jewish physician. Studied
in Breslau; became lecturer in gynecology at the University of
Breslau, 1874-76; moved to Berlin, 1876; established his own
gynecological clinic in Berlin, 1892; became professor at the
University of Berlin, 1893; Privy Councillor, 1908. Was active
in German Zionism.
landau, saul r a fa el (1870-1943). Viennese lawyer, journalist and

author, was for a while lecturer at the Viennese Rabbinical Col
lege {Isr. Theologische Lehranstalt), and became, in 1897, the
first editor of Die Welt. A year later, however, he turned against
Herzl and founded the monthly Der Jiidische Arbeiter (The
Jewish Worker) as the organ of the socialist Zionists. From 1907
to 1917 he edited the Viennese Jewish weekly Neue National-
zeitung (New National Journal). He authored Unter Jüdischen
Proletariem (Among Jewish Proletarians, 1898); Der Polenklub
und seine Hausjuden (The Polish Club and Its Jewish Lackeys,
1907); Sturm und Drang im Zionismus (Storm and Stress in
Zionism, 1937); etc.
langerman , m a x(1859-1919). South African Jewish mine owner.

Bom in Bavaria. Acquired gold mines on the Rand and became
involved in the Jameson (q.v.) Raid. Was prominent in the
Jewish community and as a Zionist leader. Was the first presi
dent of the Transvaal Jewish Board of Deputies, 1903.
language ordinances . T he reference in the entry of May 31, 1899

(in the letter to Habrda, q.v.), is to the ordinances of the Aus
trian government with regard to the use of the official language
in the mixed provinces of Austria. These ordinances constituted
each time the subject of violent political battles among the
members of the various nationalities concerned, especially be
tween Germans and Czechs. Badeni’s language ordinance of
1897 was regarded as anti-German.
lansdowne , 5TH marquess o f (Henry Charles Keith Petty-Fitz-
maurice; 1845-1927). English statesman. From 1883 to 1888
was governor general of Canada; from 1888 to 1893 viceroy of
India; from 1895 to 1900 secretary of state for war; and from
1900 to 1905 secretary of state for Foreign Affairs. During World
War I he served as minister without portfolio, and his 1916
memorandum to Prime Minister Asquith on a “peace of ac
commodation” with Germany led to Asquith’s resignation. In
1917 Lansdowne addressed his famous letter to the London
Daily Telegraph asking for an Allied reassurance that Germany’s
legitimate ambitions would be recognized. Two more similar
letters in 1918 effectively put an end to Lansdowne’s political
career.
larmandie , com te leone de (1851-1921). French lawyer and

author. Published novels, psychological studies, poetry and plays,
as well as numerous writings on hermetism, Rosicrucianisms,
etc.
lassalle , Ferdinand (1825-1864). German Jewish writer and

social philosopher, the founder of the German social demo
cratic movement. He was influenced by Karl Marx and Friedrich
Engels. He died of injuries received in a duel resulting from a
love-affair.
lastras, don diego . Spanish government official. Became trans

lator of the Spanish embassy in Vienna in 1898, appointed
official translator of the same embassy in 1908, and honorary
consular councillor in 1916.
laube , heinrich (1806-1884). German author and theater direc

tor. Was head of the Viennese new city theater (Neues Stadt-
theater), 1872-74, 1875-80. Many of his writings deal with the
contemporary European scene.
lauer , LUici (1833-1901). Franciscan monk. Worked for the uni
fication of the various groups of the Or dine dei Minori, and
upon its achievement in 1897 became the first minister general
of the order. During the Kulturkampf had to go into exile
in Holland, Belgium, France and the United States.
Laurent , EMiLE-GHisLAiN (1861-1904). Belgian scientist. Doctor

of natural sciences of Brussels University. Worked at the Pasteur
Institute and at the Sorbonne in Paris; was professor at the
Agricultural Institute in Gembloux, Belgium. Made important
researches in natural sciences and agriculture, and undertook
several scientific missions to the Congo. Participated in the
Zionist El-Arish (q.v.) expedition. Was decorated by the Belgian
government and was awarded, posthumously, a gold medal by
the Botanic Society of Belgium. He died of fever on board ship
while returning from the Congo.
Lausanne . City in Switzerland, north of Lake Geneva.
lawson , edward levy (1833-1916). English Jewish newspaper

publisher. His father, Joseph Moses Levy (died 1888) acquired
The Daily Telegraph and Courier in 1855, a few months after
it was founded by Col. Sleigh, and renamed it The Daily Tele
graph. Lawson became editor, and, upon his father’s death,
proprietor, of the paper. In 1903 he was created a baron (Lord
Bumheim), and his son, Harry Lawson Webster Lawson (1862-
1933) succeeded him as proprietor of The Daily Telegraph.
Lazare, bernard (1865-1903). French Jewish publicist and social

ist. Contributed to the Revue Blanche, Figaro, Événement,
Revue Bleue. In several of these writings he militated against
anti-Semitism, a subject with which he dealt also in his major
work, L ’Antisémitisme, son histoire et ses causes (Anti-Semi
tism: Its History and Causes, 1894). He took a leading part in
defending Dreyfus (q.v.), and wrote three books about the
Dreyfus affair. He participated in the Second Zionist Congress,
became a delegate in the Viennese Actions Committee, but
resigned from it over a disagreement with Herd's political
activity. A volume of his Zionist writing, entitled Job’s Dung-
heap, was published in English.
leander tow er on the Bosporus. A tower built by the ancient

Greeks, about 500 b .c ., on a large rock at the southern end of the
Bosporus. Today it is used as a lighthouse and called Kiz Kulesi.
leghorn (livorno ).City in Italy, on the Tyrrhenian Sea, 50 miles

west-south-west of Florence.
Founder of the Viennese moving company,

leinkauf , moritz .
Leinkauf. His wife was Herzl’s cousin.
leitenberger , friedrich Viennese cotton-print manu

baron ,
facturer, one of the founders (in 1891) of the Viennese Society
to Combat Anti-Semitism, which, in 1892, began to publish a
paper, Freies Blatt.
lem a Itre , ju les (1853-1914). Well-known French poet and critic.
lenbach , franz von (1836-1904). Famous German portrait

painter.
leo xiii (1810-1903) was elected Pope in 1878.
Leopold 11(1835-1909). King of the Belgians. Succeeded his father,

Leopold I, in 1865. He helped finance Sir Henry Morton Stan
ley’s explorations in the Congo 1879-1884. In 1885, the Berlin
Conference conferred the sovereignty over the Congo Free
State (q.v.) on Leopold. This State became in 1908 a Belgian
colony, and attained independence in i960.
leopoldstadt . The second district in Vienna, which was inhabited

by many Jews.
lera, m m e . Wife of a South American diplomat.
lesseps, vicomte Ferdinand m a rie de (1805-1894). French diplo

mat. Builder of the Suez Canal (q.v.), and president of the
Panama Canal (q.v.) company.
Lessing, Gotthold e ph r a im (1729-1781). German dramatist and

critic. His finest poetic drama, Nathan der Weise (Nathan the
Wise, 1779), is a plea for religious and racial tolerance.
leven, narcisse (1833-1915). French Jewish lawyer, secretary to

Adolphe Cremieux, and one of the founders of the Alliance
Israélite Universelle which he served in various leading capaci
ties. In 1896 he became president of the Jewish Colonization
Association (I. C. A.) in Paris. His two-volume book, Cinquante
ans d’histoire (Fifty Years of History), appeared in Paris in 1920.
LEviN-EPSTEiN, elia h u zeev . An early member of the Hovevei Zion

and co-founder of the B’nai Moshe (q.v.) in Warsaw. Was a
member of the commission which was sent by the Warsaw Pales
tine Society to Palestine to purchase land for their members and
which founded the agricultural settlement of Rehovoth. He
developed the Carmel Wine Company, and later settled in New
York where he continued to work for Jewish Palestine. During
the First World War, he was in charge of the distribution of
food sent from the U.S.A. by a chartered ship to Palestine.
He remained in Palestine as a communal worker.
LEvoNTiN, zalman david (1856-1940). Russian Jewish Hovevei

Zionist. One of the early pioneers, helped to found Rishon le-
Zion (q.v.) in 1882. Became director of the Jewish Colonial
Trust (q.v.) in London, in 1901 ; manager of the Anglo-Palestine
Bank in Jaffa, 1903-24. Died in Tel Aviv. Author of the Hebrew
history of Jewish settlement in Palestine entitled To the Land
of our Fathers (1924-28).
levy , J oseph h a im (1838-1913). English Jewish economist and
sociologist.
levysohn , Arthur (1841-1908). German Jewish journalist. Was

Paris correspondent of the Kôlnische Zeitung and later editor-
in-chief of the Berliner Tageblatt.
née Elizabeth Eberstadt. H er father was Ferdinand

lew is , lady ,
Eberstadt of Mannheim, Germany. She was the second wife of
Sir Henry George Lewis (1833-1912), senior member of Lewis
and Lewis, a solicitor and well-known barrister in sensational
cases. The marriage took place in 1867; Lewis was knighted in
1895, and created a baronet in 1902. T he Lewis residence was
at 88 Portland Place, London, W. 1.
lex ussiSHKiN. See Ussishkin, Menahem Mendel.
leyds, w illia m J ohannes (1859-1940). South African statesman

and writer. Secretary of State for the South African republic,
1888,1893-97.
l h er m ite . See Caravan of Arceuil.
lherm itte , Leon aucustin (1844-1925). French painter.
libau . Russian town, in the Curland govemorate, on the shores

of the Ostsee. In the 1890’s, 24 per cent of its 33,000 inhabitants
were Jews.
libre parole .French anti-Semitic daily paper, founded in 1892

by Edouard-Adolphe Drumont (q.v.).
Austrian Christian religious enthusiast who

lichtneckert , jo se f ,
proclaimed himself to be “the returned Jesus Christ,” and pro
posed fantastic schemes for the rejuvenation of the Jewish
people and the world at large.
LEDDA, or lida . Town in White Russia, close to the Lithuanian
border.
lieben , dr . theodor (1842-1917). First Secretary to the Viennese

Jewish community.
liebenberg .Estate in Mark Brandenburg, with the palace of

Prince Philipp zu Eulenberg-Hertefeld (q.v.).
LiECHENSTEiN, prin ce Alois (1846-1920). Austrian politician and

member of parliament with a Christian-Socialist and anti-
Semitic program.
the lim b : an episode o f adventure , by X.

L. (pseudonym of Julian
Osgood Field), 2nd edition, London: A. D. Innés & Co., 1896.
466 pp. A novel dealing with the persecution of the Jews in
White Russia and with the internal strife between Hassidic
Jews (see Hassid) and their opponents.
lindau, paul (1839-1919). German journalist, critic, theater

director, and author. As a young man Herzl sent him one of his
plays for review.
Linz. Town in Upper Austria, on the banks of the Danube.
Lionel bey bondy . Austrian Jew. Was honorary Turkish consul in

Vienna, and served temporarily as correspondent of the Neue
Freie Presse in Constantinople in 1898.
(1864-1920). Austrian painter. Bom

lippay , berthold do m in iq u e
in Hungary, studied at the Antwerp Academy. Painted a
portrait of Pope Pius X, and was created a Papal Count. Died
in Vienna.
lippe , dr. carpel(1830-1915). Bom in Stanislaw, Galicia, became

a physician in Jassy, Rumania. Joined the Hovevei Zion, and
went to settle in Palestine where he became one of the founders
of Rosh Pinah, in Galilee (1882), but later returned to Rumania.
(1850-1931). British merchant and

LiPTON, sir t h o m a s J o h n s t o n e
yachtsman. Organized in 1898 the Lipton Limited, one of the
largest commercial enterprises in England, with large tea, coffee
and cocoa plantations in India and Ceylon, and other business
interests in England and the United States. Was knighted in
1898, and made a baronet in 1902.
Lis b o n . Capital of Portugal.
l is s a a n d k a n n , Banking house in The Hague. See Kann, Jaco

bus H.
l is t e r , (first Baron Lister of Lyme Regis; 1827-1912).

Jo seph
English physician, founder of aseptic surgery, and professor of
surgery at various universities. One of the founders of the British
(later Lister) Institute of Preventive Medicine. Was from 1894
to 1900 president of the Royal Society. Was created a baronet
in 1893, raised to peerage in 1897.
lobel, (also spelled by Herzl Lobl). Herzl’s relative.

Le o p o l d p a u l
Was a broker in Semlin (q.v.) later a merchant in Vienna.
Hovevei Zionist, informed Herzl about the early Jewish colonies
in Palestine and emigrated to Palestine in 1899.
LOBKOwiTZES. A Bohemian noble family, originally Ujezd, known

since the 9th century. Georg Christian Lobkowitz (1835-1908)
became president of the Bohemian parliament in 1871.
lobl. See Lobel.
lodz. City in Poland, 70 miles south-west of Warsaw.

loewe, ja m es henry (1852-1944). English Jewish communal
worker, publisher and author. Secretary of the Jewish Colonial
Trust. Author of the Hebrew Tutorial Preparation Series,
Mishnoh and Gemoro and Rashi on the Pentateuch. Owner of
the Hebrew Compendium Publishing Company.
loewy, louis . Russian Jewish engineer, lived in Kursk.
Lombroso, cesare (1836-1909). Italian Jewish anthropologist and

psychiatrist who specialized in the study of the criminal and
abnormal mind. He is regarded as the founder of the science
of criminology.
LORANDO-TUBiNi a f f a ir . In April, 1901, a conflict developed be

tween France and Turkey because of the refusal of the Turkish
government to permit a French company which had acquired
the right to exploit the quais in the Constantinople port to take
possession of its property, and also because of the debts Turkey
owed to the two Frenchmen, Lorando and T ubini. On April
26, 1901, the French Ambassador Constans (q.v.) thereupon
broke off diplomatic relations with Turkey. Lorando had lent
the Porte in 1875 the amount of 85,000 Turkish pounds; T ubini
in 1868, 1871, and 1873 and the 1880’s, 70,000 Turkish pounds.
For years the French representatives in Constantinople had
pressed for a repayment of these debts. Constans set the amount
at 547,000 L.T., and 250,000 L.T. respectively, and demanded
payment more sharply than any of his predecessors. Following
unsuccessful negotiations conducted by Constans, and in order
to force Turkey to pay these debts and to fulfill certain other
French demands, a French fleet was sent to occupy the Turkish
island Mytilene (see Turkish-French Conflict). Lorando was the
son of a family that had obtained French citizenship in the days
of Louis XVI. T u b in i’s grandfather had been a representative
of the French residing in Constantinople. Theodor T ubini
(bom 1830 in the East, probably in Constantinople) became the
head of a bank in England and was interested in a number of
major technical projects in the eastern Mediterranean region.
xiv (1638-1715). King of France. Styled the Great Monarch

l o u is
for his strong and astute statecraft, the magnificence of his court
and his patronage of the arts.
(1848-1939). Daughter of Queen Victoria, mar

L o u is e , p r in c e s s
ried in 1871 to the ninth Duke of Argyll (q.v.).
lou rd es. Town in France at the foot of the Pyrenees, famous for
its Roman Catholic shrine established in a grotto where the 14-
year-old Marie Bemarde Soubirous (Saint Bernadette) claimed
to have seen the Virgin Mary in 1858. The spring of Lourdes
has the reputation of working miraculous cures and attracts
about two million visitors annually.
LOURiE, Gr e g o r y(1861-1917). Russian Jewish Zionist leader. Bom

in Pinsk, studied at the Technical Institute in Karlsruhe,
Germany, lived for several years in Paris, then in Russia. From
his early youth a Hovevei Zionist, joined the Zionist movement
and participated in the preparations for the Jewish Colonial
Trust (q.v.). At the Second Congress was elected member of the
Bank Committee, and subsequently a member of the first board
of the J. C. T. Was a delegate to the first five Congresses and to
the Eleventh Congress.
lo u sad a, English Jewish communal worker.

He r b e r t g e o r g e .
Member of the Council of the Anglo-Jewish Association (q.v.),
of the administration of the I.C.A. (q.v.) and of the Board of
Jewish Guardians. Member of the very wealthy British-Jewish
Lousada family which had extensive estates in Jamaica and sev
eral of whom used the title Duke of Lousada and Marquess of
San Miniato, although their origin from the Duke de Losada y
Louzada (who died in the middle of the 19th century) was
doubtful.
lou vre.One of the biggest Paris department stores, named after
the Musée du Louvre, the world-famous art-museum.
lovers of zion association . The English branch of the Hovevei

Zion (q.v.), organized and headed by Col. Goldsmid (q.v.) on
military lines. It consisted of a Headquarters T ent to which
subordinated were other Tents in London and various towns,
each headed by a Commander.
low enberg. German village, some 2 5 miles to the north of Berlin.
LôwENSTEiN, princess . Lady Anna Savile (1864-1927). Daughter

of the Earl of Mexborough. Married in 1897 Prince Ludwig zu
Lôwenstein-Wertheim-Freudenberg (1864-1899), English naval
officer, youngest son of Prince Wilhelm von Lôwenstein-
Wertheim-Freudenberg by his first wife, Princess Olga, née
Countess of Schônburg. Lady Anna died in an airplane crash en
route from England to Canada.
lo zé , (1850-1915). French administrator, diplomat

He n r i -a u g u s t e
and politician. Filled various posts in the police administration,
and was French ambassador to Vienna from 1893 to 1897. In
1902 was elected to the Chamber of Deputies, in 1907 became
a senator.
lucanus, friedrich karl Herm a n n von (1831-1908). Prussian

statesman, and jurist. Worked in the Prussian Ministry of Educa
tion, 1859-88; became Under Secretary of State, 1881, and was
the Chief of the civilian cabinet of Kaiser Wilhelm II (q.v.),
from 1888.
ludassy. See Gans-Ludassy, Dr. Julius von.
Ludwig, prince o f baden , was the deceased son of the Grand Duke
Frederick of Baden.
lueger , karl (1844-1910). Leader of the anti-Semitic Austrian
Christian Socialist Party. In 1895 he was elected mayor of
Vienna, but the government and the Emperor withheld his con
firmation in office until 1897.
LUiTPOLD (Leopold ). Prince Regent of Bavaria from 1886 to his

death in 1912.
Lurie . See Lourie, Gregory.
lustige blatter . See Neue Lustige Blatter.
lu tfi aga . Turkishcourt official. Was Master of the Robes, or Chief

Valet, at Yildiz Kiosk (q.v.), and one of the intimates of Sultan
Abdul Hamid (q.v.).
luzzatti , Luigi (1841-1927). Italian Jewish statesman and scholar.

Lecturer in economics at the Milano Technical Institute, 1863;
professor of constitutional right at the University of Padua,
1866; secretary of state in the Ministry of Agriculture, Commerce
and Industry, 1869-73; member of the House of Deputies, 1870-
1921. Minister of Finance five times from 1891; professor at the
University of Rome, 1895; minister of agriculture, prime minis
ter and minister of the interior, 1910. His collected works were
published under the title Opere di Luigi Luzzatti from 1924.
maccabeans , a society of Jewish intellectuals, artists, writers and

professional men in London, founded in 1891. Their activities
consisted mainly in holding meetings, and their purpose was to
arouse interest in Jewish culture. T heir president in 1895 was
the painter Solomon J. Solomon.
Macedonia . A territory in the Balkan Peninsula, was under Turk

ish rule since the 15th century. In 1893 the Internal Macedonian
Revolutionary Organization was founded with a program of in
dependence. In September 1902 there was an intensification of
the usual disturbances caused by armed gangs, with the partici
pation of Bulgarians. Turkey thereupon reinforced its troops
on the Bulgarian border by the dispatch of several thousand men
and engaged in actively fighting the bands. These events ex
acerbated the issue of whether Macedonia should politically
belong to Bulgaria or to Turkey. On October 3, 1903, a confer
ence was held in Miirzsteg Castle in Styria, Austria, in which
Czar Nicholas II (q.v.) of Russia, Emperor Franz Josef I (q.v.)
of Austria, the Russian foreign minister Lamsdorf (q.v.) and the
Austrian foreign minister Goluchowski (q.v.) decided on a
program of reforms in Macedonia which was subsequently trans
mitted to Turkey as a demand of the two powers most directly
interested in the Macedonian question. The official name of the
resolution, which Turkey was forced to accept, was “Mürzsteger
Punktationen 1903.”
MACHiAVELLi, n i c c o l o (1469-1527). Italian political thinker.
Small agricultural settlement of Galician Jews in

m a h a n a y im .
Upper Galilee, near Rosh Pinna, founded in 1892.
mahdi (in Arabic: The Guided One) was the epithet, roughly cor
responding to Messiah, by which the Sudanese sheikh, Moham
med Ahmed (1843?-1885), was known. He led an uprising, de
feated the Anglo-Egyptian forces several times, and in 1885
besieged Khartoum where General Gordon was killed.
m ah m ud dam ad (1853-1903). By full name Mahmud

pash a
Celâlettin Pasha (Damad meaning son-in-law of the Sultan).

Turkish statesman. Married Seniha, a daughter of Sultan Abdul-
mejid, and was a close friend of Abdul Hamid (q.v.). Was ap
pointed member of the Council of State and minister of justice
and, in 1878, became a vizier with the title of Pasha. However,
he lost the favor of the Sultan, and had to live in forced retire-
ment at his residence for many years, until, in 1899, he escaped
to Europe with his two sons. Sultan Abdul Hamid demanded
his return, and when he refused, he was sentenced to death in
absentia. He lived, oppressed by poverty, in Rome, Paris, Lon
don and Brussels.
m ahmud nedim bey (1850-?). Turkish diplomat. Entered the for

eign service in 1874. Became secretary of the Turkish Legation
in Belgrade in 1886. Was appointed minister in 1890, and was
sent to Athens. Became Turkish ambassador to Rome in 1891,
and thereafter to Vienna (1896-1908). Was promoted to the
rank of vizier with the title of Pasha (1904).
mainau . German island in Lake Constance (Bodensee).
Mainz . City in Germany, on the left bank of the Rhine at its junc
tion with the Main.
makk -hetes zsiDO. The meaning of this Hungarian phrase (liter

ally “seven-of-acoms-Jew”) is “low type of Jew.’' “Makk” (acom)
is the lowest suite in the Hungarian deck of cards; seven—the
lowest number.
m a llet .Banking house in Paris, headed by Barons James and

Alphonse Mallet. The Banque Mallet, together with Hottin-
guer (q.v.), Pillet-Will (q.v.), and others, formed a powerful
Protestant banking group with headquarters in Paris and repre
sentatives in London. This group controlled the Ottoman Bank
and the Turkish Public Debt.
malvano , giacomo (1841-1922). Italian Jewish statesman. Entered

the diplomatic service in 1862. Secretary general of the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs, 1889-93; member of the Senate, 1896-1907.
malz , dr. david (1862-1936). Galician Zionist. Bom in Lvov,

joined a Zionist students’group in 1882. In 1893 contributed the
chapter on Palestine to a pamphlet published in Lvov which
contained an outline of the Zionist program. Became one of the
foremost Zionist writers; his articles in Przyszlosc (Future) were
important contributions to Zionist ideology. He was also a cele
brated orator and as such made the rounds of all the towns of
Galicia in the service of the Zionist cause. Under the influence
of Herzl’s Judenstaat (q.v.) he wrote (in Polish) a play which
made a deep impression on the Jewish youth. He participated
in the First Congress and several subsequent ones, and repre
sented the Galician Zionists in the Greater Actions Committee.
In 1900 he settled in Bursztyn and practiced there as a lawyer.
Following the First World War, was on the editorial staff of
Chwila (Minute). Died in Lvov.
mamzer ben NiDE. Yiddish expression (from the Hebrew), mean

ing literally “bastard, son of an impure (menstruating) woman.”
Manchester . City in England, 188 miles north of London.
manchuria . A region comprising the extreme north-eastern por

tion of China.
mandelkern, dr . solomon (1846-1902). Hebrew scholar and poet,

translator of Byron’s Hebrew Melodies into Hebrew. Author of
a Hebrew concordance of the Bible. Was assistant state rabbi in
Odessa, 1873-80, thereafter lived in Leipzig, Germany.
MANDELSTAMM, PROF. M AX EM ANUEL (1839-1912). Russian Jewish

oculist. Bom to a prominent assimilationist family. Became an
early adherent of the Hovevei Zion movement, a close friend of
Pinsker (q v.) and later of Herzl. Was member of the Zionist
Actions Committee. After the 7th Congress he left the Zionist
movement and joined Zangwill’s (q.v.) Jewish Territorialist
Organization. He served as the model for Professor Eichenstamm
in Herzl’s Altneuland (q.v.).
mandl , richard (1859-1918). Viennese Jewish composer who
authored a one-act comic opera, a cantata, a symphonic poem, a
piece for string quartet, several violin pieces and songs.
German Christian Zionist, lived

m a n te u ffel . baron m a x im von .
at San Michele all’Adige where he maintained a training farm
for young Jewish agriculturalists. Was a guest at the First Zion
ist Congress.
m a ntua . City in Italy, 70 miles south-east of Milan.
marcus , ahron (1843-1916). German Jewish scholar, wrote in

German and in Hebrew on Hassidism, Hebrew linguistics,
archaeology. Although he was thoroughly familiar with modem
science, his point-of-view was completely religious. He settled
in Podgorze, Galicia, where he adopted the way of life and the
outlook of the Hassidic Jews.
marcus (or markus ), david dr . Rabbi since 1901 in Constan

tinople, where he founded Jewish schools in behalf of the
Hilfsverein derDeutschen Juden.
marcus , Tobias (of Meran). Was a delegate to the First Zionist

Congress in Basel in 1897.
margrave karl or Charles. See Charles, Grand Duke of Baden.
margueritte , take . Turkish agent of Rumanian extraction;

favorite of the Grand Vizier.
margulies , dr . samuel Hirsch (1858-1922). Rabbi. Born in Gali

cia, studied in Germany. In 1890 was appointed rabbi of Flor
ence. In 1899 he renewed the Collegio Rabbinico Italiano
(Italian Rabbinical College), founded the Pro-Falasha Commit
tee, interested King Victor Emmanuel (q.v.) in Zionism, and was
instrumental in the revival of Jewish life throughout Italy.
mariahilf. Formerly a suburb, in Herzl’s days the 6th district, of
Vienna.
marienbad. Famous spa in Czechoslovakia; in Herzl’s days be

longed to Austria.
maris (painter). There were three brothers by the name of Maris,

all of them well-known Dutch painters: Matthys (or Mathew)
Maris (1835-1917); Jakob (also known as James) Maris (1837-
1899); and Willem Maris (1844-1910). Of the three, Jakob had
the greatest reputation. Two of them, Jacob and Willem, had
paintings on exhibition in the Amsterdam Rijksmuseum in 1897
when Herzl visited it. However, it would be difficult to guess
which of the two reminded Herzl of Corot (q.v.) and Lhermitte
(q.v.), as the relationship is not clear to our 20th century eyes.
markus, of meran . See Marcus, Tobias.
marmara sea . Small inland sea, communicating with the Mediter

ranean by the narrow strait of the Dardanelles, and with the
Black Sea by the Bosporus (q.v.).
marmorek, Alexander (1865-1923). Jewish bacteriologist and

Zionist leader. His work became known to Pasteur who invited
him to join the staff of his institute in Paris where he became
“chef de travaux.” He developed an anti-streptococcus serum,
pioneered in the treatment of scarlet fever, tuberculosis, typhus
and diabetes. He became one of the closest friends and helpers
of Herzl; was for many years member of the Greater Zionist Ac
tions Committee. At the Tenth Congress he militated for “politi
cal” as against “practical” Zionism.
marmork, isiDOR (1865-1924). Brother of Alexander and Oscar M.,

Austrian Jewish lawyer, was delegate to the third Zionist Con
gress.
marmorek , oskar (1863-1909). Viennese Jewish architect. Built
several exposition halls and synagogues. Was elected by the First
Zionist Congress at Basel as a member of the Inner Actions Com
mittee. Later he played a prominent part in the Viennese Jew
ish community.
marranos. The Spanish name of the crypto-Jews who under pres

sure outwardly converted to Christianity but continued in secret
to adhere to Judaism. In order to escape the Inquisition many
Marranos left Spain in the 15th and 16th centuries and settled
mainly in the countries of the Ottoman Empire.
marsala .Seaport in Sicily at which Garibaldi (q.v.) landed with

1,000 of his Redshirts in i860 to commence his Sicilian cam
paign.
MARSCHALL, BARON ADOLF HERMANN, VON BIEBERSTEIN (1842-1911).

German diplomatist. From 1890 to 1897 state secretary in the
German Foreign Office; from 1897 to 1911, German Ambassador
in Constantinople; in 1911 Ambassador to Great Britain.
Marseilles . French city and seaport on the Mediterranean.
marshalik . Yiddish term designating the jokester who used to

function at weddings among the East European Jews. Among
his tasks were also the delivery of an elegiac discourse prior to
the wedding ceremony itself and the announcing, usually in
rhymed sentences, of the wedding gifts.
marx . English Jewish banker. Partner of Isaac Seligman (q.v.).
marx house . The Stem-Marx house was a private house in the

Mamillah Road in Jerusalem. The Stem family emigrated to
Palestine from Frankfort, probably in the early 188o’s. Herzl and
his entourage were the guests of the Stern family, since the hotel
accommodations available in Jerusalem were unsatisfactory.
Marx was the family name of Stem's wife. Descendants of the
Stem family have to this day in their possession a number of
objects connected with Herzl’s visit in Jerusalem and the room
in which Herzl stayed is kept as a kind of minor museum.
On July 5, 1950, a plaque was unveiled on the wall of this
house which reads (in Hebrew): “Benjamin Z'ev Theodor Herzl
stayed in this house during his work here for the establishment
of the Jewish State, on Marheshvan 17, 5659—November 2,
1898.”
marx, karl (1818-1883). German Jewish socialist, the famed

founder of Marxism, whose best known book Das Kapital (1867)
expounds the theory of proletarian exploitation by capitalism
and of the ultimate transformation of society by the revolution
of the working class.
matamore, literally “Moor killer,” the loud-mouthed, bragging

hero of popular Spanish comedies.
matone. Yiddish term (from the Hebrew mattanah), meaning

present, gift, bribe.
mauer. A suburb of Vienna, 6 miles to the south-west from the

center of the city.
mauschel. German-Jewish term for “Jew” with emphatically de

rogatory connotations.
maxim, sir Hiram stevens (1840-1916). British inventor.
maximov, eugene Yakovlevich (1849-1904). Russian journalist

and Slavophile. Participated as a war correspondent in the Serb
ian war, 1875, and the Balkan war, 1877-78. Worked as a news
paperman in Central Asia, 1891.
maybaum , dr . siegmund (1844-1919). Liberal rabbi of the Berlin
Jewish community (1882-1907). One of the signatories of the
protest of rabbis against Zionism in 1897. Published several
studies on Jewish history, religion, and homiletics.
mayer , secretary of the London Rothschild. See Meyer, Sir Carl.
mayer , captain . French Jewish officer and professor at the École

Polytechnique.
c. (1853-1906). English Jewish communal worker, hon

mayer , h .
orary superintendent of the Jews’ Free School.
mayer , Sigmund (ca. 1830-1920). Viennese Jewish merchant. From

1904 to 1911 president of the Union of Austrian Jews, then hon
orary president. Wrote a History of the Jews in Vienna entitled
Die Wiener Juden 1700-1900 (Vienna, 1917), and memoirs,
entitled Ein Wiener Kaufmann (A Viennese Merchant).
Mayflow er . The name of the ship which brought the first pil
grims from England to America in 1620.
mazbata . Any official Turkish document carrying several signa

tures.
mazie , dr. aharon MEiR (1858-1930). Russian Jewish physician.

One of the early settlers in Palestine where he lived at Rishon
le-Zion (q.v.) as physician to the Rothschild colonies. Became
chief physician at the Bikkur Holim Hospital in Jerusalem,
1906. Author of a dictionary of Hebrew medical terms.
mazzeltov .Yiddish expression (from the Hebrew mazzal tov),

meaning good luck.
K.C.M.G., K.C. (1865-1941). British

mcilw raith , sir m a lco lm ,
lawyer. 1898-1916 judicial advisor to the Egyptian government;
1905 established the Criminal Assize Court in Egypt. Contribu
tor to Fortnightly, X IX Century and Law Quarterly.
Mecca . The holiest city of Islam. Capital of the Hejaz province in.
the Arabian Peninsula. Today in Saudi Arabia.
In Herzl’s days the ruler of Sachsen-Meinin-

MEiNiNGEN, d u k e o f .
gen was Georg II (born in 1826; succeeded his father in 1866;
died in 1914).
m e ir , r a b b i (1856-1939). Sephardic rabbi, bom in Jeru

Ja co b
salem. Became member of the Jerusalem Rabbinical Court in
1887; chief rabbi of Salonica 1907—19; Sephardic chief rabbi of
Palestine, 1920-39.
MEjiDiYE (In modem Turkish spelling mecidiye). The Turkish

pound of one hundred piasters. A gold coin, minted for the first
time by Sultan Abdulmejid in 1844. There was also a silver
Mejidiye of twenty piasters which had the size of the American
silver dollar. The value of one gold Mejidiye was four U.S.
dollars, of one silver Mejidiye—80 U.S. cents.
(more accurately: Mecidî Order). Ottoman decora

m e j id iy e o r d e r
tion, established by Sultan Abdulmejid in 1852, with six classes.

It was widely conferred, often upon foreigners, and granted for
life. It had seven silver rays and crescents with stars around a
golden medallion, ornamented with decorative enamels and
jewels according to the classes.
(1858-1933). Swedish geodesist. In several of

m e la n d e r , h e n n in g
his books and articles he tried to prove that the Ark of the Cove
nant was not removed by the Babylonians but was buried in
Hakeldama, in the vicinity of Jerusalem, at the command of
King Josiah. According to a statement contained in his book
“The Hidden Temple Treasures of Jerusalem” (Stockholm,
1907), Herzl had distributed articles he wrote on this subject in
Die Welt (the first in 1898) among outstanding scholars, and
promised Melander that he would enable him to accompany him
to Palestine to institute a search for the Ark of the Covenant, but
this plan did not materialize because of Herzl’s death.
m é l in e , Felix -ju le s (1838-1925). French politician. Was elected

as a member of the Paris Commune in 1871, but refused the
office. In 1876 was elected to the Chamber of Deputies. Was
minister of agriculture from 1883 to 1885. In 1888 he became
President of the Chamber, until 1889. In 1896 he formed a
moderate republican cabinet and remained at its head until
1898. Became member of the Senate in 1903, and was minister
of agriculture in 1915-16.
Turkish court official. Was third assistant master of

m em d u h bey .
ceremonies and (about 1902) one of the interpreters of the
Sultan.
m em duh pasha (1829-1923). Turkish statesman. Became secretary

of Sultan Abdulaziz in 1861. Was appointed chief secretary of
the Ministry of Finance, then of the Ministry of Education. Was
appointed member of the Council of State. Was sent as governor
to Konya, then to Sivas, then to Ankara. In 1894 was promoted
to the rank of vizier with the title of Pasha. In 1895 was ap
pointed minister of the interior. Served in this post until the
1908 revolution, when he was dismissed and banished to an
Aegean island. After the general amnesty returned to Istanbul
(1911). It was rumored that he was fond of bribery and was one
of the spies of Sultan Abdul Hamid II (q.v.). He wrote and pub
lished several books about his time.
Mendelssohn &co., Berlin banking firm, was founded by Joseph

and Abraham, two sons of the German Jewish philosopher Moses
Mendelssohn. The son of Joseph, Alexander Mendelssohn, the
head of the firm after his father’s death, was the last Jewish
descendant of Moses Mendelssohn.
mensdorf-ponilly -d ietrich stein , Austrian Statesman.
co u n t .
Ambassador of Austria-Hungary to London.
meran. Health resort in the Italian Alps.
merry del val , ra fa el (1865-1930). Roman Catholic prelate.

Bom in London where his father was secretary to the Spanish
legation. Was ordained in the priesthood in 1888 and quickly
rose in the ranks of the Vatican hierarchy. In 1903 served as
secretary to the conclave which elected Pope Pius X, and a few
months later became papal secretary of state. From 1914 to his
death was secretary of the congregation of the Holy Office.
meshuggeh or m eshugge . Yiddish term (from the Hebrew

m’shugga'), meaning crazy, mad.
Ancient name of the land between the Tigris and

Me s o p o t a m i a .
the Euphrates rivers. In Herzl’s days, and up to the end of World
War I, Mesopotamia was a Turkish province. Today it is the
Republic of Iraq.
meyer, Arthur (1844-1924). French journalist, bom a Jew, con

verted to Catholicism. In 1865 acquired the Gaulois, a right-
wing, sensationalist daily paper, but sold it a year later; in 1867
he bought the Paris-Journal, sold it a few years later. In 1879
he bought the Gaulois again, soon resold it, and reacquired the
Paris-Journal (1881). Then he bought the Gaulois a third time.
He was an ardent royalist, a rabid anti-Dreyfusard, and sup
ported anti-Semitism in his fight for royalism. Shortly before the
end of the Dreyfus trial he converted to Catholicism.
meyer, sir carl (1851-1922). English Jewish financial expert.

Head of the Rothschild Office until 1897. Director of the Egyp
tian Bank. Supported the Shakespeare Memorial Theatre.
MEYER-coHN, dr . heinrich (1855-1905). German Jewish banker,
philanthropist, and member of the Hovevei Zion. Lived in
Berlin.
meyers KONVERSATiONs-LExiKON. A standard German encyclope

dia, first published in 1839-52. Volume 18 of a subsequent edi
tion (Leipzig and Vienna, 1898, p. 952) contains an article of 19
lines on Zionism, entitled Zionisten (Zionists). It is a fair sum
mation of what Zionism stands for, and it states that “the first
impetus to the foundation of this society was given by Th. Herzl
in Vienna with his treatise “The Jewish State . . .”
meyersohn . See Meyerson.
meyerson , em ile ( 1859—1933). French Jewish journalist, admin

istrator and philosopher. Bom in Poland, settled in Paris in 1882,
became in 1888 editor of the French news agency, Agence Havas.
In 1898 became active in the Jewish Colonization Association
(q.v.) and was its director from 1900 to 1923. He was the creator
of the extensive philanthropic work of the I.C.A. in Russia, and
administered Baron Edmond Rothschild’s (q.v.) Palestinian
colonies. From 1898 to 1903 he organized a large-scale inquiry
in Russia whose results were published in two volumes first in
Russia then in Paris entitled Recueil de matériaux sur la situa
tion des Israélites de Russie (1906-08: Collection of Materials
about the Situation of the Jews of Russia). Concurrently with
these activities, Meyerson devoted himself to the study of a phi
losophy of the sciences, wrote one of the best philosophical ex
planations of Einstein’s theory of relativity, analyzed the systems
of German idealism, and authored other studies in related fields.
m ezum m en . Yiddish expression (from the Hebrew m’zumman)

meaning “jointly;” namely the saying of the grace after meals
jointly by three adult males.
(1861-1926). English Jewish bookseller and
michaeus , p h il ip p
Hovevei Zionist. Placed his services voluntarily at Herzl’s dis
posal in printing propaganda material. Attended the Fourth
Zionist Congress in London as spectator.
mieslitz. Small town in Moravia, Austria.
mikveh Israel . Agricultural school, located on the outskirts of Tel-

Aviv-Jaffa, founded by the A lliance Israélite Universelle in 1870,
upon the initiative of Charles Netter (1826-1882). Since its
opening it has graduated thousands of students and is to this day
an important center for agricultural training in Israel.
milan iv and i. See Obrenovich.
(1864-1908). Serbian civil

milicevic (m il it c h e v it c h ), dr . m ih a il o
servant. Bom in Vienna as the son of a Serbian merchant, spent
his youth there and graduated from the Faculty of Law of Vienna
University. In 1888 entered into the service of the Serbian
Ministry of Foreign Affairs as secretary of the Serbian Legation
in Berlin. From 1889 to 1899 was secretary to King Alexander
Obrenovich of Serbia, son of King Milan (see Obrenovich).
From 1899 to 1900 was Serbian minister in London, from 1902
to 1906 minister in Berlin, and from 1906 to his death again
minister in London.
mille, pierre (1864-1941). French journalist and fiction writer.

Traveled extensively in West Africa, the Congo, India and Indo-
China; served as war correspondent of the Paris Journal des
Débats during the Greco-Turkish war in 1897. From 1901 to
1932 wrote the column En Passant in the Paris daily Le Temps.
Published several books including novels and short stories.
Minsk conference . In 1902 the Russian Zionists held a conference

in Minsk at which problems of Zionism, and in particular na
tional-cultural issues, were discussed.
m intz , dr . Alexander . Viennese Jewish lawyer and Hovevei Zion
ist. Attended the First Zionist Congress. Served on the Program
Committee and was elected to the Inner Actions Committee.
Before the Second Zionist Congress he left the movement and
later joined the anti-Zionist Austrian Israelitische Union whose
vice-president he became.
m inyan . Hebrew word, literally count or number. The quorum of

ten adult Jews whose presence is necessary for the performance
of the traditionally prescribed communal prayers.
Miquel , J ohannes von (1828-1901). Prussian statesman and law

yer. Chief mayor of Osnabrück, 1876-79; of Frankfort a. M.,
1879-90. Member of the German Reichstag, 1867-77 an<i 1887-
go. Minister of Finance, 1890-1901. He made income tax the
central feature in the German system of taxation.
MiTZRAYiM. The Biblical Hebrew name of Egypt.
Mountain ranges and highlands to the east

moab , mountains o f .
and south-east of the Dead Sea. The area inhabited by the
Moabites in Biblical times. Today part of the Kingdom of
Jordan.
mocatta , Frederic david (1828-1902). English Jewish financier,

bibliophile and philanthropist, active in Jewish public affairs.
Until 1874 he was a member of the firm Mocatta and Goldsmid,
bullion brokers to the Bank of England; thereafter he devoted
himself mainly to philanthropy and became a prominent patron
of Jewish literature. He bequeathed the Mocatta library to the
Jewish Historical Society of England.
modane . Contact man between Herzl and Greenberg (q.v.).
modena . City in Italy, 25 miles north-west of Bologna.

mogen david. Hebrew name for the “shield of David.” It has been
for centuries the symbol of Judaism.
mohammedan .Adherent of Islam, the religion founded by

Mohammed. See Islam, Moslems.
mohr. Austrian Jewish journalist and Zionist. Was editor of the

Reichspost.
molinari, gustave (1819—1912). Belgian economist, professor at

the Brussels Museum of Industry. Author of numerous economic
studies, especially about labor problems.
MOLTKE, COUNT HELM UTH KARL BERNARD VON (1800-1891). At the

age of eighteen was appointed as one of the pages of the King
of Denmark. When he saw little prospect of advancement at the
Danish court, he entered the Prussian service (in 1822), and
made a brilliant military career as the head of the general staff
of the Prussian army.
mombassa (m om basa ). Principal seaport of Kenya Colony in East

Africa.
French expression, describing an egoist

monsieur josse l ’o rfèv re .
who hides his self-seeking intentions behind well-sounding
advice, taken from a scene in act one of Moliere’s Vam our
médecin.
monson, sir edmund jo h n (1834-1909). British diplomatist, held

various posts in the diplomatic service, was British Ambassador
at Vienna (1893), and Paris (1896-1904). Was created a baronet
in 1905.
MONTAGNiNi, carlo (1863-1913). Italian cleric. Named titular

Archbishop of Larissa and destined to Colombia (South
America) as Apostolic Delegate and Envoy Extraordinary on
Feb. 10, 1913. Went to Germany for treatment of cancer and
died in Berlin, before ever going to his post.
Montague , sir sam u el , (1832-1911). English Jewish banker,

founder of Samuel Montague & Co., a liberal member of par
liament and a leader of orthodox Jewry and of the Hovevei Zion
in England. In 1907 he was created Lord Swaythling. In 1893
he presented in behalf of the Hovevei Zion, a petition to the
Turkish Sultan for colonization in Transjordan. A decade later,
however, he pleaded publicly against the Jewish Colonial Trust.
m o n te carlo . Commune in Monaco, on the Riviera, famed for its

casino.
MONTEFIORE, CLAUDE JOSEPH GOLDSMID (1858-1938). Leader of

British Liberal Judaism and author of several volumes in Rab
binics, on Jewish literary history and the Gospels. He was deeply
involved in Jewish communal affairs, founded (together with
Israel Abrahams) the Jewish Quarterly Review in 1888, and
financed and edited it until 1908. He was president of the Anglo-
Jewish Association (1895-1920), in which capacity he opposed
Zionism and the Balfour Declaration.
MONTEFIORE, sir Francis abraham (1860-1935). Grand-nephew

of Moses Montefiore (q.v.), English Jewish barrister. Was presi
dent of the Board of Deputies, and honorary president of the
English Zionist Federation (1900). Was a delegate to several
Zionist congresses and aided Herzl in his negotiations with the
British government.
m ontefiore , sir J oseph sebag (1822-1903). Son of Sarah, sister of

Sir Moses Montefiore. English Jewish financier, President of the
Board of Deputies. Was knighted in 1896. From 1894 to 1902
was President of the Council of the Spanish-Portuguese Jewish
community of London.
montefiore, sir moses (Haim; 1784-1885). Anglo-Jewish financier
and philanthropist of Italian origin. Was a leading member of
the London Stock Exchange. Following his retirement from
active business (1824) he devoted himself to the betterment of
the conditions of the Jews who in those days still suffered from
disabilities and oppression in England. He took active and help
ful interest in the fate of Jews in Poland, Russia, Rumania,
Syria and Palestine. He made seven journeys to the east (1827-
1847) mainly in the interest of the Jews. He was knighted in
1837, and raised to the baronetcy in 1846.
Montenegro . In Herzl’s days an independent kingdom in the

Balkans. In 1918 became part of Yugoslavia.
Montesquieu (1689-1755). French philosophical historian, whose

book, Spirit of the Laws (Geneva, 1748), secured for him the
position of being regarded as the greatest literary man of his
day. An earlier book of his, Les Lettres Persanes (The Persian
Letters, Amsterdam, 1721), satirizing the follies of his age in
literature, politics, religion and social life, reached several edi
tions within a year after its first publication.
Montreal. City in Quebec, Canada.
Moravia. Province of Czechoslovakia; in Herzl’s days (up to 1918),

aprovince of Austria.
more, sir t h o m a s(1478-1535). English statesman and author,

published his famous political romance, Utopia, in 1516. It
describes a society, located on the imaginary island of Utopia,
living under a perfect governmental, economic and social
system.
Prominent French anti-Semite who, in a d u e l

morès, m a rq u is d e ,
in 1892, killed Captain Mayer, a French Jewish officer and pro

fessor at the École Polytechnique.
Morgan, J ohn p ie r po n t (1837-1913). American financier, head
of the banking firm J. P. Morgan & Co., organizer of the United
States Steel Co., art collector and humanitarian.
Moritz , cousin . See Reichenfeld, Moritz.
MORLEY, VISCOUNT MORLEY OF BLACKBURN (1838-1923). English

author and statesman. Joined the staff of the London Saturday
Review in 1863, and served from 1867 to 1882 as editor of the
Fortnightly Review. In 1878 he began editing the English Men
of Letters series, and from 1880 to 1883 was editor of the Pall
Mall Gazette. Was elected in 1883 to Parliament as a Liberal,
and became a trusted intermediary between the Irish members
of Parliament and the Cabinet. He favored Irish home rule. In
1886, and again from 1892 to 1895, was secretary of state for
Ireland. In 1905-1910 was secretary of state for India. Morley
was also the most eminent biographer of his time. He was
elevated to the peerage in 1908.
morocco , partition plan o f . In the second half of the year 1902

the “Moroccan problem” entered a new, acute phase as a result
of the outbreak of uprisings in Morocco which the Sultan of
Morocco was unable to subdue and which brought about an
intervention on the part of the European powers.
m orosini . Italian actress and singer.
Moscow. Capital of Russia. In Herzl’s days only those Jews could

settle and reside in Moscow to whom a special permit was
granted.
moser , gustav von (1825-1903). German officer, landowner and

playright. Wrote about 100 comedies, several of them having
a military setting.
Moses, moses (died in 1903). Wealthy Jewish merchant in Ka
towice, one of the earliest adherents of the Jewish national idea
and of the Hovevei Zion movement in Germany. Participated
in 1894 in the first general conference of the Hovevei Zion which
took place in his home town, Katowice, and in four Zionist
Congresses.
Moslems (or Mu slim s ). T he followers of Islam, the religion

founded by Mohammed (570-632), the Arabian Prophet. See
Islam.
mosque o f o m a r .T he popular name of the Dome of the Rock,

attributed to the Caliph Omar who in 638 conquered Palestine,
but in reality built by the Omayyad Caliph Abdel Malik ibn
Merwan more than one hundred years later. It is built in the
middle of the Haram al-Sharif (Noble Sanctuary) in the Old City
of Jerusalem. Located near it is the Aqsa Mosque. This temple
complex which occupies the site of the ancient Jewish Temple,
is regarded by the Muslims as their third holiest place after
Mecca and Medina in Arabia. T he huge native rock around
which the Mosque of Omar is built figures in Talmudic legend,
under the name Even Shetiyya (Foundation Stone), as the navel
of the earth, and as the base upon which the Ark of the Covenant
stood in the Holy of Holies, the central part of Solomon’s
Temple. According to Biblical law only the High Priest was
allowed to enter the Holy of Holies, and that only once a year,
on Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement). Following the destruction
of the Temple the exact location of the Holy of Holies could
no longer be ascertained. The rabbis, therefore, as a precaution,
placed the entire Temple area out of bounds, and enforced this
prohibition with the threat of excommunication for the trans
gressor.
Mosse, rudolf (1843-1920). German Jewish newspaper and book

publisher. In 1867 he founded an advertisement service; in
1872 the German daily Berliner Tageblatt (q.v.); and in 1889 the
Berliner Morgenzeitung. In 1904 the R. Mosse Verlag took
over the publication of the Berliner Volkszeitung. The Mosse
publishing house also published professional journals, general
literature, and reference books. Mosse was for many years mem
ber of the council of the Berlin Jewish reform congregation.
m ount casius. The reference in Kessler’s (q.v.) telegram entered

by Herzl on February 19, 1903, is not to the well-known ancient
name of the lofty mountain near Antioch (Antakya) at the
north-eastern corner of the Mediterranean (today in Turkey),
but to the hill El-Kas at the south-eastern comer of the Mediter
ranean near Lake Sirbon in Sinai, which was also called Mount
Casius.
m ount of olives .Hill east of Jerusalem, of historical fame. Up to

1948 it was the favorite burial place of religious Jews in Pales
tine. At present part of the Kingdom of Jordan.
mountain je w s . The Jews of the Caucasus mountains, in the

Daghestan, Baku, Terek, Kuban, Yelizavetpol (later Ganja) dis
tricts. They speak (or, rather, spoke in Herzl’s days, for sub
sequently they have been russified) an Iranian dialect, and
dressed in the manner of the non-Jewish natives of the Caucasus.
They wore arms and cartridges, and did not take off their swords
even when entering the synagogue.
moza or motsa . Village (moshavah) in Palestine (today in Israel)

to the west of Jerusalem along the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv highway.
Founded in 1894.
Mozambique , or Portuguese East Africa. A colony situated to the

north of the Union of South Africa, with an area of 297,731
square miles. The Portuguese began to penetrate and conquer
the territory in 1505. Its present boundaries were determined
in the 1884-85 Berlin Conference and by a convention with
Great Britain in 1891.
muezzin . The Arabic name (also used in Turkish) of the religious
official who five times a day, at the prescribed hour, ascends the
minaret (tower) of the mosque and calls the faithful to prayer.
mühlbach . Resort town in Tirol, Austria, on the Rienz river.
Herzl misheard, and consequently misspelled,

mühling , co u n t .
the name of this individual. His correct name was Miilinen
(q.v.).
mülinen , count eberhard von (1861-1927). German civil servant

of Swiss origin. Entered the Prussian legal service in 1887; was
transferred to the Imperial foreign service in 1888, and stationed
in Beirut, at the German consulate as interpreter-apprentice.
In 1890 was transferred to Constantinople, where, in 1894, was
advanced to the position of Second Dragoman. Following the
Palestine-trip of the Kaiser and the Empress, on which they
were accompanied by Miilinen, he was created a Royal Lord
Chamberlain and detailed into the service of the Empress. In
1905 he resigned from court service and became in 1909 German
titular consul general in Aleppo.
müller , eugen von (bom 1844). German soldier. General of the

artillery, Adjutant General to the Grand Duke of Baden and
tutor of the Grand Duke’s children following Hechler’s (q v.)
departure from that post.
münchener a llg e m e in e zeitung . Daily paper published in

Munich, Germany.
M u n ic h (German München). Capital o f Bavaria, Germany.
(1844-1899). Turkish official. Studied in

munir pasha , m a h m u d
Paris, 1857. Became an employee at the Turkish Embassy in
Paris, 1863; chargé d’affaires, 1872. Became director of the
Foreign Correspondence Service of the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, and, in 1874, was appointed interpreter of the Imperial
Chancery of State. After serving as secretary for official foreign
correspondence and master of ceremonies at Yildiz, was pro
moted to the rank of vizier with the title of Pasha in 1884. He
was known as “Dragoman Miinir Pasha.”
munster , Georg Herbert , Duke of Demeburg, Count zu Münster-

Ledenburg, Baron of Grotthaus (1820-1902). German states
man. German Ambassador to London, 1873; to Paris, 1885-
1900. He represented Germany at the 1899 Peace Conference
at The Hague. Wrote several volumes of political reminiscences.
münz , dr. sigmund (1859-1934). Austrian Jewish journalist. On

the staff of the Neue Freie Presse specializing in politics. Prior
to 1892 he had been its correspondent in Italy where he estab
lished contacts with Agliardi (q.v.) and other clericals. Author
of Aus dem modemen Italien, 1889, and A us Quirinal und
Vatikan, 1891.
murad v (1840-1904). Turkish Sultan, elder brother of Abdul

Hamid II (q.v.). He succeeded Abdulaziz, but ruled for three
months only (1876). Had a broad education, and liberal leaden
were eagerly looking forward to his accession. But he became an
alcoholic and suffered a nervous breakdown. Following Ab-
dulaziz’s suicide, he became depressed and mentally unbalanced
and was deposed because of insanity. Following Abdul Hamid's
accession, Murad lived in retirement in Çiragan Palace on the
Bosporus, practically a prisoner, for another twenty-eight yean.
muraviev , count Mich a il NIKOLAYEVICH (1845-1900). Russian

statesman. Foreign secretary.
MÜRZSTEG reforms . See Macedonia.
mushir . Turkish military title, roughly corresponding to marshal.

m u t e s s a r if . Turkish title of the g o v ern o r of a sanjak (q .v .) .
m u tterso h n ch en (Mother’s Pet), a comedy by Herzl in four acts,

written in 1885.
muzhik . The traditional name of the Russian peasant.
myers, asher isaac (1848-1902), joined the Jewish Chronicle in

1869, and became its editor in 1878. Was an influential leader of
the London Jewish intellectuals.
mytilene affair . See Turkish-French conflict.
Nairobi, town in Kenya colony in British East Africa. Was selected

as the site of the headquarters of the Uganda Railway in 1899,
and thereafter expanded rapidly as a commercial center. In
1907 it replaced Mombasa as capital of Kenya.
napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821). Emperor of France 1804-

1814,1815.
napoleon, prince louis J o seph je r o m e (1864-1932). Grandson

of Napoleon’s youngest brother, Jerome, King of Westphalia.
Became a Russian general and aspired to the throne of France.
naquet, Alfred J oseph (1834-1916). French social reformer, was

imprisoned in 1867 for his share in secret revolutionary activi
ties. Three years later he was elected to the Chamber of Deputies
and carried through a reform of the French divorce law.
narrishkayt. Yiddish term (from the German Narrischheit),

meaning foolishness.
naschauer , paul (1867?-1900). Brother of Herzl’s wife, Julie.
Figured as the publisher of Die Welt (q.v.).
nasif . See Nazif Pasha Ahmed.
natchevitch (or natchow itch ). Bulgarian Minister of Com

merce and Agriculture up to 1896.
nathan , m atthew , sir (1862-1939). English Jewish soldier,

joined the Royal Engineers in 1880. Later entered the colonial
service, and held various administrative positions in British
territories: Governor of Sierra Leone 1898; of the Gold Coast
1900-03; of Hong Kong 1903-06; of Natal 1907-09; of Queens
land 1920-25. Was chairman of the Board of Inland Revenue
1911-14, minister of pensions in Lloyd George’s cabinet.
national casino in Budapest . Aristocratic club with its member

ship recruited from among the nobility and the most outstand
ing artists, scholars, writers, etc.
national fund . First mentioned in the Diaries in an entry dated

April 11, 1898. The establishment of a Jewish National Fund,
to receive donations and to acquire landed property in Palestine
for the Jewish people, was proposed at the First Zionist Congress
(1897) by Prof. Schapira of Heidelberg. It was implemented at
the Fifth Congress (1901).
navon, J oseph bey (1859-1934). Jewish banker and communal

worker in Palestine. He dealt in real estate and housing develop
ments and was one of the originators of the Jaffa-Jerusalem rail
road line. For several years he lived in Paris. His archives are
preserved in the Zionist Central Archives in Jerusalem.
nazarbek, avetis . Armenian patriot. Lived for many years in Lon

don. Exiled leader of the Armenian Revolutionary Party (the
Huntchak Party), which he founded in 1886, aiming at the
establishment of an autonomous Armenia under Christian
rule. Edited in London the party’s journal, also called Huntchak
(The Bell; 1888-1900). Author of The Voice of the Armenian
Revolutionists upon the Armenian Problem and How to Solve
it (London, 1895). and Through the Storm: Pictures of Life in
Armenia (London, 1899). See also Armenia.
n a za r et h . Town in Galilee, today in Israel.
(1841-1906). Turkish financier. Began his

nazif p a s h a , a h m e d
career as an accountant in government service in 1857. Became

accountant of the Ottoman Bank, then of the Administration
of the Ottoman Public Debt. Was appointed State Commissioner
of the Public Debts, and, in 1889, under-secretary in the Minis
try of Finance. In 1891 was appointed Minister of Finance with
the rank of a Vizier, and in 1893 received the title of Pasha.
Became Minister of Customs in 1898, and again Minister of
Finance in 1904.
NEGOTiORUM cestio is an ancient Roman legal concept. Its literal

meaning is ‘’management of affairs,” but in Roman law its use
was narrowed down to the managing of the affairs of an individ
ual or a group by a manager ("gestor”) not instructed or author
ized by them to do so. In such a case the principal concerned
("dominus negotiorum”) is legally bound by the undertakings
entered into by the gestor. Herzl himself considered the "So
ciety of Jews” he planned to create as the gestor of the Jews, cf.
his The Jewish State, Tel Aviv, 1956, pp. 121-8.
nemec. A Foreign Legionnaire.
NESzioNA. Jewish agricultural settlement founded in 1882 on the

site originally called Wadi Hanin (Arabic). The settlers en
gaged primarily in the cultivation of oranges.
neuberger . Viennese Jew. Member of “Kadimah.”
neue freie presse ,a Viennese daily, founded in 1864 as a liberal

organ by Michael Etienne and Max Friedlânder (a cousin of
Ferdinand Lassalle). Its importance increased under the
founders’ successors, Eduard Bâcher and Moritz Benedikt, who
made it not only into a leading daily of Vienna but also into one
of the most influential and respected papers of Europe. It sup
ported the Liberal Party in Austria, as did most of the Austrian
Jews.
neue lustige blatter . Viennese humoristic weekly, published

from 1888 to 1899. It was owned by a Jewish newspaper group,
and was edited by Carl Beer.
neues wiener tagblatt . Viennese d a ily p a p e r.
neugebauer , làszlô (Ladislaus; 1845-1919). Hungarian-Austrian

banker and poet. Lived in Pest and Vienna where he worked
in the management of the Austro-Hungarian Bank. He trans
lated the works of Hungarian poets and novelists into German.
His lyrics were set to music by Franz Liszt and Karl Goldmark.
neum ann . Viennese Jewish attorney.
neumann , w ilh e lm ,(i860-?) Austrian Jewish journalist. Worked

since 1883 for the Fremdenblatt, later became its editor.
Title of a play written by Herzl in two weeks

new ghetto , t h e .
(Oct. 21—Nov. 8,1894). It is the story of the young Jewish lawyer,
Dr. Jacob Samuel, who marries Hermine Heilman, the daughter
of a wealthy merchant. He becomes involved in business deals
between Jewish and Christian entrepreneurs. Samuel denounces
von Schramm, the Christian partner of his own brother-in-law,
for his treatment of his workers who perished in a frightful ac
cident in the mine owned by the partnership. He is challenged
to a duel by Schramm and killed by him. The play marks the
completion of Herzl’s return to his people. It sets forth the
idea—soon thereafter fully developed in the Judenstaat—that
the Jews must emancipate themselves from their internal en
slavement. It was performed at the Viennese Carl Theater 25
times (premier performance on Jan. 5, 1898), and produced in
more than twenty Austrian and German theaters. Its critical
reception was reserved, in Berlin almost hostile. The play was
serialized in Die Welt, and published in Vienna in 1898 and
again in 1920.
New York daily paper, founded in 1832 by

new y o rk h e r a l d .
James Gordon Bennett (1795-1872). In 1924 it merged with

the New York Tribune to form the New York Herald Tribune
which is one of the most important dailies in New York City
to this day.
New York daily paper, originally called New

n ew y ork j o u r n a l .
York Morning Journal, acquired by William Randolph Hearst

in 1895.
n e w y o rk s u n . New York daily paper, founded in 1833.
NEWLINSKI (OR NEWLINSKY), PH ILIP MICHAEL DE841-1899).

(l
Austrian political agent and journalist, bom in Volhynia, a
scion of an old aristocratic Polish family. He studied law at the
University of St. Petersburg, and in 1865 began to publish
articles in leading periodicals of that city and of Moscow. Soon
thereafter he changed allegiance, became first a Hungarian and
then an Austrian subject, and entered the services of the Aus
trian Foreign Ministry where he was put in charge of the politi
cal department of the Austro-Hungarian Embassy in Con
stantinople. Following the coronation of Abdul Hamid II
(1876), he gained the new Sultan's friendship. In 1879, on ac
count of large debts, he had to leave the diplomatic service. In
1880 he went to Paris but continued to serve the Austrian
Foreign Ministry on a retainer basis, while working also as a
free-lance journalist. In 1887 he opened a news agency in Vienna
and began publishing the daily Correspondance de l’Est, with
its supplement, Oesterreichische Korrespondenz. His good re
lations with the Sublime Porte continued throughout, and thus
he was in a position to be helpful to Herzl in establishing con
tacts for him in Constantinople.
11 (1868-1918). Czar of Russia. His father was Czar Alex

Ni c h o l a s
ander III who ruled from 1881 to 1894. His mother, Czarina
Maria Fedorovna, was originally Princess Maria Sophia Freder-
ika Dagmar, daughter of Christian IX, King of Denmark.
Nicholas II succeeded his father in 1894 and married in the
same year Princess Alice of Hesse. He was crowned in 1896. In
1917 he abdicated in favor of his son, Grand Duke Michael, but
in July 1918 he and his wife and children were executed by the
Bolsheviks.
(1863-1946). Sephardic Jewish agriculturist. Bom

NiEGo, j o s e f
in Turkey. Became director of the Mikveh Israel (q.v.) Agri
cultural School in 1891.
(1875—1934). Austrian actress. In 1893 began playing

n œ se , h an si
at the Viennese Raimund Theater. In 1899 she married theater

director Joseph Jamo and became a member of the Stadt Thea
ter. From 1900 she played in the Josefstadter Theater. In the
1930’s she appeared in Austrian and German motion pictures.
(1844-1900). The famous German

N i e t z s c h e , F r ie d r ic h w i l h e l m
philosopher, who taught that contemporary European standards
were those of the slaves, and that the true man, the real aristocrat,
the “superman,” can elevate himself above the masses by exercis
ing strength, pride and ruthlessness towards himself and toward
others.
(1828-1907). Italian diplomat and linguist.
n ig r a , c o s t a n t i n o
Entered the service of the Italian Foreign Ministry in 1851;

served in Paris as minister plenipotentiary and later as ambas
sador. In 1861 became minister of state, was subsequently trans
ferred to St. Petersburg, then to London and then to Vienna.
In 1890 became a senator. He published Canti popolari del
Piemonte (1888; Piemonte Folksongs), and the first large Italian
collection of epico-lyrical songs.
NiKOLADZE. Leader of the Armenians in London.
The river which, for millennia, has made civilization in

Ni l e .
Egypt possible. Its waters have been used for irrigation since
early antiquity and are increasingly utilized for the same pur
pose, as well as for the creation of electric power, to the present
day.
n ish a n e f e n d i, (1848-1906). Turkish statesman.

sefervan
Belonged to the Armenian minority. Entered the Turkish

Foreign service in 1863. Became director of the Consular Serv
ice in 1875. Became secretary of Foreign Affairs in 1881. Was
appointed member of the Council of State, and, in 1898, director
of the Foreign Press Office at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
From 1900 to 1906 served as legal advisor. Was also one of the
private translators of Sultan Abdul Hamid II (q.v.).
(1849-1923). Jewish physician, author and Paris

n o rd au , m a x
correspondent of the Berlin Vossische Zeitung. At the time Herzl

met him, he had an established and great reputation as the
author of Die Konvenzionellen Liigen der Kulturmenschheit
(the Conventional Lies of Civilized Mankind, 1885) and other
books. On December 19, 1903, at a Maccabean festival in Paris,
the Russian Zionist Louban took a shot at Nordau. Louban was
apprehended and at his trial stated that he wanted to assassinate
Nordau because of the latter’s support of the Uganda project.
norddeutsche allgemeine ZEiTUNG. Berlin daily paper.
nordling . See Ali Nuri Bey Dilmec.
norman , sir henry (1858-1939). English traveler and author.

Served on the editorial staff of the Pall Mall Gazette and the
London Daily Chronicle. Founded (1902) the illustrated
monthly World’s Work. From 1900 to 1910 was a Liberal mem
ber of parliament. Was member of the Royal Commission for
Alien Immigration. Was knighted in 1906, and created a
baronet in 1915.
north cape (Norwegian Nordkapp), promontory in Norway,

situated on Mageroy Island and regarded as the northernmost
point of Europe.
Northumberland , 7TH duke o f (Henry George Percy; 1846-1918).

Trustee of the British Museum, member of the House of Com
mons, president of the Archaeological Institute. Succeeded to the
title in 1899.
nothnagel , Hermann (1841-1905). Austrian physician. Profes

sor of Medicine at the University of Freiburg i. Br., 1872, and
of Jena, 1874. In 1882 became head of the 2nd Medical Clinic of
Vienna. Made a special study of the diseases of the brain and of
the intestines. Leading European authority in internal medi
cine. Loyal friend of the Jews, leader of the Society to Combat
Anti-Semitism. Opponent of Zionism in the belief that it might
jeopardize the legal and civil position of the Jews.
nouvelle revue Internationale . Paper published in Paris by

Mme. Rattazzi (q.v.).
NOVELLi, erm ete (1851-1951). Italian actor. Appeared in Cairo

in March 1903.
novikoff, m m e . Olga de (1848-1925). Russian-English publicist.
Wife of the Russian diplomat and leading Slavophile Eugene
Petrovich Novikoff who died in 1903, and sister of General
Kireyev.
NOVOSTi. Russian daily paper published in St. Petersburg.
NOVOYE vremya . Russian newspaper, published in St. Petersburg,

representing the conservative trend, with a pronounced anti-
Semitic tendency.
(1858-1908). Turkish official. Bom of a Circas

nuri bey, m e h m e t
sian mother and a French father (Reshat Bey Chateauneuf) who
converted to Islam, young Nuri was educated at the Grignon
École d’Agriculture in France, where he received the degree of
Agricultural Engineer. In 1893 he became Chief Secretary of
Foreign Affairs in Constantinople, a position he held until his
death.
nutt, David (? -1863). T he firm of David Nutt was founded in

1848. It specialized in publishing and selling theological and
foreign books. David Nutt compiled and published A Catalogue
of Theological Books in Foreign Languages (London, 1857),
which contains details of 7,166 books.
OBRENOViCH, m ilan iv and i (1854-1901). Prince and king of

Serbia, took over the government in 1872 when he was but 18,
and ten years later declared Serbia’s independence and had him
self proclaimed as king. In 1889 he abdicated, but returned to
Serbia in 1894.
oct . 5/18. This and similar double dates, appearing in Heizl’s
letter to Plehwe (dated Oct. 28, 1903) and several times there
after, refer to the Julian calendar used in Russia until 1918
and to the Gregorian calendar in general use outside Russia. In
1903 the Julian calendar lagged behind the Gregorian by 13
days, so that October 5 of the Julian calendar equalled Oct. 18
of the Gregorian.
October conferences . A reference to the sessions of the Greater

Actions Committee of the Zionist Organization and the Board
of Jewish Colonial Trust which took place in October 1901 in
Vienna.
Central European river, flowing through Silesia, Branden

oder .
burg, and Pomerania, and emptying in the Baltic Sea.
Odessa. Russian city and seaport on the Black Sea. In Herzl’s days
about one fifth of the total population of 500,000 was Jewish.
It was the most important Russian Jewish cultural center, the
home of the greatest figures in the revival of Hebrew Literature.
ODROLER, baron dr. august von . Departmental councillor in the

Ministry of Finance in Vienna.
offenbach , jacques (real name: Jacob Eberscht; 1819-1880). Son

of a German-Jewish cantor, became a theatrical manager in
Paris and famous in France and all over Europe and America
as the composer of operas and other musical works in a light,
lyrical manner. One of his light operas is La Vie Parisienne
(Parisian Life).
ohnet , georges (1848-1918). French novelist and playwright.

Wrote more than 40 novels, judged by critics as mediocre, on
the social issues of his age, under the overall title Batailles de la
Vie (Battles of Life).
okin (painter). No painter by this name appears in any of the
standard encyclopaedias of painters. It is therefore possible that
Herzl misspelled the name slightly and that the painter he re*
ferred to was Edward Okun (q.v.).
OKOLicsÂNYï, sÂNDOR (Alexander; 1838-1905). Hungarian econo

mist and civil servant. Joined in 1870, the Hungarian foreign
service; in 1873 became attached to the Embassy of Paris; 1886—
to the Embassy to the Holy See; 1889—envoy extraordinary to
Stuttgart; and from 1894 in the same capacity in The Hague;
1898—privy councillor. Participated in the 1899 peace confer
ence in The Hague as second plenipotentiary of the King of
Hungary. Wrote sociological studies under the pseudonym Ein
Optimist (An Optimist). Published under his own name studies
on Count Julius Andrâssy and Prince Alexis Lobanov.
okun, edward (1872-1945). Polish painter and illustrator. Studied

in Warsaw and Paris. Lived from 1898 on in Rome.
(1825-1913). French politician. Became

OLLiviER, o l i v i e r -É m i l e
member of the Chamber of Deputies in 1857. Was charged by
Napoleon III with the formation of a government in 1870. In
the same year was made a member of the Academy. During the
Franco-Prussian war he fled to Italy where he remained until
l873-
omar (ca. 581-644). T he second orthodox Muslim caliph, who

succeeded Abu-Bakr in 634, and conquered Syria and Palestine.
OPHIR. The famous Biblical city of gold, cf. 1 Kings 9:28 etc. Its
location has never been satisfactorily identified.
(1839-1900). Austrian Jewish journalist, mem

OPPENHEIM, j o s e f
ber of Concordia (q.v.), 1864. City editor of the Neue Freie
Presse.
o p p e n h e im , baron max von (1860-1946). German orientalist.
Studied law in Strassburg; received his Dr. jur. in 1883; became
a government official in 1891 ; councillor of the German legation
in Cairo in 1900; German ministerial resident in Cairo in 1910.
In 1894 the German Foreign Ministry entrusted him with the
leadership of an expedition to the Chad See region in Africa; in
1902-04 he was sent to the U.S.A. to study American railroads
with a view to utilizing American experience for the building of
the Baghdad railroad. In 1905 he was Germany's delegate to the
Algiers congress of orientalists and archaeologists. Oppenheim is
the author of several books on the Middle East, of which the
most important is his three-volume study Die Beduinen (The
Bedouins, Leipzig, 1932-52).
Oppen h eim er , franz (1864-1943). German Jewish economist.

Studied medicine and worked in Berlin as a doctor, 1886-96.
Then turned to economy and became in 1919 Professor in Frank
fort a. M. He is regarded as the founder of liberal socialism and
the proponent of cooperative agriculture, described in his book
Die Siedlungsgenossenschaft (1896: The Cooperative Settle
ment) Several other politico-economic books established his
reputation as an authority in the field.
Oppen h e im e r , baron ludwic von (1843-1909). Austrian statesman.

Member of the Austrian House of Deputies, 1873-1895; of the
Austrian Upper House, since 1895.
Orleans , dure o f . Louis Philippe Robert, Duke of Orleans (1869—

1926). Was educated in France and England. In 1886 he was
exiled together with his father, the Comte de Paris, and served
in the British army in India. In 1890 he returned to Paris to
arouse Orleanist sympathies, but was sentenced to imprison
ment and sent out of France. He traveled extensively in Asia
(1890-95), led an expedition to Greenland (1905) and to the
Kara Sea (1907).
osmanische post . Daily paper published in German in Constan
tinople. Established as an organ of the German Embassy after
the first visit of Kaiser Wilhelm in 1888. After the 1908 revolu
tion, a French version, under the name Lloyd Ottoman, was also
issued. Following the armistice of Moudros (1918) it was closed
down, and from 1926 to 1944 replaced by the Tiirkische Post.
There was also a newspaper entitled Freie Osmanische Post
(q.v.).
ossERVATORE rom ano. Daily paper published in Rome, Italy.
ostdeutsche Rundschau . Viennese weekly, founded in 1890 by

Karl Hermann Wolf. From 1893 it appeared under the name
Deutsches Tagblatt-Ostdeutsche Rundschau. In 1903 its title
was changed to Neues Deutsches Tagblatt. In 1904 it suspended
publication, but reappeared from 1908 to 1920 under the title
Ostdeutsche Rundschau. T he paper followed a radical political
line similar to that of Schonerer (q.v.) who, however, was not its
editor. It consistently attacked the Jews, and repeatedly also the
Christian Socialists.
ostend. Seaport, town and pleasure resort in Belgium, in the

province of West Flanders.
Full title: Dr. Bloch’s ôster-

ÔSTERREICHISCHE Wo c h e n s c h r if t .
reichische Wochenschrift. Viennese Jewish weekly, published in
German. Edited by Dr. Joseph Samuel Bloch (q.v.), from 1884
to 1920.
otto, archduke o f Austria (1865-1906). Son of Archduke Karl

Ludwig. Married 1886 Maria Josepha, daughter of the future
King of Saxonia. In 1896 he became the commander of the
tenth cavalry brigade in Vienna.
ottolenghi, g iu seppe (1838-1904). Italian soldier and statesman.

The first Jew to be appointed to the Italian General Staff, with
the rank of General. Minister of War and member of the Senate,
1902-03.
OTTOLENGHi, m oïse , of Padua. Contrary to Herzl’s statement, no

man by this name participated in Napoleon’s Parisian Sanhedrin
in 1806. However, a certain Israele Emanuele Ottolenghi of
Montenotte did participate in it, and was elected as one of the
six lay alternate deputies for the Great Sanhedrin which took
place in Paris in February and March, 1807.
ottoman em pir e .In Herzl’s days the Ottoman Empire comprised

all the Arab lands, including Palestine.
pacher , Raphael (1857-1927). Austrian writer and journalist, be

came a member of the Bohemian Diet in 1899. From 1901 to
1918 he was a member of the Austrian Parliament and belonged
to the German Radical Party.
padishah . A title of the Turkish Sultan, of Persian origin, de

rived from pati, lord, protector, and shah, king.
padua . City in Italy, 22 miles west of Venice.
palais bourbon . Herzl’s volume of essays Das Palais Bourbon,

Bilderaus dem franzdsichen Parlamentsleben (The Palais Bour
bon: Pictures from the French Parliamentary Life) published by
Duncker and Humblot, Leipzig, 1895. It contains a selection of
feuilletons Herzl wrote for the Neue Freie Presse while he
served as the paper’s Paris correspondent (1892-95).
palais royal . The Royal Palace in Paris, one of the most splendid
buildings in the French capital, with a beautiful garden around
it.
palatinate. Part of the territory of the Palatinate (in German:
Pfalz) was apportioned, at the Peace of 1814, to Baden, another
to Bavaria.
Palestine, J ewish colonies . Of the few new Jewish “colonies” in

existence in the 1880’s and 90’s in Palestine the oldest, Petah
Tikvah, was founded in 1878, the youngest, Motsa, in 1894.
pale of settlem ent .The Western zone of czarist Russia, extend

ing from the Black Sea to the Baltic in which the Jews were per
mitted to reside.
pall mall gazette . London daily afternoon paper, founded in

1865.
PALMERSTON, HENRY JOHN TEMPLE, 3rd VisCOUnt (1784-1865). Eng

lish statesman. Was elected to Parliament in 1807 and became
secretary of war in 1809. From 1830 to 1841, and again from
1846 to 1851 he was foreign secretary. In 1852 he became home
secretary, then prime minister, until 1858, and again from 1859
to his death.
panama. The reference in the Diaries is to the corrupt practices of

many officials of the French Panama Canal Company which
resulted in the resignation and trial of Ferdinand de Lesseps
(1888) and the dissolution of the company (1889).
pandora’s box . According to the Greek myth, Pandora opened the

box she received as a present from the gods, thereby allowing all
the blessings of life to escape, save Hope.
Wife of Baruch Papiermeister, architect

PAPiERMEisTER, h e l e n e .
and successful farmer in Rishon le-Zion. He was interested also
in communal affairs in the colony and fought Baron Rothschild’s
officials. The letters of Helene Papiermeister to Herzl, men
tioned in the Diaries, are preserved in the Herzl Archives of the
Zionist Central Archives in Jerusalem. Many years later the
Papiermeister family moved to Chicago.
parakh . Yiddish expression, meaning “scurvy head," and, in gen

eral, bastard.
PARATY, DOM MIGUEL ALEIXO ANTONIO DO CARMO DE NORONHA, 3rd

Count of (1850-1932). Portuguese diplomatist, served as attaché
of the Legation in Rio de Janeiro; as second secretary in the
Vatican; as first secretary in Rio de Janeiro, Rome and Berlin;
as chargé d’affaires at Madrid and Rio de Janeiro; and as minis
ter plenipotentiary in Vienna. He was in the last-named post
when the Republic was proclaimed in Portugal, in 1910. Paraty
resigned then from the service.
parcheschkat , Yiddish expression originally meaning “scurvi

ness,” but usually used in the sense of "cheek,” “freshness,”
“impudence.”
parnell , Charles stewart (1846-1891). Irish political leader,

fought for Irish independence.
pasteur , louis (1822-1895). French chemist, the founder of the

sciences of bacteriology and stereo-chemistry, pioneer in pre
ventive medicine.
paty de clam , Colonel Marquis Armand Auguste Charles Ferdi

nand Marie du (1853-1916). French soldier. Entered the army in
1870. Became a sub-lieutenant in 1871, lieutenant in 1874, cap
tain in 1877, battalion-chief in 1890. In 1897 became a member
of the general staff, and in 1898 an infantry colonel. Was a mem
ber of the group in the French army counter-intelligence which
forged documents in order to incriminate Dreyfus (q.v.). In con
sequence of the Dreyfus affair was forced to resign. In 1912 re
ceived the command of a territorial regiment, but the protest
against this commission forced Minister of War Millerand to
resign. In 1914 he entered the service of the 16th light infantry
regiment. Died as a result of wounds suffered in the war.
pauline . See Herzl, Pauline.
pauncefote , t h e ladies . T he
reference is to the wife and daughter
of Julian, 1st Baron Pauncefote (1828-1902), English diplomat,
permanent undersecretary of the Foreign Office (1882), minister
to the United States (1889), first British Ambassador to the U.S.
(1893), who was raised to the peerage in 1899 for his services at
The Hague Peace Conference.
pavlovsk. Russian town a few miles to the south of St. Petersburg

(today Leningrad), with 30,000 inhabitants (in 1950).
peabody, george (1795-1869). American philanthropist. Acquired

great wealth and became famous as a generous supporter of
American colleges and the founder of housing projects for work
ing people. Up to the emergence of Carnegie, he was regarded
as the greatest philanthropist of his time.
peace conference . T he entry of June 13, 1899, refers to the Peace

Conference of the European powers initiated by Czar
Nicholas II (q.v.) of Russia.
peace societies .T he first peace society—for the purpose of pro

moting universal peace on a permanent basis among the nations
—on the European continent was founded in Geneva in 1830.
By the 1890*5 there were numerous peace societies all over
Europe.
p e e l , sir (1822-1895). English politician. Began his career

Ro b e r t
in the diplomatic service, but in 1850, upon his succession to
the baronetcy, entered the House of Commons as a liberal-
conservative. In 1855 became a junior lord of the Admiralty, in
1861 chief secretary to the lord lieutenant of Ireland.
pelikangasse , no . 16, in the 9th district of Vienna, was Herzl’s

home address.
or pelusiac p l a in . Marshy plain lying im

pelu siu m , plain o f ,
mediately east of the Suez Canal and south of the Mediterranean
seashore, named after the ancient city of Pelusium which was
located on the seashore some 25 miles to the south-east of Port
Said.
The London subway. It was called Penny Tube on

penny -tube .
account of the one penny fare charged on it.
pera . A district in the city of Constantinople.
pereires .The French-Jewish banking family of Pereire was estab

lished by Jacques (Jacob) Emile Pereire (1800-1875) and Isaac
Pereire (1806-1880). They gained a huge fortune by organizing
the Paris and St. Germain railroad and subsequent vast specula
tions. In 1852 they founded the Société du Crédit Mobilier,
built up trade between France and America, established steam
ship lines etc. In 1864 Isaac Pereire bought the so-called Tombs
of the Kings in Jerusalem which later (1886) was presented by
his family to the French government. Another important mem
ber of the family was Eugene Pereire (1831-1908), son of Isaac P.
pereires of London . A branch of the Pereire family settled in Lon

don. An outstanding member was Jonathan Pereire (or Pereira;
1804-1853), physician, professor of chemistry at the Royal Col
lege of Surgeons in London, author of important medical works.
perrault , Charles (1628-1703). French writer, known best for his

fairy tales for children, which include Cinderella, The Sleeping
Beauty, Little Red Riding Hood, Puss in Boots, etc.
Persian je w s in J eru sa lem . Persian Jews began to settle in Jeru
salem in the last quarter of the 19th century. In 1877 their com
munity was registered with the Turkish authorities. In 1929
there were 5,700 of them in the city.
pest; see Budapest.
pester lloyd . The leading daily paper in Budapest. It was con

servative as well as liberal, and, although printed in German,
had considerable influence in political and literary circles.
peter’s pen c e . Catholic charity named after St. Peter.
petrov (or p e t r o f f ).
General in the Bulgarian Army. Became head
of the Bulgarian government in January 1901, and again in May
1903, when he tried to establish friendly relations with Turkey.
A Turco-Bulgarian convention of little practical value was
signed in 1904. Petroff resigned in Novmber 1904.
PHiLiPPOPOLis(Plovdiv). Town in Bulgaria, on the Sofia-Istanbul

(Constantinople) railway line.
philippson , franz(1851-1929). Belgian Jewish banker. Son of Dr.

Ludwig Philippson, one of the first German Reform rabbis.
Settled in Brussels and founded a banking house bearing his
name. Took an active interest in Jewish affairs and was presi
dent from 1921 to 1929 of the Consistoire Centrale Israélite,
with which the Jewish communities of Belgium are affiliated.
He was also president of the Brussels Jewish community for
many years and of the I.C.A.
philosophical ta les .T itle of a volume of short stories (in the

original German Philosophische Erzahlungen) by Herzl, pub
lished in 1900 by Gebriider Paetel in Vienna, and again in 1919
by Benjamin Harz, Berlin-Vienna.
Piccadilly . Famous street in London, extending for about a mile
from Piccadilly Circus to Hyde Park Comer and skirting the
northern side of Green Park for some distance.
P ickwick club . Fictional club made famous by Charles Dickens’

“The Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick Club,” a humorous
novel (originally published in installments in 1836-37) describ
ing the misadventures of some 150 characters.
picquart , m . georges (1854-1914). Officer of the French General

Staff and head of the News Agency. He recognized and spoke up
for the innocence of Dreyfus (q.v.). Because of this, was sent to
Tunis, and arrested. Following Dreyfus’ exoneration, Picquart
became a Brigadier General, an officer of the Legion d’Hon
neur in 1906, and, from 1906 to 1909, minister of war.
(1781-1860). French finan

piLLET-w iLL, Michel -Frédéric , c o m te
cier, founded in 1818, together with Benjamin Delessert, the sav
ings bank of which he became one of the directors. In 1828 he
became a regent of the Banque de France. See Mallet.
Rumanian Zionist leader. Bom in Galatz, joined

pineles , samuel .
the ranks of the Hovevei Zion in the early 1880’s, participated
in preparatory work for the foundation of Zikhron Ya’akov and
Rosh Pinnah in Palestine. Participated in the First and subse
quent Zionist Congresses. Was member of the Actions Com
mittee.
pinsk. Town in White Russia, 220 miles due east of Warsaw.
pinsker , leo dr.(1821-1891). Russian Jewish physician who was

deeply involved in the cultural problems of the Jews of Russia.
For decades he advocated the acceptance of Russian language
and culture by the Jews, but the 1881 pogroms convinced him
that the Jews must seek a new remedy for their ills. His suggested
solution was contained in his German pamphlet Auto-Emancipa-
tion, published anonymously in 1882: the re-establishment of a
Jewish state, preferably in Palestine. Following the publication
of Auto-Emancipation, Pinsker became a leader of the Hibbat
Zion movement.
piNTURiccHio. Easel name of Bernardino de Betto Bagio (1454-

1513). Italian painter. Five of his frescoes adorn the Vatican.
Piraeus . City in Greece, five miles south-west of Athens whose har

bor it is.
piSTOiA. Italian town, north of Florence, with 34,000 inhabitants

(in 1950).
piTEsn. City in Rumania, at the foot of the Transylvanian Alps,

65 miles north-west of Bucharest. It is the capital of the admin
istrative region of the same name.
Pius x (1835-1914). Pope. Original name Giuseppe Melchiorre

Sarto. Following the death of Pope Leo X III in 1903, he was
elected supreme pontiff. He was beatified in 1951 and canonized
in 1954.
place de la Co n c o r d e . A place or square in Paris. One of the most

beautiful squares in the world, surrounded by magnificent
buildings. On the north of it are palaces with Corinthian colon
nades, the work of Jacques Gabriel. In its center is the Obelisk
of Luxor, and it is ornamented with the statues of the cities of
France (by Jacques Ignace Hittorf) and the fine horses of Marly
(by Antoine Coysevox and Guillaume Coustou). Its perspectives
are incomparable extending to the Palais Bourbon, to the Place
de la Madeleine, to the Champs Elysées and to the Jardin des
Tuileries.
Plato (427-347 B.c.). Greek philosopher.

pleh v e , Vyacheslav (1846-1904). Russian statesman. Assistant
minister of the interior, 1888-1902; minister of the interior,
1902-1904.
plevna . Capital of the Plevna district in Bulgaria. In the Russo-

Turkish war of 1877 the town was captured from the Turks by
the Russians and Rumanians.
plunkett , sir Francis richaro (1835-1907). English diplomatist.

Entered the diplomatic service in 1855 and rose to top positions.
Was envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Japan,
1883-87; Stockholm 1888-93; Brussels, 1893-1900; Ambassador
at Vienna 1900-05.
POBEDONOSTSEV, CONSTANTINE PETROVICH (1827-1907). Russian

lawyer and statesman. Published books on legal history. Was
from 1880 Head Procurator of the Russian Holy Synode. One of
the most influential people in Russia under Alexander III and
Nicholas II. He was a declared anti-Semite who was reputed to
have stated: “There is only one solution to the Jewish question:
one third of the Jews must be expelled, one third baptized, and
the last third executed.
POBORSKY (o r Viennese physician who ac

p o b o r s k i ), d r . l o u is .
companied Newlinski (q.v.) on his last trip to Constantinople.
In June 1928, Dr. N. M. Gelber, the well known historian of
Zionism, interviewed Dr. Poborsky in Vienna and learned from
him interesting details about Newlinski’s activities.
PODGORZE. Town in Poland, near Cracow.
POLACCO, Giorgio (1854-1902). Italian Jewish lawyer and diplo

matist. Was secretary and councillor of the Italian embassies in
Constantinople and Paris, and then was appointed envoy ex
traordinary and minister plenipotentiary in Sophia, Bulgaria.
Seeking a cure for the severe neurasthenia from which he suf
fered he went to Milano and committed suicide there on Decem
ber 9,1902.
Poland. In Herzl’s days Poland did not exist as a political entity.

It was divided up (since 1795) between Russia, Prussia (Ger
many) and Austria. In Poland was found the greatest concentra
tion of Jews in the world.
Viennese daily paper, published from

PO L iT iscH E korrespondenz .
1874 to 1915 by Ludwig Hahn and Benedict Fischer. Its trend
was moderate liberal.
pollak. Viennese Jewish wine merchant.
pollak, carl. Medical student and a member of the Unitas, a

Jewish students’society.
polna protest m eetin g . The reference in the October 13, 1899

entry is to the blood libel of Polna. In that Bohemian town a
Christian girl disappeared in 1899, and a Jew, Leopold Hiilsner,
or Hilsner, was accused of having murdered her for ritual pur
poses. He was arrested and tried. This event evoked embittered
protests among Jews of all lands. The trial of Hilsner took place
in the district court of Kuttenberg, and led to violent anti-Jew-
ish excesses in both towns. See Hiilsner.
Polyakov, samuel solom onow icz (1837-1888?). Russian Jewish

industrialist. Founded together with Baron Giinzburg (q.v.) a
fund for the propagation of industry and agriculture among the
Jews.
popper, baron berthold , de podhragyi (1857-1929). Austrian

Jewish large estate owner and main shareholder of the Galizisch-
Bukowinaer Holzindustrie (Galician-Bukovinan Tim ber In
dustry). Inherited his title from his father who was created a
baron in 1867. His first wife was Katharina Lôwenstein; his
second wife Mary Christensen from Copenhagen.
port said .Egyptian town, founded in i860, situated at the north

ern end of the Suez Canal. In the 1890’s it had a population of
37,000, including 12,000 Europeans (mostly Greek and French).
porter , Horace (1837-1921). American diplomat. After a career

in the army, became President Grant’s private secretary in 1867.
Following a period in business enterprise, he was appointed
U.S. Ambassador to France in 1897 in which capacity he served
until 1905.
posen .Town in Germany (today in Poland). Capital of the prov

ince of the same name, on the Warthe river, 149 miles east of
Berlin.
posheter yid . Yiddish expression meaning “simple Jew.”
potsdam . District and cityin Germany, in the province of Branden

burg in Prussia. The city lies 17 miles south-west of Berlin. In
it is located the palace which was the residence of the German
Kaisers.
POTTENSTEIN. Town and summer resort in Lower Austria.
POZNANSKi, Israel k . (1833-1900). Polish Jewish textile manu

facturer. Had the reputation of being the richest Jew in Russia.
Was bom in Lodz a year after his father Kalman P. settled there,
and joined his father’s textile business in 1851. In i860 he built
his own factory which soon grew to huge dimensions, employ
ing 7,000 workers. He also built a special residential quarter
for his workers, and a Jewish hospital in Lodz.
prag, J oseph (1859-1929). British Jewish communal leader, co
founder of the English Hovevei Zion and member of the Anglo-
Jewish Association.
Prague. In Herzl’s days, the capital of the Austrian province of

Bohemia, with a large and old Jewish community.
prater . A large park in Vienna.
pressburg (HungarianrPozsony). Today: Bratislava, in Czecho

slovakia. In Herzl’s days a Hungarian town; 35 miles east of
Vienna, on the banks of the Danube.
princes islands (in Turkish Kizil Adalar, or briefly, Adalar). Nine

small islands in the eastern part of the Marmara Sea, near the
Asian coast of Istanbul. T he distance between Istanbul and
Adalar is one hour by steamship. Five of these islands—Büyük
Ada (Prinkipo), Heybeli (Halki), Burgaz (Antigoni), Kinali
(Proti) and Yassiada (Navy base)— are inhabited. In Byzantine
history they served as places of banishment, today they are
suburban summer resorts for Istanbul.
pro Arm en ia . Bi-monthly magazine, founded in Paris in 1900. Its

editor-in-chief was Pierre Quillard, its editorial board consisted
of Georges Clémenceau, Francis de Préssensé, Jean Jaurès and
E. de Roberty. T he editorial secretary was Jean Longuet. In
1912 it changed its title and appeared as Pour les Peuples
d’Orient (For the Peoples of the Orient). In 1913 it resumed its
former title and was published under the editorship of Francis
de Préssensé and Victor Berard. It ceased publication at the
beginning of the First World War.
Hechler (q.v.) calculated that according to a

prophetic m o n th s .
prophecy made in 637/38, in the days of the Calip Omar (q.v.),
Palestine would be given back to the Jews in 42 “prophetic
months" of 30 years each. T he 42 "prophetic months" thus cor
respond to 1260 years which, added to 637/38, give the year
1897/98. The number 1260 as an apocalyptic time-span is evi
dently taken from Revelations 12:6 where a period of 1260 days
is foreseen after which the rule of the Beast (Satan) will be over
thrown. What Hechler did not take into account was that a
prophecy made in Omar’s days and, presumably, in his circle
would not refer to the solar year of 365 days of the Gregorian
calendar, but to the lunar year of the Muslim calendar which
consists of only 355 days each. If so, the resulting date would
have been 1862/63.
proust , Antonin (1832-1905). French politician. Became a deputy

in 1876; founded the journal Avenir diplomatique (Diplomatic
Future); was Minister of Fine Arts, 1881-82. In 1893 was in
volved in the Panama Affair (q.v.), but was acquitted. Most of his
published books deal with the fine arts.
psam tik(Greek Psammetichos). T he name of three kings of the

26th Egyptian dynasty. Psamtik I ruled 663-609 b .c .; Psamtik
II—594-588 b .c .; and Psamtik III—for six months in 525 b.c.
(1857-1899). German diplomat, bom in

pückler , karl count von
Neudorf, Germany. Legation councillor at the German Embassy
in Vienna; colonel.
P u n ch in ello . The Italian name (in French: Polichinelle) of a

puppet-play character.
quartier latin (Latin Quarter). The section in Paris inhabited

by students and artists on the left bank of the Seine.
QUEENSBOROUGH. Seaside town in Kent, England.

quirinal .One of the seven hills on which ancient Rome stood.
Since 1870 the royal palace was located on it.
RABBiNOWicz, e . w. (1852-1932). Bom in Russia, studied in Ger

many, settled in England where he became a printer. He was an
enthusiastic Lover of Zion, and in 1898 founded the first Hebrew-
speaking society, Hevrat Sfat Zion, in London. Was for years
chairman of the Jewish National Fund in Great Britain.
RABBiNOWicz, saul pin h a s (1845-1910). Polish Jewish Hovevei

Zionist and Hebrew author. Known as “Shefer” (the abbre
viation of his name). Translated into Hebrew the History of the
Jews by Graetz.
RABBiNowiTZ, deputy governor of the Jewish Colonial Trust. See

Rabinowitch, Julius.
RABiNoviTCH, ju l iu s . English Jewish financier. Governor's attorney

of the Board of Directors of the Jewish Colonial Trust in Lon
don.
radautz (Raduati, Radautsi). Town in Bukovina, Rumania, 90

miles northwest of Jassy.
RADOLiN, duke huco leszczvc ( 18 4 1—19 17). Prussian diplomatist.

Prussian envoy in Weimar, 1882; chief court and house marshall
of Frederick II (q.v.); German Ambassador in Constantinople,
1892-95, then in St. Petersburg, and from 1900 to 1910 in Paris.
rafaels. Banker in London.
RAGHiB bey . See Ragip Pasha, Sarica.

ragip pasha , sarica (1857-1920). Turkish court official. Entered
the service of the Sultan as a secretary in 1887. He rose to
the position of Confidential Chamberlain, and subsequently
achieved the rank of a Vizier with title of Pasha. At the restora
tion of the Constitution (1908) was removed from office,
deprived of his titles and ranks, and banished to an Aegean
island.
The name of an estate in County Clare in Ireland on

rah a l in e .
which in 1830-32 a very successful experiment was carried out
to give the workers a share in the profits. This is mentioned in
Dr. Franz Oppenheimer’s article published in the December
27, 1901, issue of Die Welt (p. 7).
ramadan or ramazan . The month of fasting in the Moslem calen

dar in which it is forbidden for the faithful to eat or drink any
thing, or to smoke, from sunup to sundown. The nights of
Ramadan were traditionally spent in feasting and in listening
to story-tellers and other performers in the cafés.
Town in Palestine, on the Jaffa—(today Tel Aviv—)

r a m le h .
Jerusalem railroad line, some 14 miles south-east of Jaffa-Tel-
Aviv. In Herzl’s days (1895-1904) it was a purely Arab small
town with a couple of thousand inhabitants.
RAMPOLLA, MARIANO, MARQUIS DEL TINDARO (1843-1913), was in

Herzl’s time Papal Secretary of State (1887-1903). As such, he
was friendly to France and opposed to the Triple Alliance of
Germany, Austria and Italy. Upon the death of Pope Leo XIII
(1903), he was one of the most prominent candidates to the
papal see, but Austrian interests opposed him.
rand . Abbreviation for Witwatersrand (q.v.).
rao ul ; see Auemheimer, Raoul.

Raphael (Raffaelle Sand; 1483-1520). Italian painter. His frescoes
adorn several halls of the Vatican, e.g. the Camera della Seg-
natura (Chamber of the Signature), and the corridors and
vaulted galleries fronting the Cortile di S. Damaso, known as
the Loggie di Raffaelle.
RAPOPORT, dr . Arnold (1840-1916). Austrian Jewish lawyer. Bom

in Tamov, Galicia. Was elevated into the ranks of nobility in
1890 with the title Edler von Porada.
RAPOPORT, semen iSAKoviCH (1858—?). Russian Jewish journalist.

From 1891 to 1914 lived in London as correspondent of the
Novosti, Nedyeli, Stovo, Strany, Ryech and Wistnyk Finansow.
Was on the editorial staff of the Russian Jewish weekly Woschod,
1891. Wrote articles on Jewish subjects. Was contributor to the
Russian Jewish encyclopaedia.
rappaport , dr. richard . Viennese Zionist. Advocated national*

Jewish political activity.
ratihabitio .Technical term in the Roman Law, meaning ratifi

cation, approval, esp. of an act performed on a person’s behalf,
but without his advance authorization, by another person.
(1831-1902). French writer, wife of

rattazzi, m arie stu d o lm in e
Urbano Rattazzi (1810-1873), daughter of Iren Thomas Wyse,
British diplomat (died 1862). Was exiled from France in 1853.
Following the annexation of the Savoy, she returned to Paris
and contributed to numerous periodicals under various pseu
donyms. Rattazzi died in 1873, and she was married again in
1877 to Louis de Rute, who died in 1889. She was the editor of
the Nouvelle Revue Internationale (New International Revue)
in Paris.
ravenna, felice (1870-1937). Italian Jewish lawyer. One of the

earliest Zionists in Italy; president of the Jewish community of
Ferrara. In 1933 became president of the Federation of Jewish
Communities of Italy.
Yiddish term, diminutive of the German Rad, wheel,

raydlikh .
meaning a group of people standing around in a circle.
rebbe .Yiddish for Rabbi. The title of the miracle-working rabbi,

called also the Zaddik, the central figure in the religious life of
the Hassidic Jews.
reclam ’s universal library (in German: Reclams Universal

Bibliothek). The German forerunner of the pocketbooks, about
31/2 by 5 inches in size, in which a huge amount of the classics
of German and world literature was available.
A church in the Muristan quarter of

redeemer , church o f t h e .
the Old City of Jerusalem (today in Jordan) built on a plot of
land given by Sultan Abdul Aziz to the German Crown Prince
(the future Kaiser Friedrich Wilhelm) in 1890. The building
was dedicated by Kaiser Wilhelm II (q.v.) in 1898 when he
visited Jerusalem.
red sea . The

sea between Arabia and Egypt, a branch of the Indian
Ocean. Its two gulfs at its northernmost end are the Gulf of
Suez and the Gulf of Aqaba (q.v.).
reeves . The
reference on p. 1067 is to the volume The Rothschilds:
The Financial Rulers of Nations, written by John Reeves and
published in London in 1887, and also in Chicago, by A. C.
McClurg & Co. (XIV, 381 pp.) in the same year.
REHOVOT. Agricultural colony (moshava) in Palestine (today in

Israel), some 13 miles south of Tel Aviv. Was founded in 1890
by members of the First Aliya. Its settlers engaged mainly in the
cultivation of grapes, oranges, almonds, field crops and olives.
It became economically well established within a short time
and with little outside help.
Viennese Zionist. Member of the editorial staff of Die

reich , a . h .
Welt (q.v.); secretary of the Zionist Congress Bureau. Was at
Herzl’s side in Edlach during his last days.
reich, dr. Em il . Hungarian Jewish author, historian and literary

historian, lived in Berlin, later in London. His English works
include a book on Hungarian Literature (London, 1898); one
entitled Foundation of M odem Europe (London, 1904), etc.
reichenau . Village in Lower Austria, a favorite summer resort

and spa, composed of the small localities Thalhof, Prein, Edlach,
Payerbach and others. It was in one of these, Edlach, that Herzl
died.
reichenberg. Austrian (today Czechoslovakian) town in Bohemia,

60 miles north-north-east of Prague.
(1860-1940). A director of the Union Bank

reich enfeld , m o r it z
of Vienna; cousin of Herzl's wife; designated by Herzl as one
of the executors of his will.
reichenhall ,or Bad Reichenhall. Town and resort in the Upper

Bavarian foothills of the Alps.
reichsrat . The Austrian parliament, which consisted o f two

houses, a House of Representatives, and a Herrenhaus, House
of Lords, or Upper House.
Reichstag. The official name of the Austrian parliament was

Reichsrat (q.v.). Occasionally, however, it was referred to also
as Reichstag.
reichsw ehr . Austrian semiofficial paper.

reinach , salomon (1858-1932). French Jewish historian of religion
and archeologist of great renown, published more than 70
volumes and thousands of articles on Greek and Gallic arche*
ology, prehistoric, ancient and modem art, philosophy, soci
ology, religion and history. Under the influence of the Dreyfus
case he began to take a special interest in religious problems.
His five-volume Cultes, mythes et religions was published from
1905 to 1923, and his Short History of Christianity in 1922.
reines , Isaac J acob (1839-1915). Russian rabbi and Talmudic

authority. Was rabbi in Lida, Russian Poland, from 1885.
Modernized the instructional methods in the Yeshivoth. Was
the founder of the Mizrahi Zionist party in Karlin in 1901, and
became its chairman. Played an outstanding role in the 1902
Minsk Zionist Conference and at the early Zionist Congresses.
Wrote and published numerous Talmudic studies.
REiTLiNGER, benno . French Jewish financier, residing in Paris.
REMBRANDT HARMENSZ VAN RIJN (or Ryn; 1606-1669). Dutch

painter and etcher. Lived in Amsterdam where he painted the
likenesses of numerous Jews.
renan , J oseph ernest (1823-1892). French Orientalist and his

torian who became famous all over Europe following the pub
lication of his Vie de Jésus (Life of Jesus; 2 vols., 1863). He
devoted several of his books to Jewish subjects, notably his five-
volume Histoire du Peuple d’Israël (History of the People of
Israel, 1877-93).
City and commune in France. Capital of the Ille-et-Vilaine

rennes .
department.
reshad . Mehmed Reshad Efendi (1844-1918). Younger brother

of Sultan Abdul Hamid II (q.v.) and heir to the throne. Abdul
Hamid disliked and feared him, avoided any contact with him,
and had him under constant surveillance. Following Abdul
Hamid's removal from the throne, Reshad succeeded him in
1909, taking the name of Mohammad V.
reshid . Nickname for Arminius Vàmbéry (q.v.).
reshid bey . Son of Reshid Pasha (q.v.).
reshid pasha . Son of Fuad Pasha (q.v.).
RESHOiM. Yiddish (originally Hebrew) term denoting evil people

and especially Jew-haters.
Turkish chargé d’affaires and consul-

resmi (resmy ) bey , a h m e t .
general in Vienna (1899). An upper class official.
rhagib bey . See Ragip Pasha, Sarica.
Rhodes, sir Ce c il (1853-1902). British financier and politician,

Minister of the Cape Colony. Was head of large South African
diamond mining companies. It was largely due to his work that
England became the dominant power in South Africa.
richelieu , armand je a n du P lessis de , Cardinal, Duc de (1585-

1642). French Cardinal (1622) and powerful Minister of Louis
XIII (reigned from 1614 to his death in 1643). Fought merci
lessly against the Huguenots and raised the power of the French
Kings to the highest level.
richter, eucen (1838-1906). German politician. Became member

of the North-German Reichstag, 1867, of the Prussian Chamber
of Deputies, 1869, and of the German Reichstag, 1871. Was
leader of the German liberal people’s party. Wrote several books
on political and economic subjects.
Ric h ter , dr. h ein rich m oritz ( 184 1—?). Austrian Jewish educa
tor. Professor at the Imperial and Royal Military Academy.
Published articles in the Neue Freie Presse.
RiCHTHOFFEN, baron Oswald von (1847-1906). German official;

secretary of the Foreign Office, 1900-1905.
Rica . Capital of Latvia, which in Herzl’s time was under Russian

domination, as it has been again since 1939.
RiPON, bishop o f ; see Boyd-Carpenter.
rishon LE-ziON. One of the first Jewish agricultural settlements in

Palestine, founded in 1882 by Bilu-pioneers from Russia. Eco
nomic ruin of the village was averted with the help of Baron
Edmond de Rothschild (q.v.) who established large wine cellars
in it, and helped it in other ways as well.
Riviera . Mediterranean coastal region, extending from Cannes,

France, to La Spezie, Italy. Famous resort area.
riza pasha , m eh m ed (1844-1920). Turkish marshal. Graduated

from the Military College and entered the army in 1866. Served
in many parts of the Turkish Empire. In the Turco-Russian
War (1877-78), as a Lieut.-Colonel, was taken prisoner by the
Russians. After the war became commander of a division in
Edirne, later headed the body-guard of the Sultan at Yildiz.
As such, became a favorite of the Sultan, and, in 1891, was ap
pointed minister of war, with the title of Serasker (Commander-
in-Chief), and was promoted to the rank of a marshal. Retained
his position for seventeen years, and became one of the richest
men of his time. After the 1908 revolution he was dismissed,
deprived of his ranks, his fortune was confiscated, and he was
banished. After the general amnesty he left Turkey and lived in
France and Switzerland until his death.
Correct spelling Rocca Serra, Charles de. Khédivial
ro cca sser a .
counsellor, legal adviser to the Egyptian government, residing in

Cairo.
(1839-1931). German professor of theology and

r o h lin g , a u g u s t
anti-Semite who attempted in his book Der Talmudjude (1871:

The Talmud-Jew) to prove that the Jews are commanded by
their religion to harm persons of other faiths. Following charges
that Rohling was an ignoramus and a fraud, made by Joseph
Samuel Bloch in the daily press, a trial took place in which
Rohling was accused by the most prominent Christian orien
talists of the day of ignorance and deceit. Before the last session
of the trial Rohling withdrew his charges and was thereupon
branded as an ignoramus and a perjurer, and was asked to resign
his professorship.
ROMiNTEN. Hunting lodge of Kaiser Wilhelm II in East Prussia.
roosevelt, Theodore (1858-1919). President of the United States

from 1905 to 1908.
rosebery, 5TH earl o f (Archibald Philip Primrose; 1847-1929),

K. G., K. T., P. C., J. P., LL. D., F. S. R., F. S. A. English states
man and author. Was a commissioner on Scottish endowments
1872; rector of the University of Aberdeen (1878-81); rector of
the University of Edinburgh (1882-83); undersecretary of state
for the Home Department (1881-83); commissioner of works
1884); secretary of state for Foreign Affairs (1886); member and
chairman (1888-90) of the London County Council; Prime
Minister (1894-95). Was leader of the Liberal opposition (1895-
96); Lord Rector (1899) and Chancellor (1908) of Glasgow Uni
versity. Author of biographies of William Pitt, Sir Robert Peel,
Napoleon, Lord Randolph Churchill, Chatham, etc. Married
in 1878 Hannah, only daughter of Baron Meyer de Rothschild.
rosebery , 6th earl o f (Albert Edward Harry Meyer Archibald
Primrose), K. T., P. C., D. S. O., M. C., LL. D., F. R. C. S. E.;
1882- ). Son of the former. English statesman. Secretary of
State for Scotland 1945; President of the National Liberal Party,
1945- 47•
Rumanian Hovevei Zionist. Bom in Tirgu-

rosenbaum , h e in r ic h .
Neamz. Was delegate from the town of Piatra to the third
Rumanian Hovevei Zion conference in 1897 in Galatz, in which
he reported about his meeting with Herzl, was elected delegate
to the First Zionist Congress, and member of the central com
mittee of the Hovevei Zion in Rumania. Towards the end of his
life he converted to Christianity. Died in Jassy during the First
World War.
Rosenbaum , s. (1877-?). English Jewish communal worker, co

founder of the Society for Jewish Statistics; member of the ex-
cutive of the Union of Jewish Literary Societies; lecturer in
physics, University College, London, 1901-03. Became statisti
cian to Joseph Chamberlain’s tariff commission, 1904. Worked
for the Jewish Chronicle on the Census of Aliens.
Austrian Jewish engineer and Zionist.

rosenbaum , dr . Siegfried .
Was instrumental in calling the first public Zionist meeting in
Vienna. Was delegate to the First Zionist Congress.
rosenberger , dr. erwin (bom 1875). Ship’s physician, author.

While a medical student in Vienna, Rosenberger was asked by
Herzl to join the editorial staff of Die Welt. He served as an
editor of Die Welt until igoo. Received his M.D. in 1903. Be
came a ship’s doctor in 1907. Since his retirement he lives in
Florence, Italy.
rosenfeld , DioNYS (1856-?). Jewish journalist, bom in Bukowina.

Converted first to the Greek Orthodox Church, later to Roman
Catholicism. Was editor and publisher of the Freie Osmanische
Post (q.v.).
rosenthal, moritz (1862-1946). Famous Austrian Jewish pianist,

pupil of Liszt.
roshe.Singular of Reshoim (q.v.). On p. 218 Herzl refers to the

German Kaiser as the Roshe.
rosner, dr. ignaz . AustrianJewish government official. Was under

secretary in the Ministry of Education in the Badeni government
from 1897.
R ossi. Italian actor.
rostkovski (or rostkovsky ) (P-igos). Russian diplomat. Was ap

pointed in 1901 to serve as Russian consul in Monastir (Bitoli,
in European Turkey), and was assassinated in Turkey in 1903.
rothfeld, samuel (1857—?). Hungarian Jewish writer and journa

list. Studied in Vienna and Paris. Was correspondent of the
Neues Wiener Tagblatt and the Pester Lloyd (q.v.). Was editor
of the Neues Politisches Volksblatt. His play, Affaire Thom-
Thilot, was performed in Vienna in 1882. His book, Tisza, seine
Partei und seine Gegner (Tisza, His Party and His Opponents),
was published in 1889 in Munich.
ROTHSCHILD, BARON ALBERT SALOMON VON (1844-1911). Head of the

Austrian branch of the banking house of Rothschild. Had a
country-estate at Gaming-Waidhofen, near Vienna.
Rothschild , Al f r e d Ch a r l e s(1842-1918). English Jewish

de
financier, 2nd son of Baron Lionel de Rothschild. Was for some
yean a director of the Bank of England. Trustee of the National
Gallery and of the Wallace Collection, Hertford House.
Rothschild , baron alph onse de (Mayer Alphonse James) (1827-
1905). Older brother of Edmond R., became head of the French
House of Rothschild in 1854.
Rothschild , baron edmond de (1845-1934). Head of the French

banking house of Rothschild, art collector and philanthropist.
When the early colonies, founded by the Biluim in Palestine,
encountered grave financial troubles, their representatives asked
and received help from Baron Rothschild. He spent huge sums
on the reorganization of Rishon le-Zion, Zikhron Yakov and
Rosh Pinna, and sent agricultural experts to guide the settlers.
All in all Rothschild donated some thirty million dollars for the
support or the creation of about forty settlements. He visited
Palestine five times and set up a tight administrative control over
the moshavot supported by him. In 1900 he handed over the
administration of “his” colonies to the Jewish Colonization As
sociation (q.v.) but continued to support them financially. In
1925 he organized the Palestine Jewish Colonization Associa
tion which thenceforth became responsible for the colonies,
under the direction of his son James. In 1929 he was elected
honorary president of the Jewish Agency for Palestine. In spite
of his unceasing interest in Palestine colonization and his finan
cial sacrifices for it, Rothschild remained opposed to the political
Zionism of Herzl whose efforts he regarded as dangerous and a
jeopardy for the future of the colonists. Only after the outbreak
of World War I were the successors of Herzl in Zionist leadership
able to win Rothschild over to Zionism.
Rothschild , dr. baron henri de ( i872-?). French Jewish physician.

Specialized in children’s diseases and published numerous re
searches in pediatrics. Another aspect of his work was the theater:
he was a recognized playwright. He founded several pediatric
institutes and the Pigalle theater in Paris.
Rothschild , Leopold de (1845-1917). Son of Lionel Nathan

Rothschild, English Jewish philanthropist.
ROTHSCHILD, LORD NATHANIEL MAYER (184O-I915). Head of the
English banking house of Rothschild and a Director of the Bank
of England. He was the first Jewish peer (was created a baron in
1885), was active in Jewish philanthropy, president of the United
Synagogue and one of the leading figures of British Jewry.
rouanet, Gustave Arm and (1855-1927). French socialist journalist

and politician. Contributed to numerous papers and periodicals,
among them the Petite Republique (Little Republic), L ’H u
manité (Humanity), Le Populaire (The Popular), Cri du Peuple
(Cry of the People), etc., and edited the Revue Socialiste (The
Socialist Review). Served as a municipal councillor in Paris from
1890 to 1893. Was secretary to Benoit Malon. Was a deputy
from Paris from 1893 to 1914. Was a member of the committee
of inquiry into the Panama (q.v.) affair in 1897. In 1902 spoke up
in the Chamber against the Armenian (q.v.) massacres.
rouet, Simon edouard (1847-1907). French civil servant, bom in

Constantinople. In 1865 became student-dragoman (secretary) at
the French Embassy in Constantinople; in 1868—temporary
secretary; in 1896 was charged with the functions of a secretary-
archivist; from 187010 1873 was assistant third secretary; 1873—
third secretary; 1878—secretary-archivist; 1880—second-class
dragoman; 1882—first-class dragoman; 1885—second dragoman
and second class consul; 1886—member of the Légion d’Hon-
neur; 1893—first-class consul; 1894—first dragoman of the Em
bassy; 1896—médaillon of honor; 1899—consul general. Upon
retirement from service in 1907, became an officer of the Légion
d*Honneur.
(1712-i778). French philosopher, main

rousseau, je a n -ja c q u e s
tained in his chief work, Le Contrat Social (Social Contract),
published in 1762, that Government exists by virtue of a tacit
agreement of every individual to abide by the General Will.
rouvier , ( pierre ) (1842-1911). French statesman.
Maurice
Founded the anti-imperialist paper L ’Égalité (1870); became
member of the National Assembly (1871); member of the
Chamber of Deputies (1876-1902), and of the Senate (1903-05).
Was minister of commerce and of the colonies (1881-82 and
1883-85). Was Premier in 1887 and 1905-06.
Rubinstein , anton (1829-1894). Russian Jewish pianist and com

poser. Was celebrated as a concert pianist, but received less
recognition for the music written by him.
ruete , said . See Said Ruete.
Rum ania , king o f . See Carol I.
r u m elia . The
Turkish name of the Balkan possessions of Turkey,
especially Thrace and Macedonia. T he Treaty of Berlin (1878)
established Bulgaria as an independent nation and Eastern
Rumelia (13,824 square miles) as a part of the Ottoman Empire
with autonomy. On Sept. 18, 1885, however, the people of East
ern Rumelia proclaimed unity with Bulgaria and the area was
immediately annexed by the latter.
Russian tow er on t h e m o u n t o f olives . On the Mount of Olives

(q.v.), to the east of the Old City of Jerusalem (today in Jordan),
there is a Russian monastery with a high tower, called in Arabic
el-Muskubiyya, the Muscovite.
russo. President of the Sephardi Jewish Community in Vienna.
A committee, founded in 1882 by the

Russo- J ewish c o m m ittee .
Anglo-Jewish Association (q.v.), for the aid of the Jewish immi
grants to England who had fled from Russia.
ruv blas. Hero of the drama Ruy Bias by Victor Hugo written in
1838. Ruy Bias is the valet of Don Salluste de Bazan. His master
introduces him to the court (the play takes place in the Spanish
court in 1699) as his kinsman. The queen and Ruy Bias are be
trayed into a compromising situation by Don Salluste. Ruy Bias
kills Don Salluste and then himself.
ruzicka. A Viennese Jew.
s. c. See Cohen, Salo.
sabbatai zevi (1626-1676), the false messiah, who first aroused

great hopes in the Jews of Turkey and other countries for a
return to Palestine, but then was apprehended by the Turkish
authorities and, in order to escape the death penalty, embraced
Islam in 1666. It seems that neither Friedrich Schiff nor Herzl
remembered correctly the century in which Sabbatai lived: it
was not the 18th ("the last century") but the 17th.
sabbatai zevi’s MARRANOS. By this term Herzl refers to the Donme

(Turkish: apostates), a Moslem-Jewish sect which numbered
about 10,000 in his days in Salonica. They were the descendants
of Jews who in 1686 converted to Islam under the influence of
Jacob Pilosof Querido, brother-in-law of Sabbatai Zvi and head
of the Sabbatian sect.
sachs, hans (1494-1576). German "meistersinger" and the author

of a large number of poems. He was used by Richard Wagner
(1813-1883) as the prototype of the principal character of his
humorous opera Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg.
sachs, SHLOMO yehuda (P-igo*). Wealthy Russian Jewish mer

chant in Dvinsk. One of the earliest Hovevei Zionists, donated
considerable amounts to the Jewish settlement work in Pales
tine. Member of the B’nai Moshe (q.v.), and founder of its
“Hillel” lodge in Dvinsk. Was a delegate to the First Zionist
Congress, and in 1899 member of the provisional committee of
the Jewish Colonial Trust.
sadagora. The town of Sadagora, located in Bukowina, a province

of Rumania, was the seat of a Hassidic rabbi of great fame who
was reputed to have the power of performing miracles.
sadrazam . Official Turkish title of the Grand Vizier.
Son of Ibrahim Bey (q.v.) bom ca. 1873, died

s a id i b r a h i m bey.
August 31, 1902, in Karlsbad, after an operation.
said pasha m eh m ed ,sumamed Kücük (Little; 1838-1914). Turk

ish Statesman. After having served at the Sublime Porte, was
appointed in 1876 First Secretary of Sultan Abdul Hamid (q.v.).
Was promoted to Vizier and appointed Senator, Minister of the
Privy Purse (1877), Minister of the Interior and of Justice, and
President of the Senate. In 1879 became Grand Vizier for the first
time with the title of Prime Minister. Was re-appointed to the
same post five more times (1880-85, 1895, 1901-03). Proved a
capable administrator and a powerful writer. Occasionally op
posed Abdulhamid’s policies. Following the restoration of the
Constitution in 1908 he became Grand Vizier for the seventh
time for a short period, and was thereafter appointed president
of the Senate. It was under his presidency that the National
Assembly removed Abdul Hamid from his throne. Thereafter,
Said Pasha was twice more Grand Vizier (1911-12) under the
constitutional regime. At his death he was again president of the
Senate. He published his autobiography in three volumes in
1910.
(1869—?). Bom at Hamburg, Germany, and baptized

s a id r u e t e
Rudolph Said Ruete; son of Rudolph Heinrich Ruete, a mer

chant and native of Hamburg, and Seyyida Sal me bint Said bin
Sultan, who after a somewhat dramatic elopement from Zanzibar
had married, at Aden, on the 30th March 1867. Seyyida Salme
was baptized in the English Chapel, Aden, immediately before
the marriage ceremony, with the name of Emily. Rudolph Said
Ruete was therefore the grandson of Seyyid Said bin Sultan
(1791-1856), Sultan of Oman and Zanzibar, and was a nephew of
Seyyid Barghash, Sultan of Zanzibar from 1870 to 1888.
Rudolph Said Ruete married Maria Theresa Mathias of
Cologne in 1901 and had one son (b. 1902 in Berlin) and one
daughter (b. 1910 in London). In 1906 he combined his second
forename with his surname, and became known as Rudolph
Said-Ruete. He bequeathed his library to the Oriental Institute
of Leyden University in memory of his mother. Princess Salme.
In April 1940 Said-Ruete was still living in England.
saint Bartholom ew ’s n ig h t . T he infamous massacre of the

Huguenots in France on August 24, 1572.
saint blasien .German town beautifully located in Baden, in the

Black Forest.
The place in Palestine referred to by Herzl as St. Jean

saint jea n .
is Ain Karim near Jerusalem (today Ein Kerem, belonging to the
municipality of Jerusalem, Israel), which is traditionally held
to be the birthplace of St. John the Baptist.
saint Moritz . Health and mountain resort in Switzerland.
T he famous square in Venice, Italy; one of

saint mark, square o f .
the most beautiful places in Europe.
saint pôlten . Town in Lower Austria.
saint Sophia , chu rch o f . See Hagia Sophia.
saint Steph en ’s ca th ed ra l . T he main Catholic cathedral church

in Vienna.
Salisbury , 3RD marquis o f , Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil
(1830-1903). British statesman, was Prime Minister in 1885-86,
1886-1892 and 1895-1902.
salo ; see Cohen, Salo.
SALONicA. Town in the Balkan Peninsula, in Herzl’s time in

Turkey, today in Greece. Following the immigration of
Sephardi Jews from Spain and Portugual at the end of the 15th
century, Salonica became the most important center of Sephardi
Jewish life. In Herzl’s days (end of 19th and beginning of 20th
centuries) the Jews represented the majority of the municipal
population. In 1934, of a total population of 240,000, no less
than 60,000 were Jews.
SALviNi, TOMMASO (1829-1921). Italian actor.
salz , dr . abraham (1866-1942). Galician Jewish lawyer and

Hovevei Zion leader. Practiced law in Tam ow and published
articles in the Lvov Polish Young Zionist weekly Przysylosc
(Future). Attended the First Zionist Congress, served on the
Actions Committee. Advocated piecemeal colonization. In 1899
founded the Galilean settlement Mahanayim which was aban
doned ten years later.
salzburc . Austriantown, capital of the province of the same name,

beautifully situated on the Salzbach, 87 miles south-east of
Munich (q.v.).
salz ram mergut . Alpine district in Austria, partly in Styria and

partly in the provinces of Lower Austria and Salzburg. In it are
found several resort towns.
samarow , gregor(1820-1903). Pseudonym of the German writer

Oskar Meding, who, from 1859 to 1866, served the last king of
Hanover, Georg V. He wrote Europàische Minen und Gegen-
minen (European Expressions and Counter-Expressions, 4 vols.,
1873-75); Die Rômerfahrt der Epigonen (The Rome T rip of
the Epigones, 3 vols., 1874); Um Scepter und Kronen (For Scep
ter and Crown, 4 vols., 1876); Hohen und Tiefen (Heights and
Depths, 1879-80); Memoiren zur Zeitgeschichte (Memoirs of
Contemporary History, 3 vols., 1881-84); Das Erbe Kaiser Wil
helm I (The Heritage of Kaiser Wilhelm I, 3 vols., 1903).
san Sebastian .Spanish seaside town on the Bay of Biscay, about

ten miles from the French border.
SANDERSON, 1ST BARON, THOMAS HENRY (1841-1923). British civil

servant. Rose to be Permanent Under-Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, 1894-1906. Hon. D.C.L. Oxford, 1907; Chair
man of the Committee on Indian Emigration to the Crown
Colonies, 1909-10; Chairman of the Council of the Royal Society
of Arts, 1911-13.
sandoz, ju les (1833-1916). Swiss educator and journalist. Was

principal of the school of the Société évangélique of France and
Hebrew teacher at the Mission House in Paris, 1857-60; head
master of the community schools of Neuenburg and professor
of the Auditoires, 1860-68; founder and editor of the Foyer
domestique, 1887; chief councillor, 1887-93; professor, 1892-96,
and thereafter journalist, in Constantinople. Author of La
vérité entre les extrêmes (1864: The T ruth Between the Ex
tremes); Le Père Suchard (1884: Father Suchard); and several
collections of poems.
Sandringham. Estate comprising 7,000 acres, in Norfolk, England.

In 1862 the Prince of Wales (later Edward VII) purchased it and
erected a mansion on it.
On May 30, 1806, Napoleon called to

sanhedrin of n a po l e o n .
gether an assembly of 112 French Jewish leaders. Their task was
to answer a series of questions put to them by the French govern-
ment, relating mainly to the attitude of the Jews to Christians.
Since this meeting, however, had no power to make decisions
binding on the Jews, Napoleon called a second meeting of 71
members (two-thirds of whom were rabbis), in emulation of the
ancient Jewish Sanhedrin which too had 71 members. This
synode, usually referred to as the Sanhedrin of Napoleon, met on
February 7, 1807, with the participation of only a few non-
French representatives. The Sanhedrin duly answered the
twelve questions put to it by the French government in a liberal
spirit in the form of resolutions pertaining mainly to a reconcilia
tion of the religious and civic duties of the Jews.
A governmental district in the Ottoman Empire. It was

sa n ja k .
administered by a Mutessarif (q.v.), and therefore also called
Mutessariflik.
san Michele a l l ’ADIGE. Italian town on the Adige river, near

Mantua.
Sassoon, sir edward albert (1856-1912). Vice-president of the

Anglo-Jewish Association (q.v.). Married (1887) Aline Caroline,
daughter of Baron Gustave Rothschild. Inherited the baronetcy
from his father, Sir Albert Abdallah David Sassoon in 1896. Be
came member of parliament in 1900 as a Conservative. Was a
friend of King Edward VII and used his influence for the benefit
of the persecuted Russian Jews. In 1902 became president of the
Sephardic Jewish Community of London. He endowed hospitals
and other philanthropic institutions.
saul ,the son of Kish, went forth to search for his father’s lost asses,
and found a kingdom, cf. 1 Sam. 9:1 ff.
savica ragip pasha . See Ragip Pasha, Sarica.
schaaffhausenscher ban KVEREiN . A banking house, founded in

1848 in Cologne, Germany. In 1914 it was absorbed by the Dis-
conto-Gesellschaft.
scHALrr, dr. isidor (1871-1954). Austrian Zionist. Bom in Russia,
studied in Vienna. Joined the Kadimah (q.v.) in 1888. Fought
several duels in defense of Jewish honor. Led a Zionist medical
mission in the Greco-Turkish War in 1897. Participated in the
First Zionist Congress and became the first secretary of the Zion
ist Executive Office in Vienna, 1897-1905. In 1900 wrote to
gether with Baroness von Suttner (q.v.) the statutes of the League
of Peace Organizations. Settled in Palestine in 1938. Died in
Tel Aviv.
schalit, leon . Jewish merchant residing in Riga. Participated in

a conference of Zionist leaders in Carlsbad. Was a delegate to the
First Zionist Congress in Basel, 1897.
schapira. Described by Herzl as a "bank note splitter."
scharf, Alexander . Founder and owner of the Viennese weekly

Wiener Sonn-und Montagszeitung.
schauer, dr. rudolf , (1870-c. 1925). German Jewish lawyer and

Zionist in Bingen am Rhein, later in Mainz. Participated in the
July 11, 1897 meeting in Bingen which marked the beginning
of the organization of German Zionism and at which it was re
solved to establish the Nationaljüdische Vereinigung für
Deutschland. Was delegate to the First Zionist Congress.
schaulen (Lithuanian Siauliai). Town in Lithuania (today

U.S.S.R.). In 1927 it had 22,000 inhabitants, half of them Jewish.
scheherezade. The heroine of the Arabian Nights who tells a

story every night to the Shah and promises to finish it the next
night. Thus, in spite of the Shah’s vow to put to death each
morning his wife of the night, she manages to stay alive for
1001 nights after which the Shah becomes convinced of her
faithfulness.
scheid , elie (1841-1922). French Jewish administrator, bom in
Alsace. Was the supervisor of Baron de Rothschild’s Palestinian
colonies from 1883—1900. Author of Histoire de Juives d'Alsace
(1877: History of the Jews of Alsace).
scheveningen .Town and seaside resort in the Netherlands. Part

of the commune of the Hague.
SCHIDROWITZ, samuel (1840-1917). Dr. Juris of the Vienna Uni

versity. Went to New York; in 1872 settled in London as cor
respondent of the Frankfurter Zeitung, Berliner Tagblatt,
Pester Lloyd, and Neue Freie Presse. Member of the editorial
staff of the Jewish Chronicle.
schiessl , franz baron von (1844-1932). Austrian civil servant.

Was director of the Emperor’s cabinet from 1899 to 1917.
The brother of Friedrich Schiff (q.v.), referred to by

sch iff , e .
Herzl as E. Schiff only.
sch iff , Friedrich , Paris correspondent of the Wolff Telegraphic

Agency.
sc h iff , J acob henry (1847-1920). American Jewish banker and

philanthropist. Came to the U.S. from his native Germany,
joined the banking firm of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., and became its
head in 1885. Was deeply interested in Jewish affairs, endowed
many Jewish institutions including the Jewish Theological
Seminary of America, the Technion in Haifa, etc., in addition
to general American cultural, scientific and educational institu
tions. During Herzl’s lifetime and for some time thereafter he
was sceptical as to the practicality of the Zionist endeavor, but
following the Balfour Declaration (1917) he gave his support
to Zionism.
schill , anton (1843-?). Austrian soldier and civil servant. Retired

from military service with the rank of major in 1867. In 1868
joined the staff of the railways. Worked as a journalist for the
Osterreichische Volkszeitung and the Beamtenzeitung. At his
retirement in 1901 he was chief controller of the Austrian North-
Western Railway.
SCHILLER, JOHANN CHRISTOPH FRIEDRICH (1759-1805). Great

German dramatist, poet, historian and philosophic thinker.
schlesinger. Herzl’s nickname for Arminius Vâmbéry (q.v.).
schlesinger, t h . h ., of Frankfort a.M. Acquaintance of Jacob H.

Schiff (q.v.).
SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN, PRINCE ERNST GUNTHER OF (1863-1921). His

sister, Auguste Viktoria Frederike Luise, was the wife of Kaiser
Wilhelm II (q.v.).
schneidewin, max pa u l ernst dr . (1843-1931). German educator

and author, was teacher (with the title Professor) at the high
school (Gymnasium) in Hamlin (Hameln), wrote books on
Greek philosophy and literature, astronomy, etc. The book re
ferred to by Herzl was entitled Die jiidische Frage im Deutschen
Reich (The Jewish Question in the German Reich), published
in 1894.
schnirer, dr. moses (Moritz Tobias; 1861-1940). Viennese Jewish

physician, co-founder of the Kadimah and of the Zion Society,
was Vice-President of the Zionist Inner Actions Committee. He
accompanied Herzl to Palestine in 1898, and witnessed the meet
ing between him and Kaiser Wilhelm II. Following Herzl’s
death Schnirer withdrew from Zionist activity.
schnitzler, Arthur (1862-1931). Viennese Jewish dramatist and

novelist whose fame was well established by the time he first
met Herzl with his plays Anatol (1893) and Liebelei (1895).
Many years later Schnitzler began to express himself on the
Jewish question, notably in his novel Der Weg ins Freie (1908)
and his drama Professor Bernhardi (1912).
schoeller , richard von (1871-1950). Austrian industrialist and

banker. Head of the Schôller industrial and banking house.
Played an important role in the economic life of Austria.
schoen , baron w il h e l m von(1851-1933). German diplomatist.

Chief court marshall at the Saxe-Coburg-Gotha court, 1896-99;
German minister to Copenhagen, 1900; ambassador in St. Peters
burg, 1905; secretary of state for foreign affairs, 1907-09; am
bassador in Paris, 1910-14. His memoirs were published in 1921.
SCHÔNBORN, count franz von (1844-1899). Archbishop of Prague

(1885), became Cardinal in 1889.
schonbrunn . Palace of the Austrian Emperors, situated in the 13th

district (Hietzing) of Vienna. Its building was started in 1696,
and completed in 1743-49, under Maria Theresa. It contains
1,441 richly decorated rooms and halls, a theater, a chapel, etc.,
and is surrounded by a huge French garden.
SCHÔNERER, GEORG ritter von (1842-1921). Became member of the

Austrian Reichsrat in 1873. In 1879 he founded the German
National Movement of Austria and launched its party organ the
Deutsche Worte. He fought against the Catholic Church and
Judaism in equal measure. In 1882 he broke into the office of the
Neues Wiener Tagblatt and was imprisoned as a result. From
1897-1907 he was again a member of the Reichsrat.
Schopenhauer , Arthur (1788-1860). German philosopher and

man of letters. The basis of his pessimistic philosophy was the
doctrine that the essence of all things is will.
Schrader , karl von (1848-1896). German court official. Royal

Prussian chamberlain and Master of Ceremonies. Married in
1872 Alide de Villers de Pité, daughter of the Royal Dutch
chamberlain Louis de Villers de Pité and Baroness Hortense de
Pitteurs. Was created a baron in 1889. Concerning the duel be
tween Schrader and Kotze, see Kotze, Lebrecht von.
SCHRÔKL. Viennese travel agency.
schub, m o sh e david (or Shoub; 1854-1938). Rumanian Jewish

pioneer. Settled in Palestine in 1882. Participated in the founda
tion of the agricultural settlement of Rosh Pinah and Mishmar
Hayarden. Died in Jerusalem.
Viennese Jew whom Herzl planned to make into

schulman, w o l f .
one of his representatives.
schutz, (1845-1908). Austrian journalist. Staff m e m b e r

Fried r ic h
of the Neue Freie Presse. Author of Das Heutige Russland (1897:
Russia Today).
schutzjuden, literally “protected Jews,” was the term designating

those Jews who, in the Middle Ages and in later times, enjoyed
the special protection of the king or prince or other govern
mental authority in certain European countries. The protection,
including right of residence, was granted to Jewish individuals
or groups, usually in return for substantial taxes or single pay
ments.
schwarzenberg. Austrian princely family, several of whose mem

bers played important roles in Austrian history. Their palace
and its surrounding garden were one of the famous sites of
Vienna.
(1850-?). Austrian Jewish journalist. Editor

sc H w rrz E R , dr. ludw ig
of the Neue Freie Presse in charge of economic and stock ex
change news.
Scutari. Town and prefecture in Albania. The town is situated
near the south-eastern end of Lake Scutari.
sebestyén , ede (1875—?). Hungarian Jewish journalist. Moved to

Budapest in 1892 and became a contributor to daily papers. In
1895 visited Russia and reported on it in the Pesti Hirlap. There
after worked on the editorial staff of several Budapest news
papers, and, after 1900, became interested in problems of the
nationalities in Hungary’s border territories. In 1903 he went
to Bucharest to study the life of the Hungarians in Rumania.
Published several books in Hungarian.
seder ,the Jewish religious ceremony observed on the first two

nights (in Israel on the first night only) of Passover in the home,
around the dinner table. It consists of the recital of the Haggad-
dah, and certain traditional rites in connection with items of
food.
seff , from the Hebrew Z’ev, one of the two Hebrew names of
Herzl (Binyamin Z’ev), used by him occasionally in signing his
letters.
seff , rabbi J oseph (1873?-!929). Rabbi in Stara Konstantin. Was

a delegate to the First Zionist Congress in Basel in 1897. Later
immigrated to the United States, and died in New York.
seidener , jo sef(1860-1942). Russian Jewish engineer. Was sent

to Palestine by the Hovevei Zion of Yekaterinoslav in 1891 to
buy land. Thereafter settled in Vienna and worked as director
of a local engineering firm. In 1920 returned to Palestine to
settle. Was a delegate to the First Zionist Congress and a member
of the Inner Actions Committee, 1897 to 1905.
sejera h . A model farm in the Lower Galilee in Palestine (today

in Israel), founded in 1899 by the Jewish Colonization Associa
tion. Many of its settlers were Russian converts to Judaism.
selamlik. Public procession of the Sultan to the mosque at noon
on Friday, with the participation of all the higher officials. On
both sides of the road military ranks saluted the Sultan on his
way to the mosque and on the way back. In a private section of
the mosque the Sultan and his Grand Vizier and Ministers re
ceived foreign guests, officials and generals, both before the
prayers and following them.
selicman, isaac (1834-1928). English Jewish Banker. Bom in

Germany, migrated to London where he founded, together with
his brother Leopold, the firm of Seligman Brothers of Austin
Friars. He was treasurer of the Anglo-Jewish Association from
1903 to 1927 and participated in communal affairs.
selim 1 (1467-1520). Turkish sultan. In 1517 he captured Cairo,

added Egypt to the Ottoman domain, transferred to Constanti
nople the puppet Abbasid Caliph whom the Mameluks had
maintained in Cairo, and thus acquired the caliphal privileges.
The title Caliph itself was absorbed by Selim’s successors.
semlin. Townin Yugoslavia. In the 1860s and 70’s it belonged to

Hungary and was known by its Hungarian name, Zimony.
semmering. Alpine pass and a mountain area with fashionable

resort towns, some 40 miles to the south-west of Vienna.
Sephardim and ashilenazim . Two of the three great ethnic divi

sions of the Jewish people (the third being that of the Oriental
Jews of the Arabic and Persian-speaking countries and of
Kurdistan). The Sephardim are the descendants of the Spanish
Jews (Sepharad=Spain) who, following their expulsion from
Spain in 1492 scattered all around the Mediterranean and
settled also in Western Europe, retaining everywhere their
Ladino (or Spaniolic) mother tongue. The Ashkenazim are the
descendants of Central and East European Jews (Ashkenaz=
Germany) who retained Yiddish (Judeo-German) as their
mother-tongue up to about a generation ago.
Serbian royal co u ple . King Alexander I Obrenovich and his

wife, Queen Draga of Serbia, were assassinated on June to, 1903.
sereth -suczawa .Two towns situated at a distance of 25 miles

from each other, on the Suczawa River, in Bukowina, Rumania.
In Herzl’s days both had a considerable percentage of Jews
among the inhabitants.
sergius (sergiy) Alexandrovich , Grand Duke of Russia (1857-

1905). Son of Alexander II. Organized archaeological excava
tions in Jerusalem, excelled in the Russian Turkish war in
1877. Was assassinated in Moscow.
shabbes . Yiddish for Sabbath.
shabbes goy . Yiddishterm for a gentile who performs, in the home

or in the synagogue, on Saturdays and holidays, those small
chores which Jews are forbidden to do by traditional Rabbinical
law.
SHAMMES. Yiddish term (from the Hebrew Shammash) meaning

factotum, synagogue-servant, beadle.
sh eik h ul -islam(in modem Turkish spelling Seyh ul-Islâm). The

Grand Mufti, arranger and commentator of the laws of Islam
and head of the Mohammedan hierarchy under the Caliph
(Sultan) in the Ottoman Empire. He was the chief of the reli
gious dignitaries and second ranking governmental authority
after the Grand Vizier. He was appointed by the Sultan and
functioned as the minister of state for justice, for instruction
in religious law and institutions, and for pious foundations. See
Cemaleddin Efendi.
shekel. The name of the membership dues in the Zionist Organi
zation, introduced by the First Zionist Congress in 1897. The
term was taken from the name of the ancient Hebrew coin.
shepheard’s h o tel in ca iro . In Herzl’s days, and for decades

thereafter, the most elegant, cosmopolitan hotel in the Egyptian
capital.
Turkish official, on the staff of the Turkish

sherian effendi .
Embassy in London in 1902.
SHiPYAGiN, d. s. Russian statesman. Minister of the Interior 1899-

1902. Assassinated in 1902.
shlemazeln.Yiddish term (from the German schlimm — bad, and

the Hebrew mazzal—luck), meaning bad luck, misfortunes.
shnorr. Yiddish expression meaning beggary.
shnorrer. Yiddish expression m e a n in g beg g ar.
shükri pasha, (bom ca. 1875), son of the Turkish Minister of War,
military attaché in Vienna in 1903, with the title of general.
siemens, johann georg von (1839-1901). German businessman.

Became director of the Deutsche Bank (German Bank) in
Berlin, 1870. Was repeatedly member of the Prussian Chamber
of Deputies and of the German Reichstag, from 1874, where he
belonged to the national-liberal, later the liberal, faction.
sieyès, emmanuel -jo s e p h(1784-1836). French publicist and

theoretical politician during the French Revolution. Was one
of the three consuls, later senator of the Empire.
Simon, josef (P-192Ô). President of the Viennese Jewish Com

munity.
sim onyi , ivan de siMONvi and vARSÂNYï (1838-1904). Hungarian
lawyer, editor, author and member of parliament, lived in
Pressburg. In 1872 he founded an anti-German paper, Westun-
garischer Grenzbote (published in German), together with the
famous Hungarian novelist, Moritz Jokai, and the Hungarian
Jewish politician, Eduard Horn. Later the paper became anti-
Semitic in its tendency. In 1878, 1881 and 1886, Simonyi was
elected member of the Hungarian parliament with an anti-
Semitic program. He published several books in Hungarian and
German on the Jewish question and on anti-Semitism.
Sinai peninsula . Peninsula of desert and rocky mountains in

north-eastern Egypt, bounded in the north by the Mediterranean
Sea, in the east by Palestine (today Israel) and the Gulf of Aqaba
(q.v.), in the south-west by the Gulf of Suez, and in the west
by the Suez Canal (q.v.). In Herel’s days it was practically un
inhabited (the estimated population was 16,000), and to the
present time it has remained largely so. (In i960 the entire ad
ministrative division of Sinai had a population of about 50,000.)
Resident of Coblenz. Published an attack on Herzl in

singer , dr .
the July 17, 1897, issue of the A llgemeine Israelitische Wochen
schrift.
singer , isiDOR (1857-1927). Austrian-Jewish economist, was ap

pointed 1891 professor at the University of Vienna. Specialized
in social statistics and problems of emigration. He founded, to
gether with Kanner, the periodical Die Zeit which, in 1902,
became a daily, and was strongly opposed to the Hapsburg
government.
American Jewish newspaperman. Bom in Hun

singer , m ich a el .
gary, immigrated to the United States in 1892. Editor of
Toleranz (q.v.), author of the book Jiidisches Blut: Erzahlungen
(Jewish Blood: Short Stories: Budapest, 1891 ; Prague 1897).
singer, paul (1844-1911). German Jew, who became in 1878 a
member, and soon thereafter, a leader of the German Social
Democratic Party. In 1884 he was elected member of the Reichs
tag and in 1890 chairman of the Social Democratic Party.
singer, Simeon (1848-1906). Rabbi. From 1879 to 1906 rabbi of the

New West End Synagogue in London. He translated into Eng
lish the Hebrew prayer book (Authorized Daily Prayer Book,
1891), and helped Sir Samuel Montague in 1892 to draw up the
Hovevei Zion petition for colonization in Transjordan, sub
mitted to the Turkish Sultan.
singer, Wilh elm (1847-1917). Austrian Jewish journalist. Started

out as an actor, but became a journalist in Vienna since 1868.
With the Debatte, then with the Neues Fremdenblatt, then with
the Presse for a number of years. In 1880 he became the Neue
Freie Pressed chief correspondent and representative in Paris
where he made a stir in political and social circles and was
awarded the Legion of Honor. Returned to Austria in 1891
and became editor-in-chief of the Neues Wiener Tagblatt. He
was known for his interesting letters from Paris, for his court
room reportages, and his incisive drama criticism.
siRBON (variants: Sirben, Serbon, Sirbonia). Ancient name of

Sabkhet el-Bardawil, a lake or lagoon between Pelusium (q.v.)
and El Arish (q.v.), separated from the Mediterranean by ban
of sand, in the northern part of the Sinai Peninsula (q.v.).
SMOLENSKi (or sm olen sk in ) per ez (1842-1885). Hebrew poet and

author. One of the earliest protagonists of the Jewish national
idea and co-founder of the theory of Jewish nationalism.
Founded the Hebrew periodical Ha-Shahar (The Dawn) in
Vienna in 1868. In it he fought both orthodoxy and assimilation.
He regarded the Hebrew language as the main instrument for
safeguarding the future of the Jewish people. In 1882 he par
ticipated in the founding of Kadimah (q.v.).
Smyrna (today Izmir). Turkish town and seaport, capital of the
vilayet of Izmir, ca. 210 miles south-south-west of Istanbul (see
Constantinople), on the west coast of Anatolia (q.v.).
The name used by Herzl in his Judenstaat (q.v.)

society of je w s .
to designate the organization which he envisaged as the future
representative of the Jewish people. Within a year he realized
it by creating the Zionist Organization.
soeur anne . Heroine of the Perrault story about Bluebeard. Anne,

the sister of Bluebeard's seventh wife, was stationed by her at
the window in order to watch for the arrival of their brother
whom they called in order to save Anne’s sister from the murder
ous intents of Bluebeard.
Yiddish expression (from the Hebrew) meaning end, upshot,

sof .
outcome.
Sofia . Capital of Bulgaria.
Sofia , ch ief rabbi. At the time of Herzl’s visit the Chief Rabbi of
Bulgaria was Dr. Dankowitz (appointed 1886).
SOFIENSAAL. A concert and dance hall at 17 Marxergasse, Vienna

3. Was built in the middle of the 19th century and is in use to
this day.
Solom on , Solomon J oseph (1860-1927). British Jewish painter,

took active interest in Jewish cultural affairs. At the time of
Herzl’s first London visit (1895) he was president of the
Maccabeans. In 1918 he became president of the Royal Society
of British Artists. Among his best-known works are portraits of
Herzl, Israel Zangwill, Solomon Schechter, Heinrich Graetz,
etc.
solon in lydia . One of the Philosophical Tales (q.v.) of Heizl
which he also reworked as a play. The play was performed a
single time at the Konigliches Schauspielhaus (Royal Theater) in
Berlin.
sonnenschein, Rosa (1847—?). American Jewish journalist, short

story writer and editor. Bom in Moravia, came to the U.S. in
1869. Became editor of the American Jewess, published first as
a monthly then as a quarterly in Chicago and N ew York. Became
an enthusiastic supporter of Zionism and was a delegate to the
First Zionist Congress.
sonnenschein, siEGMUND (1861-1959). Austrian Jewish civil

servant. Was secretary in the Ministry of Railroads; since 1888
editor of the Zeitschrift für Eisenbahnen und Dampfschiffahrt
(Journal of Railroads and Steamship Traffic). Was created a
knight by Emperor Franz Josef with the surname von Solvis.
sosKiN, (1873-1959), Palestine agricultural expert.

S E L ic eugen
Participated in 1903 in the El Arish expedition. At the 7th
Zionist Congress was appointed to the Palestine Committee of
the Zionist Organization. Edited, together with Franz Oppen
heimer (q.v.) and Otto Warburg (q.v.), the periodical Altneu-
land. Advocated the establishment in Palestine of small private
farms with intensive cultivation.
SOURSOUK or sursuk . Name of a Greek family in Beirut, Lebanon,

the largest land owner in Palestine in Ottoman times. In the
Plain of Jezreel alone it had 230,000 dunams, cultivated by
some 4,000 fellahin. The Sursuks acquired this area from the
Turkish authorities in 1872 for the ridiculously small price of
8 piasters per dunam. From 1921 on they sold it to the Jews for
£4 per dunam, or 121^ times the purchase price.
south Africans in Lo n d o n . T he reference is to the Zionists from

South Africa who were settled in London, e.g., L. Kessler (q.v.),
J. L. Goldreich (q.v.), and others.
Southampton . County borough in England, Hampshire.
spaniolic . See Ladino.
Speid el , ludwig (1830-1906). Austrian Jewish journalist and

literary, musical and theatrical critic. Settled in Vienna as cor
respondent of the Allgemeine Zeitung, 1855. Became the theater
critic of the Neue Freie Presse in 1872, and also served as the
paper’s literary editor until the latter position was given to
Herzl.
spencer , Herbert (1820-1903). English philosopher, exponent of

the modem philosophy of evolution. Author of Synthetic
Philosophy (ten volumes) and numerous other works on ethics,
sociology, etc.
spielhagen , Friedrich (1829-1911). German author. Wrote a

great number of optimistic and sometimes extravagant novels,
with a marked preference for the treatment of social problems.
Made some translations from French and English, including
American poets. His best known work was Problematische
Naturen (Problematic Natures, i860) which supported the
liberal politics of his time.
Spinoza , baruch (Benedictus; 1632-1677). Dutch Jewish philos

opher.
spitzer , albert . An acquaintance of Herzl’s mother.
spuller , eugene(1835-1896). French politician and publicist who

advocated a reconciliation between the Moderate Republican
Party and the Catholic Church. This was referred to as the
esprit nouveau (new spirit).
j. a . Russian statesman, was Rus

ssinovyev (sinoviev , zinoviev ),
sian ambassador in Constantinople from 1898 to 1909.
staal, baron ceorces Frederic de (1822-1907). Russian diplomat.
Ambassador to Germany. Author of Correspondance diplo
matique; 1884-1900, (1929).
CTAATSBÜRGERZEITUNG. Berlin daily paper with an anti-Semitic

tendency.
staffe , baroness de(née Soyer). French writer on etiquette. Au

thor of Usages du monde: Règles du savoir-vivre dans la Société
moderne (Usages of the World: Rules of Conduct in Modem
Society.) First edition 1889; second revised, corrected and
augmented edition, Paris: Flammarion, 1899.
Stamboul . Daily paper published in French in Constantinople.

Established in 1868 under the name of Levant Times and Ship
ping Gazette was bought in 1876 by the Hanley brothers who
changed its name to Stamboul. It was subsidized by the French
embassy in Constantinople. It was closed twice by the govern
ment because it criticized the Turkish administration (1877)
and published irreverent statements about the German Kaiser
(1888). Regis Delbeuf (1895-1911) and Pierre le Goff (1913—
1945) were its editors-in-chief. It did not appear during World
War I, but following the armistice of Moudros (1918) it was
published again, and it continues to the present time under the
name of Istanbul.
stand, dr. adolph (1870-1919). Galician Zionist. Headed the

movement in Lvov since 1896. From 1895 to 1897 served as
editor of Przyszlosc (Future). He founded the important Rocznik
Zydowski (Jewish Yearbook). In 1907 was elected to the Austrian
parliament where he served until 1911. For several years was
member of the Greater Actions Committee.
stanislav (Polish Stanislawow). Town in Galicia, Austria. In the

1890’s it had 22,000 inhabitants of whom 12,000 were Jews.
Stanley , henry morton (1841-1904). American journalist, was
sent in 1869 by the New York Herald to Africa to find the famous
explorer, Dr. David Livingstone, who had disappeared. Stan
ley’s book, How I Found Livingstone, was published in 1872,
and created a stir not only in America but also on the European
continent.
stead , w illia m thomas (1849-1912). English journalist, devoted

advocate of the peace movement. Edited numerous periodicals
and other publications. Assistant editor (1880) and editor (1883)
of the Pall Mall Gazette, Review of Reviews (1890); Borderland
(1893-97). Author of books on spiritism, Russia, religion, the
United States, etc. He was drowned en route to New York when
the Titanic sank.
stein , ludwic (1859-1930). Rabbi and philosopher. Bom in Hun

gary, became lecturer, 1886, and professor, 1889, of philosophy
at the Zurich Polytechnical Institute; professor at the University
of Bern, 1890; lecturer at the Humboldt-Academy in Berlin,
1911-24. Published a considerable number of books on philo
sophical issues, among them one on The Jews in Contemporary
Philosophy (1925). Was a member of the German Pro Palaestina
Committee.
steinamanger (Hungarian Szombathely.) Town in Hungary,

capital of the Vas province.
steinbach , dr . gustav (1848-1906?). Austrian journalist. Law

school graduate. After working on the Deutsche Zeitung and the
Neues Pester Journal he became an editor of the Neue Freie
Presse, specializing in parliamentary and domestic affairs. He
also wrote a pamphlet on the Hungarian Constitution.
steiner , Hein r ic h . See York-Steiner, Heinrich
Stephens , george henry (date of birth unknown, died 1927).

English engineer, engaged on construction of railway, harbor
and irrigation works in India, 1879-86; in England, America,
West Africa and the West Indies, 1887-97. Was Superintendent
Engineer of the Assiout Barrage, Egypt, 1898-1903.
stern, Alfred dr . (1830-1918). Viennese Jewish lawyer, member

of the Vienna municipal council (where he opposed the Chris
tian Socialists headed by Lueger), and member, and later presi
dent, of the Viennese Jewish Community Council. He was an
opponent of Jewish nationalism.
stern, bernard( 1867—?) Austrian Jewish journalist and orientalist.

Was correspondent of the N eue Freie Presse in Constantinople,
and published several books on contemporary Turkey, among
them A bdul Hamid II: Seine Familie und sein Hofsstaat (Abdul
Hamid II: His Family and Court; Budapest 1901); Jungturken
und Verschwôrer: Die innere Lage der Tiirkei unter Abdul
Hamid II (Young Turks and Conspirators: T he Internal Situa
tion of Turkey under Abdul Hamid II; Leipzig, 1901); Der
Sultan und Seine Politik; Erinnerungen und Beobachtungen
eines Joumalisten (The Sultan and His Policy: Reminiscences
and Observations of a Journalist; Leipzig, 1906), etc.
Stevenson, francis sev m o u r (1862-1938). English politician,

Member of Parliament, 1885-1906. Vice-president and later
president of the Anglo-Armenian Committee.
Subtitled Der Alpenbote. Jewish controlled

steyrer ta g bla tt .
paper published from 1889 to 1915. It had a small circulation
and limited influence.
steyrermühl . Large steel mill in Steiermark, Austria.
stiassny, (1842-1910). Austrian Jewish architect,

Wil h e l m
founder of the Wiener Bauhiitte (1862), member of various
municipal and governmental bodies as well as of the presidium
of the Viennese Jewish community. He built several synagogues
and Jewish communal buildings.
stiehler . Music director in Gôrlitz, Austria.
stocker , adolf (1835-1909). German evangelical court preacher

and politician, particularly concerned with the social problems
within the church. In 1878 he founded the Christlich-soziale
Partei in opposition to the Social Democrats. He was also known
as an anti-Semite.
Sto ck h o lm . Capital of Sweden.
storch , Ludwig (1803-1881). German Christian author, whose

novel Der Jakobsstem (Messiade) was published from 1836 to
1838 in four volumes.
stourdza (or sturdza), prin ce d em eter (Dimitrie) (1833-1914).

Rumanian statesman. Prime minister of Rumania in 1895-96,
18 9 7- 99, and 1901. One of the leaders of political liberalism in
Rumania.
(Strasbourg). City on the Rhine river, belonged to

strassburg
Germany in Herzl’s days. In 1919 it was recovered by France.
straus, oscar solomon (1850-1926). American Jewish diplomat

and civic leader. Was U. S. Minister to Turkey 1887-98 and
1898- 1900. In 1902 was a member of the Permanent Court of
International Arbitration at The Hague. In 1906 became Secre
tary of Commerce and Labor in the Roosevelt Cabinet. Was
president of the American Jewish Historical Society.
strousberg , bethel henry (original name Baruch Hirsch Straus-

berg; 1823-1884). German Jewish financier and railroad builder.
Converted to Christianity in his youth. Built railroads in Ger
many, Russia, Rumania and Hungary. Was member of the
North German Reichstag for three years. Difficulties with the
Rumanian government led to his ultimate downfall. While in
Moscow he was arrested, charged with fraudulent bankruptcy
and found guilty. He died in poverty and degradation.
sturdza. See Stourdza.
Stuttgart. German city. Became in 1945 capital of Württemberg-

Baden.
styria. Austrian Province. Its capital is Graz.
suarez. An Egyptian Jew.
sublime po rte . The common term for the old Ottoman Govern
ment. It is derived from the Turkish designation for the central
office of the empire, "High Gate,” which, in turn, was derived
from the palace gate at which justice was administered.
suczawa. See Sereth—Suczawa.
Sudan. Herzl's reference is to the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, to the

south of Egypt. It become an Anglo-Egyptian condominium in
1899; independent in 1956.
suez canal . T he canal cutting through the isthmus which joins

Asia and Africa and connecting the Mediterranean and the Red
Seas, thereby providing a direct water-route between Europe,
North Africa and Western Asia on the one hand, and East Africa,
South Asia, East Asia and Australia on the other. It was built
in 1859-69 under the supervision of Lesseps (q.v.). It is a lock
less waterway, 105 miles in length.
suffield, 5TH baron , Charles harbord (1830-1914). English

soldier and court official. Following a military career became
Lord-in-Waiting to Queen Victoria, 1868-72; Lord of the Bed
chamber to the Prince of Wales, 1872-1901 ; Lord of Waiting in
Ordinary to H.M., 1901.
Sulzberger , mayer (1843-1923). American Jewish jurist and

Hebrew scholar. Was admitted to the Pennsylvania bar in 1865,
appointed judge of the Philadelphia Court of Common Pleas
in 1895, presiding judge from 1902 to 1915. Published studies
on ancient Hebrew law, and was prominently identified with
Jewish charities.
Sunday t im es . London weekly paper, conservative, founded in

1822.
County in England, on the English Channel, south

Su s s e x . of
London.
SUTTNER, BARONESS BERTHA VON (1843-1914) Was bom COUnteSS

Kinsky in Prague, married Baron Arthur Gundaccar von Sutt-
ner. She was a co-founder, with her husband and others, of the
Viennese Society to Combat Anti-Semitism, and wrote many
books and articles championing pacifism. Her novel, Ground
Arms! was translated into English. She was President of the
World Peace Association, and received the Nobel Peace Prize
in 1905. She was of great help to Herzl, assisting him at The
Hague and making contacts for him in the political and social
world. Her impressions of Herzl are recorded in her Memoirs
(1910).
suzzara , Alexander ritter von (1846-1905). Austrian civil

servant. Was section head at the Austrian Foreign Ministry in
Vienna.
sw eet waters . The popular name of two streams which run into
the sea near Constantinople. The one on the European side is
properly called Kdfcithane deresi (Barbyses) and runs into the
Golden Horn (q.v.); the other, on the Asian side, is the Gôksu
(Aretas), and runs into the middle part of the Bosporus (q.v.).
The banks of both are used for picnicking and outings, while
the rivers themselves are favored for pleasure boating.
swift’s a tale o f a t u b . Jonathan Swift (1667-1745), English

clergyman, poet, political writer and satirist, best known today
for his Gulliver's Travels, wrote A Tale of a Tub in 1696 or
1697 but it was not published until 1704. It deals with cor
ruption in religion and learning. Its main heroes are three
brothers (that is, the three churches, the Roman Catholic, the
Anglican (or Lutheran) and the Calvinistic) whose father left
each of them a coat and a will with instructions how to take care
of the coats so that these should last a lifetime.
Syria. An Arab country. In Herzl’s days part of the Ottoman

Empire. Today part of the United Arab Republic. Its capital
is Damascus.
syrkin, nachman (1867-1924). Russian Jewish writer and Zionist

leader. Studied in Berlin and Zurich. In Berlin he became the
guiding spirit of a group of Russian Jewish émigrés. He was a
socialist, but rejected assimilation and preferred Hebrew over
Yiddish. After a period of Territorialist sympathy (1905-09)
he became the representative of the newly formed Poale Zion
(Socialist Labor Zionist) party within the Zionist movement.
He wrote a considerable number of studies and articles (in
German, Russian, Yiddish and Hebrew) on the problems and
issues of socialist Zionism.
szicHEN, count . It does not become clear from the context (see p.
972) whether Prime Minister Koerber referred to Count Odon
Széchenyi (q.v.), pronouncing his name in an abbreviated form,
or to Count Szécsen von Temerin, who was secretary in the
Austro-Hungarian embassy in Bucharest in the 1890’s, section
head in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs until 1901, and later
(190 1-1911) Ambassador to the Papal See.
széchenyi , count ÔDÔN (1839-1922). Son of the great Hungarian
statesman, Count Stephan Széchenyi. Earned a sea-captain’s cer
tificate, then devoted himself to the reorganization of the Hun
garian firemen. In 1874 moved to Constantinople, organized a
fire-brigade and became its commander and an aide to the
Sultan.
széll , r Almân (1845-1915). Hungarian statesman. Minister of

finance, 1875; prime minister 1899-1904. His main achieve
ments were the organization of social insurance for agricultural
laborers and household workers, and the establishment of state
children’s asylums.
szeps , dr. Moritz (1834-1902). Austrian Jewish newspaperman.

Published and edited the Wiener Tagblatt.
TAAFFE, count eduard (1833-1895). Austrian statesman. In his

early youth was a playmate of the future Emperor Francis
Joseph I (q.v.). In the state’s service since 1852. Minister of the
Interior and of Education, March 1867; Minister of Defense,
Dec. 1867; Prime Minister, 1870-71; again Minister of the In
terior, then Governor of Tirol; a third time Minister of the
Interior, 1879; and from August 1879 to 1893 again Prime
Minister. His program of “reconciliation of the nationalities”
failed because of the exorbitant demands of the German-
clericals, Poles and Czechs.
tabak ( = tobacco ) street synagogue in p e s t , was one of the larg

est in Europe. The house in which Herzl was bom adjoined the
synagogue.
ta ba k tra ffik . Austrian state-licensed tobacco shop.

tabarin. Sixteenth century French comedian who fought his comic
battles on the stage armed with a wooden sword.
tabarin. A comedy by Herzl in one act, written in 1884. It is based

on a sketch by Catulle Mendès. Was performed with success in
New York, with the famous actor Mitterwurzer in the title role.
tachard, albert . French politician. Was minister plenipotenti

ary (probably during the French-German peace negotiations),
and minister of government for defense in Brussels. Was mem
ber of the Chamber of Deputies from Haut Rhin in the first
assembly after 1870-71.
tachles.Yiddish expression (from the Hebrew takhlit), meaning

purpose, gist, practical end.
tahsin bey ( pasha ) (c.i86o-c. 1935). Turkish statesman. Entered

the civil service as a clerk to the Sublime Porte; later became
Director of Correspondence at the Ministry of the Interior, then
at the Ministry of the Navy. He married the granddaughter of
Grand Vizier Mahmud Nedim Pasha (q.v.). Lutfi Aga (q.v.)
helped him to become first secretary of Sultan Abdul Hamid
(q.v.) in 1895. In 1902 he attained the rank of a vizier with the
title of Pasha. He was a loyal confidant of the Sultan and con
centrated much authority in his hands. With the rise of his rival,
Izzet Pasha (q.v.), he lost his influence. After the 1908 revolution
he was removed from office, deprived of all his rank and rights,
and banished. Following the general amnesty he returned to
Istanbul where he passed his last years in poverty.
tak bey. Misspelling by Herzl of the name Faik Bey (q.v.).
taksim caroens. Taksim is the name of a ward in Pera (Turkish:

Beyoglu) a section of Constantinople, situated on a hill. On its
main street there is a municipally maintained public garden for
recreation and pastime, commanding a fine view of the Bosporus.
This is the Taksim bahçesi (Taksim Gardens).
tale of th e three rings . The reference is to the Tale of the Three

Rings contained in the poetic drama Nathan der Weise (Nathan
the Wise, 1779) by Gotthold Ephraim Lessing (1729-1781): a
father who loves equally his three sons, has two copies made of
the precious ring in his possession, and gives on his deathbed one
ring to each son. Each of the sons believes that he got the original
ring. Similarly with the three faiths of Judaism, Christianity
and Islam.
TALiANi, Em ilio (1834-1907). Italian cleric. Was created titular

archbishop of Sebaste and apostolic nuntius to Vienna in 1896,
and cardinal in 1903.
talles. See Kittel and tailes.
TALLEYRAND-PERIGORD, CHARLES MAURICE DE (1754-1838). French

diplomatist. Studied for the priesthood, was consecrated bishop
of Autun in 1789. He joined the Republicans, and in 1790 was
elected president of the national assembly. From 1797 to 1799 he
was Minister of Foreign Affairs. Recognizing Napoleon (q.v.) as
the coming man in France, he supported him, and was reap
pointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. Up to 1807 he remained
very close to Napoleon, but thereafter a coolness developed be
tween them, and in 1808 Talleyrand secretly joined a Royalist
committee. In 1814 he placed himself at the head of a provi
sional government and as such procured Napoleon's abdication,
and helped Louis XVIII regain the throne of his ancestors.
Under Louis Philippe he became Ambassador to London (1830-
35)-
tanagra .Excavations in the ancient Greek town of Tanagra in

Boeotia (now called Gremada) have brought to light many
beautiful painted terra cotta draped female figures from six to
nine inches in height. These are known as Tanagra figurines.
tancred. The title of one of the historical novels of Benjamin

Disraeli, Lord Beaconsfield (q.v.). The novel’s hero is the
Crusader Tancred (1068?-1112).
tannhâuser. The well-known music drama by Richard Wagner.
Taptschi CRESPi. T a p c h i , or, more precisely, to p c h i , means artillery

man or gunner in Turkish. “Gunner Crespi” is Herel's way of
expressing, in a single ironic phrase, his opinion of Eduard
Crespi (q.v.).
tarboosh. Arabic term for the fez, the brimless cylindrical red
cap worn in Herzl’s days all over the lands of the Ottoman
Empire, and today still popular in Egypt.
tarnassi, francesco (1850-1902). Italian cleric. Named Apostolic

Intemuncio in Holland and Luxemburg on October 24, 1896.
Recalled from that post in 1899; kept his title and lived in
Rome until his death.
tarnopol (t er n o po l ). Town in the Ukraine, 80 miles east-

southeastof Lvov.
tarnow. Town in Galicia, 40 miles east of Cracow. In Herzl’s days

belonged to Austria, today to Poland.
tartuffe. Hero of Molière's comedy Tartuffe, about the self-

seeking adventurer who hides his greed behind a mask of piety.
taubin, george . See Vogel trial.
TAUSSIG, THEODOR, r it t e r von (1848-1909). Austrian Jewish

financier. Was director, 1874, and governor, 1908, of the Vienna
Bodenkreditanstalt. Was head of the Austrian Lànderbank and
banker to Emperor Franz Josef I (q.v.). He carried out the
nationalization of the Austrian railways, developed mining and
Danubian shipping. The negotiations about a loan to the Rus
sian government conducted by him precisely at the time of the
1904-05 Russian pogroms, evoked a bitter storm of protest in
the Jewish public. He was for many years member of the council
of the Viennese Jewish community.
taxim gardens. See Taksim Gardens.
taylor , lady ja n e (1830-1920). English society woman.

hay
Daughter of the 8th Marquis of Tweeddale, married Sir Richard
Chambre Taylor, G. C. B. (1819-1904) in 1863.
Village on the shores of the lake of the same name in

tegernsee .
Upper Bavaria, Germany.
The reference is to the episode in Friedrich

t e l l ’s second arrow .
Schiller’s drama Wilhelm Tell in which Tell holds a second
arrow in readiness to use on the tyrant if the latter’s command
to shoot the apple from his son’s head should result in the
child’s death.
t e m ps . Paris daily newspaper.
territet . Swiss resort town near the Lake of Geneva.
tevfik pasha , a hm ed (1845-1936). Turkish statesman. The last

Grand Vizier. Was secretary of the Turkish Embassy in Florence,
Italy, 1872, then was sent to Vienna and to Berlin, and as first
secretary to Athens. Became chargé d’affaires in St. Petersburg
(1876-77) and diplomatic adviser during the Turco-Russian war
(1877-78) at the Turkish general headquarters. Was Turkish
minister at Athens (1883-85), ambassador in Berlin (1885-95),
and minister of foreign affairs (1895-1909). During the military
revolt against the constitution was appointed Grand Vizier, and
thereafter was sent as ambassador to London (1909-14). Follow-
in the armistice he became twice Grand Vizier (from 1918 until
the abolition of the Ottoman Sultanate, 1922).
teweles, Heinrich (1856-1927). Jewish theater director, writer,

critic and editor, lived in Prague where he was director of the
Deutsches Landestheater (German theater) and editor of a
German newspaper. His friendship with Herzl began when the
latter’s play Seine Hoheit (His Highness) was performed in
Prague (in 1888).
tezrere or tezr er eh . A short note or letter, a billet; a passport (for

inland travel); any document issued by the government to clear
people from some responsibility such as a soldier’s discharge, a
tax receipt, a license or permit of any kind.
River in England, emptying into the North Sea. On its

Th a m e s .
banks is situated London.
therapia (tarabya ). Suburb north of Constantinople on the Euro

pean side of the Bosporus.
thirty-one decrees in the shade, 410 in the sun (p. 756). These
centigrade degrees correspond to 87° F and 105° F respectively.
thon , osiAS (1870-1936). Polish rabbi and Zionist. Organized the

first Zionist circle of orthodox youths in Lvov and edited the
first Zionist leaflet, Der Vecker (1888). Studied at the university
of Berlin and at the Berlin Hochschule fiir die Wissenschaft des
Judentums. In 1897 he became chief rabbi of Cracow and re
tained this position until his death. Upon Herzl’s appearance he
got in touch with him and the two men became close friends.
In Poland he built up the Zionist Organization; was a delegate
to the Zionist Congresses. In 1919 was elected to the Polish Sejm.
thorn . City in West Prussia (today in Poland).
Count of T hun and Hohenstein (1847-

t h u n , duke franz anton ,
1916). Austrian statesman. Member of Parliament 1879-81;
upon his father’s death succeeded him in the Austrian Upper
House (1881). Governor of Bohemia, 1889-96 and 1911-15;
Prime Minister of Austria 1898-99.
Tiberias . Town in Israel, on the western shore of Lake Tiberias

(Sea of Galilee).
City in Georgia in the Caucasus. Today capital of

T iFL is (Tbilisi ).
the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic.
Tigris river . One of the two great rivers of Mesopotamia (the other
being the Euphrates), today Iraq. On its banks is located
Baghdad.
of London. The largest daily paper in England.

tim es , t h e ,
Founded 1788 (as Daily Universal Register in 1785).
TiscHENDORF, paul a. (1847-1914). German diplomat.

von .
Entered the diplomatic service as Dragomatseleve (interpreter-
apprentice) at the German consulate in Constantinople, in
1872; became interpreter there in 1872 and second embassy
dragoman in 1876. In 1886 he became German consul in Jeru
salem, consul-general in 1898, and consul in Algiers in 1899.
tischmann , “ pater PAULUS.” Polish Jew who converted to Catholi

cism, and became a priest.
n s z A , count istvân (1861-1918). Hungarian statesman. Elected

to parliament in 1886; prime minister and minister of the in
terior, 1903-05; again prime minister, 1913. Was assassinated in
Budapest by revolutionary soldiers who considered him the chief
instigator of the First World War.
tittoni, tom maso (1855-1931). Italian politician and diplomatist.
Was elected deputy in 1886 and remained a member of the
Chamber for eleven years. In 1902 became senator, in 1903
minister of foreign affairs. In 1906 was appointed ambassador to
London, but within a few months was recalled to serve again as
foreign minister. Was ambassador to Paris, 1910-1916, and in
1919 again foreign minister, then president of the Senate. From
1929 to 1930 was president of the Italian Academy.
toeppen, kurt .German adventurer, originally from East Prussia.

Lived in German East Africa where he married an Arab girl
and became a Mohammedan.
tohu-bohu or TOHUWABOHU. Approximate transliteration of the

Hebrew words tohu wavohu, found in the Book of Genesis 1:2
and meaning "unformed and void." Used in German to desig
nate chaos, or chaotic conditions.
toleranz. German Jewish weekly, published in New York, of

which only a few issues appeared in 1897 before its title was
changed to Der Zionist. Its editor was Michael Singer (q.v.).
Tlostoy , count Leo (1828-1910). Russian novelist, moral philoso

pher and social reformer.
While Herzl remembered correctly the gist of the

tom sa w y er .
episode about the fence in Mark Twain’s Tom Sawyer, he erred

on details. The incident took place on Saturday, and the fence
Tom Sawyer had to whitewash belonged to his Aunt Polly.
tombs of th e kings in J er u sa lem . These tombs are, in all prob

ability, those of Queen Helene of Adiabene who converted to
Judaism and died in Jerusalem in the ist century c .e ., and of
her family. They are located in the northern part of the new city
of Jerusalem in Israel.
The gun factories adjoining Galata in Con
to ph a n e (t o p ha n e ).
stantinople. They were founded by Sultan Mehmed II, the Con
queror, after the capture of the city. In the past the premises also
served as the headquarters of the Grand Master of the Artillery.
Also the adjacent district of Constantinople was called Top
Hane.
torah .The Hebrew name of the Five Books of Moses (the Penta
teuch).
to u lo n . French town and seaport on the Mediterranean.
tow er of David , or citadel , located next to the Jaffa Gate of the

Old City of Jerusalem. Tradition ascribes its original building
to King David (cf. Song of Songs 4:4). In fact, the foundations
of the Citadel were built by Herod in 20 b .c .e . In 70 c .e . the
Citadel was occupied by Roman legions. In Turkish times it
was rebuilt and enlarged to its present dimensions. Today in
Jordan.
Transvaal question . Transvaal is the northern province of the

Union of South Africa. The Transvaal question about the turn
of the century resulted from the recognition by Great Britain
of the independence of Transvaal, controlled by Boers, in 1881.
In subsequent years, the discovery of gold on the Witwatersrand
attracted many foreigners (Uitlanders) who became increasingly
dissatisfied because of taxation without representation. The
Jameson (q.v.) raid precipitated matters, and after unsuccessful
negotiations between the British Cape Colony and the independ
ent Transvaal (called the South African Republic) the South
African War started (1899). The Transvaal was annexed by
Great Britain in 1900 and peace was concluded in 1902.
Transylvania . In Herzl’s day the eastern part of Hungary. Since

1920 part of Rumania.
trautenau. Town in Bohemia, Austria.
niEVES. Town in the Rhine province of Prussia, Germany, on the

Moselle river.
Trieste. Seaport and city in Austria (today in Italy). Situated on

the Istrian Peninsula at the head of the Gulf of Trieste, on the
Adriatic Sea, about 70 miles north-east of Venice.
treetsch, davis (1870-1935). German Jewish writer and Zionist.

Lived in New York from 1893 to 1899. Joined the Zionist move
ment and took part in the first Congress. He opposed Herzl's
political Zionism and advocated instead immediate colonization
in a “greater Palestine” which would include Cyprus (q.v.) and
El Arish (q.v.). He edited a periodical, Volk und Land (People
and Land), was a co-founder of the Jüdischer Verlag and the
periodicals Ost und West and Palastina. He wrote several books
and many studies dealing mainly with Palestine.
triple alliance . The alliance concluded between Austria-

Hungary and Germany in 1879, to which Italy became a party
in 1882. It was a defensive alliance directed in the first place
against Russia.
planned Italian annexation of. The Italian plans to annex

tripo li ,
Tripolitania were not realized until after the Tripolitan War

of 1911-12. Today Tripolitania is one of the provinces of the
Kingdom of Libya.
tschlenow, dr . (1864-1918). Russian Jewish Zionist

y e h ie l
leader. Became an active Hovevei Zionist in 1891 and following
the appearance of Herzl one of the leaders of Russian Zionism.
At the 6th Congress he was sharply opposed to the consideration
of the British offer of territory in East Africa (Uganda) and
wrote a book on the subject entitled Zion and A frica. From 1913
to his death was a member of the Inner Actions Committee.
tu b in i . See Lorando-T ubini Affair.
tuileries ,the French royal palace (up to 1871) in the center of

Paris. The site has been converted into a public garden.
turhan (turkhan ) pasha , hüsnü (1846-?). Turkish diplomat.

Scion of an Albanian family. Graduated from the Law Faculty
of Athens. Entered the Turkish foreign service in 1866. Became
secretary of the Turkish Embassy in St. Petersburg in 1867; in
1874 was sent to Berlin as first secretary. In 1877 was appointed
Turkish Minister to Rome. For some years served as governor
in Anatolia. In 1886 was sent as Turkish Minister to Madrid. In
1894 became minister of foreign affairs with the rank of a vizier,
and in 1895 Governor-General of Crete. After the 1908 revolu
tion he became President of the Council of State and Senator,
then Ambassador in St. Petersburg (1909-1913). After the in
dependence of Albania he went there and was appointed Prime
Minister of the new state in which capacity he served until
World War I.
Turkish debt or dette o t to m a n e . After the Crimean War the

Ottoman Empire borrowed heavily from European states or
banks. Part of the proceeds was spent on the rehabilitation of
the country, but most of it was squandered by the Sultans.
The Turkish government suffered a financial collapse, and, in
1875, half of the interest on the debt was repudiated. Sultan
Abdul Hamid (q.v.) refused to raise a new loan, and, following
the Berlin peace conference, an agreement was reached for the
payment of the debts and the interests to representatives of the
foreign creditors (1881). Thereupon the “The Public Debt Ad
ministration” was set up in Constantinople for the administra
tion of certain taxes (revenue-stamp, hard liquor, fishing, salt,
tobacco, silk). This office was privileged and the Turkish gov
ernment had no control over it. It was directed by a board of
directors composed of one Turkish commissar and the repre
sentatives of the bondholders of foreign countries. The Public
Debt Administration was liquidated by the treaty of Lausanne
in 1923.
In the summer of 1901 Turkey became

turkish-french c o n fl ic t .
embroiled in a conflict with France over its failure to recognize
an obligation to French subjects. Thereupon France occupied
the Island of Mytilene, but recalled its navy in November 1901
following Turkey’s acceptance of the obligation.
Turkish jew s in Vien n a . Herzl’s reference is to the Sephardic Jews

in Vienna many of whom or whose ancestors came from Turkey.
turow, Isaac (1850-1929). German Jewish journalist. Bom in

Poland, settled in Germany in 1874, became an early leader of
the Hovevei Zion movement. His Zionist brochure, Wo Hinaus?
Mahnwort an die westeuropaischen Juden (What Way Out? A
Warning to West-European Jews) was published in 1891 under
the pseudonym Paul Dimidow. Attended the First Zionist
Congress.
Tyrol (or Tirol ). Province in the western part of Austria.
udine. Italian town, capital of a province of the same name, 83

miles north-east of Venice. Was regained by Italy from Austria
in 1866.
Uganda, a territory in east-central Africa, British protectorate since

1894. It has an area of 93,981 square miles, including 13,680 sq.
miles of water. As late as 1944 Uganda had less than 4 million
inhabitants, including only 2,553 Europeans.
ucanda pro jec t .In 1903 the British Government through its
Secretary for the Colonies, Joseph Chamberlain (q.v.), offered
the Zionist Organization the establishment of an autonomous
Jewish colony in Uganda in British East Africa. The offer, when
presented to the Sixth Zionist Congress (August 23-28, 1903),
provoked a grave crisis, and split the Congress into two opposing
factions: most of the delegates from Central and Western Europe
approved the plan; most of those from Eastern Europe opposed
it bitterly as a betrayal of the Zionist cause. Herzl, already ill,
fought for the project while declaring it as merely a station on
the road to Zion. Finally the Congress resolved to send an ex
pedition to Uganda with the understanding that it would not
be financed by the Zionist Organization.
ucron , Gabor (1847-1911). Hungarian politician and orator. Be

came member of parliament in 1872. Reorganized the Independ
ence Party.
The Duchy of Ujest was established in 1861

u je s t , duke o f .
through an order of the royal cabinet, out of the domains of the
house of Hohenlohe-Ohringen in Upper Silesia. The head of
the house in Herzl’s days was Christian Krafft, 5th Prince zu
Hohenlohe-Ohringen, Duke of Ujest (1848-1926).
umberto 1(1844-1900). King of Italy. Succeeded his father, Victor

Emmanuel II (q.v.), to the throne of Italy in 1878; was shot and
killed by an anarchist in 1900.
The famous anti-slavery novel by Harriet

uncle t o m ’s cabin .
Beecher Stowe, published in 1852, which dramatized for millions
of Americans the central moral issue of slavery.
unitas . Viennese Jewish students’ association.
united services magazine . Founded in London in 1829 under the

title The United Service Journal and Naval and Military Magar
zine. In 1842-43 its title was The United Service and Naval and
Military Journal. From 1843 to 1890 it was continued as Col-
born’s United Service Magazine, and from 1890 to 1920 as The
United Service Magazine: A M onthly Review of All National
Questions. After 1920 it was incorporated into the Army
Quarterly. T h e article referred to by Herzl in the January 4,
1901, entry in the Diaries was published in the January 1901
issue, no. 866, pp. 356-64, entitled “Cyprus for German East
Africa. A Fair Exchange," signed by Oakleaf. At the time Arthur
Williamson Alsager Pollock was the editor of the Magazine.
university in J e r u s a l e m . Herzl’s letter to the Sultan, dated May

3, 1902, contains the first mention of the idea of a Jewish uni
versity in Jerusalem. Subsequently the plan was discussed at
several Zionist Congresses. T h e Eleventh Congress (Vienna,
1913) resolved to begin preparatory work for the establishment
of the university. T h e cornerstone of the Hebrew University was
laid in Jerusalem on July 20, 1918.
A comedy in four acts by Herzl. W ritten in 1898;

unser k â tch en .
published in 1899.
unterach a m a t t e r s e e . Austrian resort town on Lake Alter, 25

miles east of Salzburg.
unter den l in d e n . One of the main fashionable thoroughfares of

Berlin.
unterwalden . One o f the cantons o f Switzerland.
(1863-1941). Russian Jewish engi

ussishun , m e n a h e m m e n d e l
neer and Zionist leader. Was a leader of the Russian Hovevei
Zion, and under Herzl’s influence, joined political Zionism.
Was delegate to several Zionist Congresses; opposed the East
Africa project. Was Chairman of the Zionist Commission to
Palestine in 1919, member of the Zionist Executive, 1920-23.
From 1922 to his death was President of the Jewish National
Fund. By “Lex Ussishkin” (cf. p. 797) Herzl refers to the motion
made by Ussishkin at the Second Congress that the words “Pales
tine and Syria” be substituted for “Orient” in the statutes of the
Jewish Colonial Trust as the definition of the territory of the
Trust’s activity.
VÂm béry , A R M iN iu s (1832-1913). Hungarian Jewish Orientalist

and traveler. Bom of Orthodox Jewish parents, studied in his
youth several Oriental and European languages. In 1857 went
to Constantinople, where he became a secretary of Fuad Pasha
(q.v.) and accepted Islam. In 1861 the Hungarian Academy of
Sciences sponsored his field trip to Central Asia, the ancient
homeland of the Hungarians. Disguised as a dervish, and calling
himself Reshid Effendi, he visited, amidst great hardships and
personal dangers, Persia, Khiva, Bokhara and Turkestan, re
turning to Budapest in 1864. Soon he went to London where
his knowledge of Central Asia made him a celebrated figure in
the scholarly, social and diplomatic worlds. Back again in
Budapest, he adopted Protestantism and was appointed pro
fessor of Oriental Languages at the university, a post he held
until his retirement in 1905. In his frequent travels to Turkey
and England he carried out many diplomatic missions, and
became a personal friend of Sultan Abdul Hamid II (q.v.) and
King Edward VII (q.v.). As such he was able to render important
services to Herzl which the latter duly recorded in the Diaries.
VÂm béry , rustem (1872-1948). Son of Arminius Vâmbéry (q.v.).

Hungarian criminal lawyer and statesman. Became member of
the law faculty of the University of Budapest, 1902; full pro
fessor and dean, 1919. Was a member of the 1918 Hungarian
National Council which was in control of the state for a short
time. Was Hungarian minister to Washington 1947. In 1948
asked and received political refuge in the United States. Died
in New York. Wrote several studies on Hungarian criminal
law.
van.Town in Turkey, on the south-east shore of Lake Van, 150

miles south-east of Erzerum, capital of the vilayet of the same
name. In 1895 and 1896 much of its Armenian population was
massacred by the Turks.
vasfi bey. Secretary to General Shiikri Pasha (q.v.) with the title
of captain.
VASVÂR. Town in Hungary, some 20 miles from the Austrian

border.
Venezuelan en ta n c lem en t . In Nov. 1902 England and Germany

presented an ultimatum to Venezuela as a result of the failure of
the Venezuelan government to fulfill certain demands of British
and German subjects. T he ultimatum was not honored and
several Englishmen and Germans were arrested in Caracas.
Thereupon England and Germany attacked the Venezuelan
fleet and blockaded the Venezuelan coast. T he conflict was sub
sequently settled by the International Court of Arbitration at
The Hague.
Venice. The reference on p. 39 is to the democratic constitution

of the Venetian Republic, which Herzl planned to use as a
prototype for the Jewish State envisioned by him.
veroorova. Small Rumanian town on the left bank of the Danube,

on the (old) Hungarian border.
verdy du vERNOis, ju l iu s von(1832-1910). Prussian soldier and

statesman. After a military career, became governor of Strass*
burg, 1887; Minister of War, 1889-90. Wrote a considerable
number of military studies.
v e r k i. A small town in Poland, six miles due north of Vilna.
verne , ju l e s(1828-1905). Popular French novelist who antici

pated, in fictionalized form, many of the subsequent technologi
cal developments.
Versailles . Town in France. Capital of the Seine-et-Oise depart

ment 11 miles south-west of Paris. Famous for the Royal Palace
and gardens located in it.
Vespucci, Amerigo (1452-1512). Italian navigator. Reached the

American mainland in 1497, that is a year before Columbus.
via dolorosa , the street along which, according to Christian tradi

tion, Jesus carried the cross to Calvary. T he present-day street
level is several feet higher than that of the street nineteen cen
turies ago.
victor Em m anuel h (1820-1878). King of Sardinia, 1849-61; of

Italy 1861-78.
victor Em m anuel h i (1869-1947). King of Italy. Succeeded his

father, Umberto I (q.v.) who was assassinated in 1900, abdicated
in favor of his son, Umberto, in 1946.
viger , albert (1843-1926). French statesman. Was Minister of

Agriculture from 1893 to 1899.
vilna . In Herzl’s days Vilna was the capital of the Vilna gover-
norate which formed part of Russia. Upon the independence of
Lithuania, Vilna became its capital.
VINCENT!, KARL FERDINAND RITTER VON (1835-?). Pseudonym: C. VOn

Verden. Austrian journalist. Was editor-in-chief of Heimat
(Fatherland), and editor for British affairs of the Neue Freie
Presse. Wrote several novels. Was created Reichsritter (imperial
knight) in recognition of his services. Author of many feuilletons
and essays on art, also a prolific lecturer. Also published a num
ber of novels and novellas, many with an exotic background.
viola (originally Veigelstock), m ik sa . Hungarian Jewish journal

ist. Lived in Budapest, and published also a number of books
(some in Hungarian, most of them in German), mostly novels,
short-stories, travel books and memoirs.
visontai, soma (1854-1925). Hungarian Jewish lawyer, politician

and journalist. From 1892 to 1905 was member of the Hungarian
parliament. He edited the professional journal Vasût (Rail
road), wrote a book entitled Az Uzsorârôl (On Usury, 1883).
Vitebsk. Town in White Russia, 150 miles north-east of Minsk.
Vladimir, grand duke o f Russia (1847-1909). General and

governor-general.
vogel trial . George Taubin, a Russian Zionist, died in Vienna

shortly prior to 1900 and made Herzl the sole heir of his entire
estate. His heirs, represented by one of them, the banker Vogel
(or Vogl), initiated a law suit to contest the will. As soon as
Herzl was informed of the provisions of the will, he declined to
accept the legacy.
VOLISSTIMME. See Jiidische Volksstimme.
VOLTAIRE, JEAN FRANCOIS MARIE AROUET (1694-1778). French

author and free-thinker.
vosges.Mountain range in eastern France, running in a north-

south direction parallel to the Rhine river.
vôslau. Austrian resort town, about 15 miles south of Vienna.
vossiscHE zeitunc . Berlin daily p a p e r.
wad -el -chanin or Wadi Hanin. See NesZiona.
the Biblical Brook of Egypt in the Sinai Peninsula,

wadi el -arish ,
running in a south-northerly direction and ending in the Medi
terranean. It is about 150 miles long. When there is rain in the
Sinai Peninsula (a phenomenon that occurs on the average only
about three times a year, between October and April) it con
tains a yellow fluid, otherwise it is a dry riverbed. See also El-
Arish.
wacner , richard(1813-1883). German composer, creator of the

modem music drama.
WÂHRING. Up to 1890 a suburb of Vienna, thereafter district 18 of

the city.
w ahrm an , moritz (1832-1892). Hungarian Jewish politician, was

member of the Hungarian parliament from 1869 to 1871, and
became, in 1883, President of the liberal (“neolog”) Jewish con
gregation of Pest.
wailing w a ll . A wall built of huge blocks of hewn stone, in the

Old City of Jerusalem, held by Jewish tradition to have been the
“Western Wall” of the ancient Temple of Jerusalem, and as
such was until the partition of Palestine (1947-48) the chief
Jewish holy place for prayer, supplication and mourning.
waizenkorn , s. Jewish fashion goods dealer, residing in Semlin

(q.v.).
wales, prince o f .The title customarily conferred upon the eldest
son of the sovereign of Great Britain. At the time of Herzl’s
early visits to England the title was borne by the future King
Edward VII, upon whose accession to the throne it was trans
ferred, in 1901, to the future King George V.
Walter fam ily , owners of the London Times. John Walter

(1738/39-1812) founded in 1785 The Daily Universal Register
which, in 1788, was renamed The Times. His son was John
Walter (1776-1847), whose oldest son was John Walter (1818—
1894). The latter’s second son was A rthur Fraser Walter (1846-
1910), chief proprietor of The Times until 1908 when it was
converted into a company, and he became chairman of its Board
of Directors. Following his death, his son John Walter suc
ceeded him in this position.
wangenheim, baron hans von (1859-1915). German diplomatist.

In the German Embassy in St. Petersburg, 1887; in various other
German embassies from 1888; German minister in Mexico,
1904; in Tangiers, 1908; in Athens, 1909. German Ambassador
in Constantinople, 1912.
warburg, otto (1859-1938). German Jewish botanist and Zionist

leader. In 1891 became instructor in botany at the University of
Berlin, and in 1897 became professor at the university’s Oriental
Seminary. In 1900 W arburg became active in settling Ruma
nian Jews in Asia Minor, and interested in the Zionist move
ment. He was a delegate to the Sixth Zionist Congress, was a co
editor of Altneuland (1904-06), and president of the World
Zionist Organization (1911-1920).
Warsaw. The chief city of Russian Poland; had the largest Jewish
community in the world. Today Warsaw is the capital of Poland.
weggis or WÂGG1S. Swiss resort town in the Canton of Lucerne, on

the shores of the Vierwaldstatter See.
(1857-1919). By full name Joel Weil-Olff. Swiss Jewish
w e il , jo e l
merchant and Zionist. Bom in Alsace, settled in Basel where,
jointly with his brothers, was active in the liquor business from
1883 to his death. Attended the First Zionist Congress in 1897
and was elected member of the Greater Actions Committee.
During the Congress, Herzl was several times a guest in his
house. In 1899 Weil became a member of the council of the
Basel Jewish Community.
w ellisch , dr .(1866-1926). Hungarian Jewish physician. Directed

for years the Health Department of the Turkish Ministry of the
Interior. Died in Vienna.
w elt , die . See Die Welt.
w erner , dr . siEGMUND (1867-1928).Viennese Jewish physician and

newspaperman. While still a student founded Gamala (q.v.).
Was editor-in-chief of Die Welt, 1897-99 and 1903-05. At
tended Herzl during his last illness and was the only person at
his bedside when he died.
Charles (1850-1912). German bom British

w ernher , sir ju l iu s
South African financier, a leading figure in the Kimberley
diamond-mining industry. In 1889 he joined Cecil Rhodes (q.v.)
and Alfred Beit (q.v.) to found the firm of Wernher, Beit &Co.
He endowed educational institutions, including the South
African University. He became a naturalized British subject in
1898, and was given the baronetcy in 1905.
westungarische GRENZBOTE. German-language journal published

at irregular intervals in Pressburg, Hungary.
wetzler and abeles . Large produce firm in Vienna.
w histlerlike dusk. The reference is to the dusk or fog character

izing many of the land and seascapes of James Abbot McNeill
Whistler (1834-1903), American painter and etcher.
white, Arnold h en ry (1848-1925). English political writer with
anti-Semitic views. In 1895 was Baron de Hirsch's (q.v.) repre
sentative in trying to penuade the Russian government to
facilitate Jewish emigration to Argentina. Served on the
British Royal Commission for Alien Immigration, 1902, as an
advocate of restrictions on Jewish immigration into England.
His book, The M odem Jew (1899) is charged with emotional
bias.
whitman, Sidney (1848-1925). English journalist and traveller,

London correspondent of the New York Herald. Travelled
through Anatolia in 1897-98 and established friendly relations
with Sultan Abdul Hamid (q.v.). Author of Turkish Memoirs
(1914) and numerous studies on Central European politics and
history.
wiLHEiM, sœgm und (1849-?). Austrian journalist. Worked on the

staff of the Illustriertes Wiener Extrablatt, later became co
editor with Julius Lowy of the Wiener Specialitaten, and sub
sequently local news editor of the Fremdenblatt.
Wilhelm 1(1797-1888). King of Prussia, who, in 1871, became the

first Emperor (Kaiser) of the united German Reich.
Wilhelm 11, kaiser (1859-1941). Emperor of Germany. Succeeded

his hither, Frederick III, in 1888. As a result of an injury suffered
at birth his left arm remained stunted, but he nevertheless re
ceived a thorough military education and, following his ascen
sion to the throne, was styled the supreme warlord. He abdicated
in 1918 and spent the last two decades of his life on an estate at
Doom, in Holland.
Wilkinson, bishop . There were two English bishops named Wilkin

son whom Herzl could have met:
1. Wilkinson, George Howard (1833-1907). English clergy-
man. Bishop of Truro, 1883-91; Bishop of St. Andrews, Dun-
keld, and Dunblane, from 1893; Primus of the Scottish Episcopal
Church from 1904.
2. Wilkinson, Thomas Edward (year of birth unknown, died
1914). English clergyman. Bishop of Zululand, 1870; Bishop
Coadjutor of London for North and Central Europe, and Rector
of St. Catherine Coleman, City of London, 1886; Bishop for
Europe (North and Central), 1886-1911. Wrote several books
on Zululand, education, emigration, the Sudan, etc.
WILLCOCKS, sir w il l ia m , K.C.M.G. (1852-1932). English irriga

tion expert. Author of Report on Perennial Irrigation and Flood
Protection for Egypt with a note by W. E. Garstin (Cairo, 1894).
w ir th , BETTiNA (1849-1926). Austrian writer and journalist. Née

Grenier. In 1870 married Max Wirth, economist, (contributor
to The Economist, London, and the Neue Freie Presse.) Edu
cated in England and Italy, settled in Vienna in 1874. Wrote a
number of novels, some of which were published serially in
periodicals and later dramatized. Wrote short stories. She also
published translations, and in 1878 became correspondent for
the London Daily News and for a number of papers in Germany.
Witte , count sergei yulievich (1849-1915). Russian statesman.

Became minister of finance, 1893, from which post he was dis
missed in 1903 because of his opposition to Russian expansion
in the Far East. From 1905 to 1906 was prime minister and presi
dent of the first Duma (Russian Constitutional Assembly). After
the 1905 uprisings, he pleaded for liberal concessions to the Jews.
w ittm ann , hugo (1839-1923). Austrian writer and journalist.

Joined the Neue Freie Presse in 1872 as feuilleton editor. Wrote
short-stories (published in book form), sketches, and lyrics for
musical plays.
wrru. A territory in Kenya, East Africa. Became a German pro
tectorate in 1885, a British territory in 1890.
wrrwATERSRAND, a series of parallel ranges of hills in the Transvaal

Province of the Union of South Africa, near Johannesburg, the
greatest gold producing area in the world.
Wo c h e n s c h r if t . See Osterreichische Wochenschrift.
wohl, jarob (1833-1897?). Austrian police official and govern

ment councillor. Became actuary, 1868, commissar, and head,
1896, of the third police section of Vienna.
wolf, lucien (1857-1930). English Jewish historian and journal

ist, was active in Jewish communal life. From 1890 to 1909 he
was foreign editor of the then influential Daily Graphic, and
from 1906 to 1908 also editor of The Jewish World. From 1912
to 1914 he edited the periodical Darkest Russia, dedicated to
arousing world opinion against the persecution of the Jews in
Russia. In 1917 he became Secretary of the Joint Foreign Com
mittee of the Board of Deputies of British Jews and of the Anglo-
Jewish Association, and worked in various other capacities for
the rights of the Jews. He was, however, profoundly opposed to
Zionism.
wolff, Theodor (i 868-1944). German Jewish journalist. Paris

correspondent of the Berliner Tageblatt, 1894; from 1906 to
1933, its editor-in-chief.
WOLFFSOHN, david (1856-1914). German Jewish merchant and

communal worker. Bom in Lithuania, lived in Cologne where
he founded in 1893 a Hovevei Zion society. Became one of the
earliest followers of Herzl in Germany and his close friend whom
Herzl addressed in his letters as “My dear Daade.” Was a mem
ber of the Inner Actions Committee from 1897 to 1904, and
following Herzl’s death succeeded him as president of the World
Zionist Organization, 1905-1911.
woLLEMBORG, leone (1859-1932). Italian Jewish economist and

statesman. Founded and edited the journal La Cooperazione
Rurale (Rural Cooperation, Padua-Rom, 1885-1904). Was
deputy from 1892 to 1913, and thereafter senator. Became min
ister of finance in 1901, and during World War I was vice-
president of the Roman Committee for Civilian Aid. He partici
pated actively in the economic and financial work of the
parliament.
wonderland . Reference to the title Alice in Wonderland by

L. Carroll.
Viennese Yiddish slang expression for Schwanz-

wonz -m ela m m ed .
melammed, meaning “imbecile of a teacher."
woods , sir henry feldc (1843-1929). British naval officer, admiral.

In 1867 was British delegate to the International Commission
of Navigation in the Black Sea and the Bosporus. In 1870 re
ceived permission to enter the naval service of Turkey, organized
her torpedo and coastal defense services and served as their com
mander for several years. In 1883 was awarded the title of Pasha.
In 1899 became aide-de-camp of Sultan Abdul Hamid II (q.v.).
w rede , prince friedrich von (1870-?). Austrian writer, ardent

pro-Zionist. His play, The Goldschilds, was published in Die
Welt in 1898.
Württemberg or Wurtemberg , a kingdom, and, after 1918, a com

ponent state, of Germany, adjoining Switzerland, with a terri
tory of 7,534 square miles. Its capital is Stuttgart. The reigning
Duke of Wurtemberg gained a great accession of territory, as
well as the title of king, by the favor of Napoleon in 1806.
Württemberg , king and q u een o f . In Herzl’s days the King of
Württemberg was Wilhelm II who was bom in 1848, ascended
to the throne in 1891, abdicated in 1918, and died in 1921.
yakovlev. Influential dragoman (secretary) of the Russian Em

bassy in Constantinople; formerly Russian consul in Jerusalem.
YAsiNOvsKi. See Jasinowski.
yavash. Turkish expression meaning “slowly.”
YENiKÔi. Village in Turkey, on the European shores of the Bos

porus, some seven miles north of Constantinaple.
yerusholayim . T he traditional Ashkenazi (German-Jewish) pro

nunciation of the Hebrew name of Jerusalem.
YiLDiz kiosk.The Sultan’s palace in Constantinople overlooking

the Bosporus (q.v.).
yom kippur (Day of Atonement). The most solemn holy day in the
Jewish calendar, on which complete abstinence from any food or
drink is commanded. Its date is the tenth of Tishri (which falls
into September or October).
YORK-STEiNER, h e in r ic h ( 1859-1935). Austrian Jewish journalist

and author, editor of Wiener Mode, devoted several of his books
to a positive interpretation of Jewish culture and problems,
notably the volume Die Kunst als Jude zu Leben (The Art of
Living as a Jew, 1928). Following his meeting with Herzl, York-
Steiner became a devoted Zionist and co-founder of the Zionist
Organization.
young Israel . See Jung Israel.

young Turks’ m o v em en t . A political movement in Turkey which
aimed at obtaining a constitution from the Sultan. The revolu
tion of the Young Turkish Committee of Union and Progress
succeeded in 1908 to restore the constitution originally wrested
from Sultan Abdul Hamid II in 1876.
ZAiKOwsKi. Active in behalf of the Armenians in London.
German Administrator, privy councillor. Was

zander , dr . kurt .
director-general of the Anatolian Railways until July 1, 1905,
when he resigned for reasons of ill health, and became Second
Director of the Deutsche Bank.
zangwill , Israel (1864-1926). English Jewish novelist, playwright

and publicist, joined the English Hovevei Zion Association. By
1895, when Herzl approached him, Zangwill was well known as
the author of Children of the Ghetto (1892), a picture of Jewish
life in the East End of London, drawn with humor and sym
pathy. His subsequent Ghetto Tragedies, Ghetto Comedies,
Dreamers of the Ghetto (1899), etc., were written in the same
vein. Under Herzl’s influence he became an enthusiastic Zionist,
attended the First Zionist Congress in 1897, and participated in
the same year in a pilgrimage to Palestine organized by Herbert
Bentwich. In 1905, he founded the Jewish Territorial Organiza
tion, but after the Balfour Declaration (1917) he returned to
Zionism.
zangwill , louis (1869-1938). Younger brother of Israel Zangwill.

English novelist who authored several novels distinguished by
a realistic vividness and a somewhat cynical humor.
Zanzibar . A land off the east coast of Africa. In 1890 a British

protectorate was declared over it and the Sultan of Zanzibar’s
domains on the mainland were divided between Italy, Great
Britain and Germany.
zaribrod or caribrod . Railroad station, today on the Yugoslavian*
Bulgarian border.
zell am see . Town and resort in the Salzburg district of Austria,

on the shores of the Zeller See.
ziad pasha . See Ziya Pasha.
zierer. Viennese Jewish stock market speculator.
zion (p. 35). Apparently used here as the symbolic name of the
country which was to grant the concession for the Jewish state.
zion.A Zionist monthly published in Berlin from 1895 to 1899,

and edited by Heinrich Loewe.
‘‘zion” society (full name: “Vienna Branch of the ‘Zion’ Union of

Austrian Societies for the Colonization of Palestine and Syria”),
with headquarters at 11 Rembrandtstrasse, was largely a debat
ing society prior to HeTzl's appearance.
ziya pasha , yusuf (1849-1929). Turkish statesman. Entered the

foreign service in 1864. Was sent to the Turkish Embassy in
Berlin as second secretary in 1869, then to Vienna. In 1872 be
came first secretary of the Turkish Legation in Athens. In 1874
was sent to St. Petersburg. Was appointed director of the Con
sular Service in 1876. Became Turkish Minister to Belgrad in
1885, then to Rome (1889) and to Vienna (1891). Was promoted
to the rank of vizier in 1891 with the title of Pasha. Was Turkish
Ambassador to Paris in 1894. Became member of the Council of
State in 1897. Was appointed minister of the Imperial Record of
the Crownlands in 1901. After the revolution of 1908 became
minister of commerce, then ambassador to Rome, and a second
time minister of the Imperial Record of the Crownlands, then
minister of education (1909). In 1910 was sent as Turkish Am
bassador to Washington. Became Senator, and again minister of
education (1919). He was a famous composer of Turkish music.
zola , Ém il e (Edouard Charles Antoine; 1840-1902). French novel
ist. Author of a large number of novels describing the life of
modern society, and especially human failings and weaknesses,
moral filth and disease, with great realism and naturalism, and
in the spirit of an almost scientific observation of social pathol
ogy. In January 1898, convinced of the innocence of Captain
Alfred Dreyfus (q.v.), Zola published his “J ’accuse” in the Paris
L'Aurora. He was thereupon tried and sentenced, but, upon his
appeal, the Court of Cassation quashed the verdict. In 1901
Zola gave an account of his connection with the Dreyfus case in
his L ’affaire Dreyfus: La vérité en marche (The Dreyfus Affair:
Truth on the March).
zorn , Ph il ip p karl ludwic (1850-1928). Professor of political

science at the University of Bonn (Germany). One of the Ger
man delegates to the first Peace Conference at T he Hague.
Colonel in the Russian army who in 1899

zsiLiNSKY (or jil in sk y ).
was a technical delegate to the First Peace Conference held at
The Hague. By 1903, he was a Lieut.-General and Quarter
master General in the Russian army.
zucker , com m ercial cou ncillor . There were two Commercial

Councillors named Zucker in Vienna in the i8go’s. They were
the sons of Matthias Zucker, founder of the firm Matthias Zucker
and Co., in Strakovice, Bohemia, which manufactured fezes.
The older was Ignaz Zucker (1842?-1903); the younger, Joseph
Zucker (1848-1925). The two were directors and controlling
shareholders of the firm, which in the 1890’s merged with other
similar establishments and assumed the name Aktien Gesell-
schaft der Fezfabrike (Fez Manufacturing Stock Co.). Its offices
were in Vienna.
zukunft , d ie ; see Harden, Maximilian.

Code Names and Words
Code Names and Words Used by Herzl
in His Diaries and Correspondence
Compiled by
Oskar K. Rabinowicz
The following list is incomplete. It was extracted from the
Diaries and from Herzl’s correspondence with Leopold Greenberg.
(A) NAMES*
Agent Ambassador (see also Schreiber)
Albahary Izzet Pasha (see also Bergmann, Cassier
Horowitz)
Albert Faik Bey
Alex Alexander Marmorek (see also Fritz, Marlow)
Alter Herr Friedrich, Grand Duke of Baden (see also
Onkel)
Altmann Lord Rothschild (see also Courtier, Eller-
mann, Pancock)
Amar Grand Vizier (see also Gruenfeld, Mandl,
Nagy, Palmers, Prokurist)
Anfang T urkish loan
Ape Jerusalem
Augenweh Austrian Lloyd
Avignon Alexandria
Bâcher Kaiser Wilhelm II (see also Hirshfeld, Neffe)

Baldov The Sultan’s representative
• It will be noted that repeatedly two or more code words are used by Herzl lor
the same name. For the sake of secrecy, changes were made from time to time,
occasionally even for one single journey to Turkey.
1907
Bauer Lord Cromer
Bazaar Yildiz Kiosk (see also Factory, Redaktion)
Beer Sultan of Turkey (see also Cohn, Levy)
Beilage Die Welt (see also Supplement)
Ben Theodor Herzl (see also Benjamin, Dori,
Jacobson, Loebl, Moriz, Seff)
Benjamin Theodor Herzl (see also Ben, Dori, Jacobson
Loebl, Moriz, Seff)
Bennoreit Benno Reitlinger
Bergmann Izzet Pasha (see also Albahary, Cassier, Horo
witz)
Berliner Deutsche Bank (see also Debe or Debee,
Meier)
Bernstein Israel Zangwill (see also Klesmer, Weissmann,
Zang)
Bettler Commission
Bildwort Vienna (see also Bradford, Pinsk)
Black Sir George Elliot
Bloater Sir William Garstin
Blotter Sir Clement Hill (see also Envelope)
Blouse Samuel Montague (see also Frank)
Boehmen Mesopotamia (see also North England)
Bradford Vienna (see also Bildwort, Pinsk)
Braun David Wolffsohn (see also Daade, David,
Franz, Warens)
Brown Joseph Chamberlain (see also Dog 7, Kipper,
Laurie)
Bruenn Paris (see also Iuk, Manchester, Reichenberg)
Bruenner Jewish Colonization Association (see also
Philipp Haas, Revue, Shop)
Bruessel London (see also Haven, Salzburg)
Buchhalter Tahsin Bey (see also Krugler, Loewy, Poliak,
Russo, Wahle)
Budapest St. Petersburg (see also Triest)
Business Charter (see also Feuilleton, Geschaeft, Jam,
Sache, Teppiche, Tuch)
Cairo Marseilles
Cart Joseph Cowen’s brother (see also Harry)
Cassier Izzet Pasha (see also Albahary, Bergmann,
Horowitz)
Charles Nuri Bey
Check Jewish Eastern Company
Chisel Egyptian Government
Clock Chaldea
Cohn Sultan (see also Beer, Levy)
Cohnheim Constantinople
Cohnsman T urkish Commissioner
Copy Harry Boyle
Cork El Arish (see also Scotland)
Costume King (see also Lear)
Courtier Lord Rothschild (see also Altmann, Eller-
mann, Pancock)
Daade David Wolffsohn (see also Braun, David,

Franz, Warens)
Dan Leopold Greenberg (see also Green, Issachar,
Sachar)
David David Wolffsohn (see also Daade, Braun,
Franz, Warens)
Debe or Debee Deutsche Bank (see also Berliner, Meier)
Dinah Lord Suffield (see also Robe)
Dog7 Joseph Chamberlain (see also Brown, Kipper,
Laurie)
Don Theodor Herzl (see also Ben, Benjamin,
Jacobson, Loebl, Moriz, Seff)
Druckerei Palestine (see also Fly, Isaland, Kohlmarkt,
Persien, Printing Office, Sixteen)
Eduard Adil Bey

Einiges Turkish Unification Loan
Ellennann Lord Rothschild (see also Altmann, Courtier,
Pancock)
Elm Russia (see also Mandelstam Country)
Enterprise Mines (see also Kammgam)
Envelope Sir Clement Hill, (see also Blotter)
Fabrik Jewish Colonial Trust (see also House, Jour

nal, Magazin, Manufactory, Wiener)
Factory Yildiz Kiosk (see also Bazaar, Redaktion)
Feuilleton Charter (see also Business, Geschaeft, Jam,
Filiale Ambassador (see also Korrespondent, Ver-
tràter)
Fir Germany
Fireman George H. Stevens
Fly Palestine (see also Druckerei, Persien, Print
ing Office, Sixteen)
Foster Arthur James Balfour
Frank Samuel Montague (see also Blouse)
Frank! French Ambassador
Franz David Wolffsohn (see also Braun, Daade,
David, Warens)
Fred Foreign Office (see also Lion)
Friedmann German Ambassador
Fritz Alexander Marmorek (see also Alex, Marlow)
Gasters country Rumania

Geschaeft Charter (see also Business, Feuilleton, Jam,
Ginzkey Grand Duke of Baden (see also Benedict,
Onkel)
Glueckstein Salo Cohn
God England
Gordon Rev. William H. Hechler (see also Henry,
William)
Graz Rome
Green Leopold Greenberg (see also Dan, Issachar,
Sachar)
Gruenfeld Grand Vizier (see also Amar, Mandl, Nagy,
Palmers, Prokurist)
Hagen Jacobus H. Kann

Hamburg Berlin (see also Prag, Liverpool)
Harry Joseph Cowen’s brother (see also Cart)
Haus Max Nordau (see also Martin, Max, Nichols)
Haven London (see also Bruessel, Salzburg)
Henry Rev. William H. Hechler (see also Gordon,
William)
Hirschfeld Kaiser Wilhelm II (see also Bâcher, Neffe)
Izzet Pasha (see also Albahary, Bergmann,
Horowitz Cassier)
House Jewish Colonial Trust (see also Fabrik, Jour
nal, Magazin, Manufactory, Wiener)
Hump Leopold Kessler
Icebe Jewish Colonial Bank

Isaacs Alfred Rothschild (see also Oar)
Isaland Erez Israel (see also Druckerei, Fly, Kohl-
markt, Persien, Printing Office, Sixteen)
Iffiifhar Leopold Greenberg (see also Dan, Green,
Sachar)
Iuk Paris (see also Bruenn, Manchester, Reichen-
berg)
Jacobson Theodor Herzl (see also Ben, Benjamin, Dori,

Loebl, Moriz, Seff)
Jam Charter (see also Business, Feuilleton, Ge-
schaeft, Sache, Teppiche, Tuch)
Jayteecee Jewish Colonial Trust
J° Joseph Cowen (see also Joe, Joel, Mais,
Werner)
Joe Joseph Cowen (see also Jo, Joel, Mais,
Werner)
Joel Joseph Cowen (see also Jo, Joe, Mais, Wemer)
Joezang Joseph Cowen and Israel Zangwill
Journal Jewish Colonial Trust (see also Fabrik,
House, Magazin, Manufactory, Wiener)
Joskin Selig Eugen Soskin
Juk Paris
Kammgam Mines (see also Enterprise)

Karl Karl Schauer
Kipper Joseph Chamberlain (see also Brown, Dog 7,
Laurie)
Klein J ennings-Bramly
Klesmer Israel Zangwill (see also Bernstein, Weiss-
mann, Zang)
Kober Ibrahim Pasha (see also Schlesinger)
Kohlmarkt Erez (see also Druckerei, Fly, Isaland, Persien,
Printing Office, Sixteen)
Kohn Sultan of Turkey
Korrespondent Ambassador (see also Filiale, Vertrater)
Krugler Tahsin Bey (see also Buchhalter, Loewy, Pol
iak, Russo, Wahle)
Laurie Joseph Chamberlain (see also Brown, Dog 7,

Kipper)
Lear King (see also Costume)
Leier Turkish Government
Leith Sinai Peninsula (see also Scotland)
Leopold Jewish Chronicle, London (see also Rat,
Vesta)
Lep Leopold Kahn
Levy Sultan of Turkey (see also Beer, Cohn)
Lewes Isaac Seligman (see also Louis)
Lion Foreign Office (see also Fred)
Liverpool Berlin (see also Hamburg, Prag)
Loebl Theodor Herzl (see also Ben, Benjamin, Don,
Jacobson, Moriz, Seff)
Loewy Tahsin Bey (see also Buchhalter, Krugler,
Poliak, Russo, Wahle)
Louis Isaac Seligman (see also Lewes)
Lucy Lucien Wolf
Lyon Port Said
Magazin Jewish Colonial T rust (see also Fabrik,

House, Journal, Manufactory, Wiener)
Manager David Levon tin
Manchester Paris (see also Bruenn, Iuk, Reichenberg)
Mais Joseph Cowen (see also Jo, Joe, Joel, Werner)
Mandel British Foreign Office
Mandelstam Russia (see also Elm)
Country
Mandl Grand Vizier (see also Amar, Gruenfeld,
Nagy, Palmers, Prokurist)
Manufactory Jewish Colonial Trust (see also Fabrik,
House, Journal, Magazin, Wiener)
Marcus Minister of Finance
Mark Lord Lansdowne (see also Schneider)
Marlow Alexander Marmorek (see also Alex, Fritz)
Martin Max Nordau (see also Haus, Max, Nichols)
Max Max Nordau (see also Haus, Martin, Nichols)
Meier Deutsche Bank (see also Berliner, Debe or
Debee)
Mekler Boutros Ghali Pasha
Memo T he Jewish World, London
Moi Nuri Bey
Mueller Russian Ambassador
Nagy Grand Vizier (see also Amar, Gruenfeld,

Mandl, Palmers, Prokurist)
Nardus Lord Lansdowne
Neffe Kaiser Wilhelm II (see also Bâcher, Hirsch-
feld)
Neusatz Haifa
Nichols Max Nordau (see also Haus, Martin, Max)
North England Mesopotamia (see also Boehmen)
Number 73 Grand Vizier
Number 919 Ahmed Tewfik
Oak France
Oar Alfred Rothschild (see also Isaacs)
Odessa Cairo
Onkel Grand Duke of Baden (see also Benedict,
Ginzkey, Alter Herr)
Osborne Baron Edmund Rothschild (see also
Printemps)
Oxar Oskar Marmorek
Palmers Grand Vizier (see also Amar, Gruenfeld,

Mandl, Nagy, Prokurist)
Pancock Lord Rothschild (see also Altmann, Courtier,
Ellermann)
Parchment Malcolm Mcllwraith
Pariser Ottoman Bank (see also Surand)
Pastelle Monk Bretton
Pater Col. Albert E. W. Goldsmid
Persien Palestine (see also Druckerei, Isaland, Kohl-
markt, Printing Office, Sixteen)
Philipp Haas Jewish Colonization Association (see also
Bruenner, Revue, Shop)
Pinsk Vienna (see also Bildwort, Bradford)
Polack Count Agenor von Goluchowski
Polgar Hadji Ali Bey
Poliak Tahsin Bey (see also Buchhalter, Krugler,
Loewy, Russo, Wahle)
Popper Izzet Pasha (see also Albahary, Bergmann,
Cassier, Horowitz)
Prag Berlin (see also Hamburg, Liverpool)
Pressburg Acco
Printemps Baron Edmund Rothschild (see also Osborne)
Printing Office Palestine (see also Druckerei, Fly, Isaland,
Kohlmarkt, Persien, Sixteen)
Prokurist Grand Vizier (see also Amar, Gruenfeld,
Mandl, Nagy, Palmers)
Rabbis Members of the Commission

Ragel Eduard Crespi
Rat Jewish Chronicle, London (see also Leopold,
Vesta)
Redaktion Yildiz Kiosk (see also Bazaar, Factory)
Reichenberg Paris (see also Bruenn, Iuk, Manchester)
Remington Sir Francis Montefiore
Revue Jewish Colonization Association (see also
Bruenner, Philipp Haas, Shop)
RioTinto Jaffa-Jerusalem Railway
Robe Lord Suffield (see also Dinah)
Rose Egypt
Rothfeld Austrian Ambassador
Rudolf Rudolf Schauer
Rumvat Pelusiac Plain
Rundblick Egyptian Ministers
Russo Tahsin Bey (see also Buchhalter, Krugler,
Loewy, Poliak, Wahle)
Sachar Leopold Greenberg (see also Dan, Green,

Issachar)
Sadie Charter (see also Business, Feuilleton,
Geschaeft, Jam, Teppiche, Tuch)
Salzburg London (see also Bruessel, Haven)
Samson East Africa
Schegez Turkish Ambassador in Berlin
Schlesinger Ibrahim Pasha (see also Kober)
Schmidt English Ambassador
Schneider Lord Lansdowne (see also Mark)
School Sir Eldon Gorst
Schreiber Ambassador (see also Agent)
Schulz Minister of Foreign Affairs
Scotland Sinai Peninsula and El Arish (see also Cork,
Leith)
Seff Theodor Herzl (see also Ben, Benjamin, Dori,
Jacobson, Loebl, Moriz)
Sixteen Palestine (see also Druckerei, Fly, Isaland,
Kohlmarkt, Persien, Printing Office)
Shop Jewish Colonization Association (see also
Bruenner, Philipp Haas, Revue)
Smith Sir Eric Barrington
Stoessel Viennese Ambassador
Supplement Die Welt (see also Beilage)
Surand Ottoman Bank (see also Pariser)
Szarvar Arminius Vàmbéry (see also Zweig)
Tabby France
Temesvar Jaffa
Teppiche Charter (see also Business, Feuilleton,
Geschaeft, Jam, Sache, Tuch)
Tray Lord Eustace Percy
Triest St. Petersburg (see also Budapest)
Turin Brindisi
Tuch Charter (see also Business, Feuilleton,
Geschaeft, Jam, Sache, Teppiche)
Twelve Cyprus
Ungarische Anglo-Palestine Company
Vater Czar of Russia

Vertrater Ambassador (see also Filiale, Korrespondent)
Verwaltung Commission de la Dette publique
Vesta Jewish Chronicle, London (see also Leopold,
Rat)
Wahle Tahsin Bey (see also Buchhalter, Krugler,

Loewy, Poliak, Russo)
Warens David Wolffsohn (see also Braun, Daade,
David, Franz)
Weber Dr. Wellisch
Weissmann Israel Zangwill (see also Bernstein, Klesmer,
Zang)
Werner Joseph Cowen (see also Jo, Joe, Joel, Mais)
Wiener Jewish Colonial Trust (see also Fabrik,
House, Journal, Magazin, Manufactory)
Wilhelm Rev. William H. Hechler (see also Gordon,
Henry)
Wilna Ismail ia
Window British Government
Wolf Sir Thomas Sanderson
Zang Israel Zangwill (see also Bernstein, Klesmer,

Weissmann)
Zack Dr. Zadoc Kahn
Zweig Arminius Vâmbéry (see also Szarvar)
PHRASES
abbasso recommends abandonment
abbattere have protested against abandonment
abgekniet in the absence of
abmachung loan (see also halevi or halewi, price)
abocetado not accepted in consequence of
abritant according to circumstances
accongesto advice from—he states
accultos present state of affairs
adizzo arrangements are in fair progress
admunitum will most likely arrive
aftertopas will be away for a short time
asked we want thousand pounds (see also pigy)
asks Sultan wants thousand pounds (see also pig)
bang publish immediately
both two
buy stop publication
carting but Sultan prefers giving it to us (see also

going)
chalazien I will not come
chaldaic shall I come?
chaldron if you cannot come
chaletos 1 will come if possible
chalicore come as quickly as possible
chaulmage have you communicated with?
chiffrais have you arrived at any conclusion?
choeriti consider
cow we want hundred (see also forward)
dazzling it will not be decided

desigual what are you doing with?
dracenois 331/3%
ecarteler embark
ehering estimate (he estimates)
elkaite do not understand what you mean
fangled finish as quickly as possible

fine money to be paid immediately (see also nib)
fine (followed by money to be paid in term of years (see also
explanation) nib)
fivefold 4.045 cubic meters
flower have got a promise (see also paid)
fork conditional upon (see also precious)
forward we want hundred (see also cow)
Francs Turkish pounds
fulle conversion of 5% Administration loan of
1888
galleine go ahead all you can
gives Sultan grants charter (see also knife)
going but Sultan prefers giving it to us (see also
carting)
guy thousand
hactenus please hasten

hafertanz I have (we have)
halevi or halewi loan
halieto do not come here before . . . (date)
Heinrich Heinrich can conclude. Hechler shall remind
Bishop of Ripon to introduce Herzl as soon
as he returns to the King
Henrik signature
hush publish Herzl received very favorably by
Sultan
imbriglia has informed

irapugnais wire instructions direct to . . .
impunium instructions will be sent very shortly .. .
kalkleber negotiations still pending

knife Sultan grants charter (see also gives)
knodland he is favorably inclined to assist us
laimodon do not leave before . . .

lamswell do not leave before all is arranged
laonde await my letter
laquucule I cannot leave
magallon about middle of March

maggiore 23rd day of March
maggotish 25th day of March
magiares 26th day of March
mamede considering the matter
manalgie 6th day of May
manamina 8th day of May
mancinus please give full explanation
market publicize in London daily papers
million one thousand
months pounds
mouse all press (see also nat)
najade if absolutely necessary

najeranas it is absolutely necessary I must know
narguames I will negotiate the business through you
narigona negotiations have fallen through
nasardant most important news
naseberry send all the news you possibly can
nasmullen the news has given great satisfaction
nat all press (see also mouse)
nib money to be paid immediately (see also fine)
nib (followed by money to be paid in term of years (see also
explanation) fine)
oberati I have obtained

offixi opposition
paid have got promise (see also flower)

palmearon further particulars by first mail
paysage it is possible
pen Sultan wants million pounds (see also wants)
peny we want million pounds (see also wanted)
perdrigon what progress have you made?
peregrino making as much progress as can fairly be
expected
perexile you may promise
P*g Sultan wants thousand pounds (see also asks)
p»gy we want thousand pounds (see also asks)
precious conditional upon (see also fork)
preistarif publish
bestaetigt
preistarif nicht do not publish
bestaetigt
price loan (see also abmachung, halevi or halewi)
ragwool will not be ready

ramipare have received the following
rapsaret I can make some reductions
ratapoil with regard to
reading inform Chamberlain
readmities you can rely upon
recopiait reply expected
recouverts reply expected any moment
recroitre when will the report be out?
recru report as soon as possible
recuada nothing sufficiently definite to report
refrayer has not returned
repont if you can return
respatoir refuses
rukwind take the best you can whatever it be
rumoren charter signed by . . .
rundbild our application for concession
rundblume I have had an interview with . . .
running bidding for concession (see also sailing)
ruodlieb he is opposed to us
sailing bidding for concession (see also running)

sdegnero can you send?
sell Sultan gives definite promise of charter in
return for . . .
sinuato I shall stay at . . .
smerelli subject to confirmation by wire
snobbish success very doubtful
speaking tell immediately Lord Rothschild
steaming concessions are going to (see also walking)
stay come to Constantinople immediately
tagamina telegram to hand and it has every attention
tahapanes telegram to hand
tahmasp your telegram to hand this morning
talagarsa wire immediately
talgbrot wire me fully
talgfett wire what you have done
talgseife wire what you do
taloneros wire what I am to do with . . .
talookah wire date of departure and possible date of
arrival
thesicle I will try what can be done
ufanidad I do not understand
velvet conversion of 5% loan of 1886
waldbrand I am writing for . . .

waldport I am anxiously waiting
walking concessions are going to (see also steaming)
wanted We want million pounds (see also peny)
wants Sultan wants million pounds (see also pen)
waterboon water
welche about beginning of next week
welfisches next week
welkend all next week
zolent customs revenues

Index
Paget 1—431 are contained in Volume I. Paget 433-8*7 are contained in Volume II.
Page* 8*9-1*70 are contained in Volume III. Paget 1*71-1631 are contained in
Volume IV.
Aarif Bey. 856. is**-*5, 13*7. 1319-30. i5°S. >5°6. 15*0-*!, 15*8, 1537-38,
•SSS. «S36-S7 >54°. >54*. >555 . >555. >558. >561.
Aaronof Johannesburg, 1566 1569. >575. >575. >579. 1589-84. >588.
Abdul Hamid II. Sultan of Turkey. 305- >597-98. >600, 1609-13. 1615-16. 1618,
°6. S44- 4». 55® « S5S. 556. 559- S«»-6S. 16*0, 16*6, 1630.
J69-7*. 378-8*. 384-89, 391-98. 400- Abdurrahman Patha, Nureddin, 1418
07,409.411,415-16,418,4**. 4*4,4*8, Abeles. See Wetzler and Abele*
437-4°. 444- 45* 45°. 45 S~54 . 457- 59 - Abraham. 483. 754. 899
469, 48t. 484-85. 489-9°. 494. 5°,_*. Abraham*, Israel, *77
5°5-8 . 5>o->>. 51S, 5**-*3« 5*9. 533. Absolutism, 861
537. 545. 548- 55 .565-84. 568.578 . 589. Abukir, 1477
59*, 599, 610-11, 631. 65*~53. 656-57, Acheron, 407
659-60, 663, 667, 671, 691-9*. 7°°> “Achiasaf" calendar, 779
70*. 7>°-»«. 7 «4 . 7 *7. 7 *°. 755- 54. 747. Acre, Sanjak of, 1415-16, 1503, 1581-83.
766-67. 770. 781, 79*. 796-97, 804. 1610, 1616, 1618, 1630
807, 81*, 817, 8so-s*. 83s, 834-36, Acropolis, 737-38
860-61.863.866-68. 871,884. 889. 898. Actions Committee, 545, 565, 569, 585.
900,904,906,909-10, 915,917-18.93*. 593, 617, 6*6, 6*8, 63*, 635-36, 65*.
948. 958-63. 967- 7°. 97 «“74 . 977 . 979 - 664, 705-07. 77*, 785-86, 815-14. 817,
983-84,988,991.995-1001,1003.1010- 8*3, 838. 861. 877. 949. 959. 977, 979,
11,1015-19, >°*>-**. 10*4.1034. 1036, 996-97, 990. 1000, 101s, 1034. 1039.
1039, 1096, 1059, 1060, 1063, 1069. 1040, 1078-79, 1084. 1094, 1101, 1144,
>073-74. *°76-77.1079-80,108s, 108Ô- 1150, 1191-91, 1*01, 1*03, 1*31-3*.
87,1090,109S-95,1loi-o*, 1104,1106- 1*36. 1*44, 1*47, 1377. 1385, i4O*-03.
13. >115-38, 1140, 1141-44. 1146-47, 14*8, 1433. 1436, 1470, 1505, 1539.
1149. >>5°- 5 >. *153. *>57 . 1160-84. >5 4 >. >547. 1549- 5°. >564. >57*. *586.
1166—8*, 1184-89, U9*-93, 1195-99» 1609, 161*
itoi, 1*07-10, i*i5-*6, isaS-go, Adam, 1493
•«SB-S*. 1*38-41. 1*49-47, 1*49-5*. Address to the Jews, «69, *75
•*55-58. >*61-66, 1*74-79. 1*81, 1*84. Adil Bey. 1507-08
1*87-88, 1*90-9*. 1*94-95. 1*98-99. Adler, Cyrus, 899
•S°S» >3°5-°6. 1308. 1310, 1319-15. Adler, Elkan, *78-79
•3*7. >5*9-54. >356-43. «55 *. «SS®. Adler, Emanuel, 476, 77a
1360. 1365. 1368, 1370-71, 1374-77. Adler, Rabbi Nathan, *77-79, *87, 45*,
138*, 1411-1*, 1414-15. 1417, 14*9, 5°4> 685
14*5. 14*9, 1434, 1449, 1484, 1494, Adriatic Sea, 1465
1923
Aegean Sea, 736 America, 103, 174, 337, 484, 486, 493,
Aeneid, 1061,1356 5 5 2 - 5 3 . 5 5 8 - 5 9 .629. 645,667, 742,794,
Afghanistan, 501,1542 804, 859, 931, 952-53, 1069,1159,1188,
Africa, 4, 30, 284, 951, 1194, 1330, 1337, 1194, 1263, 1501, 1528, 1585, 1588,
1412, 1414-15. 1551-52, 1575 1596, l6lO, l622, 163O
Africanders, 409 American government, 1528
Aga Khan, 631 American journalists, 1586
Agari, 903 American Jewess, 585
Agence Havas, 424 American Zionists, Conference of, 1502
Agence Nationale, News Agency, 942 Amiens, 936
Agliardi, Msgr. Antonio, 322, 332, 352- Amsterdam, 672, 675-76, 715
5 3 . 5 9 ®. 7 01>7 7 6 Anarchism, Anarchists, 657,673,783
Ahavath Zion, 626, 808 Anatolia, 388, 394,1222
Ahmed Midhat Efendi, 549, 554-55, 563 Anatolia Han, 1107
Aksakov, (Ivan) Sergeyevich, 1528 Andersen, Adolph, 1524
Alawerdoff (Alawerdow), 349, 404 Androclcs, 113, 1110
Albert, Prince, 331 Anglo-Armenian Committees, 422
Alcibiades, 302 Anglo-Jewish Association, 407
Aleppo, 848 Anglo-Russian Emigration Committee,
Alexander, Dr. Bernat, 903 279
Alexander III, Czar of Russia, 1530 Anhalt, Princess of, 1149
Alexandretta, 381-82 Anthopulos Pasha, 1297-99, ï S00» 1304-
Alexandria, 717-18, 721, 735, 737-38, 06
7 5 ». 7 5 9 - 6 °. 7 6 4 . 1 3 7 3 . >400, 1403, Anti-Semites, 5, 7, 8, 12, 22, 29, 34, 37,
1406,1 4 4 3 - 4 4 46, 48, 51, 53, 56, 83-84, 101, 125, 143,
Algeria, 658 152, 157, 182, 195-96, 201, 214, 225,
Algerian Jews, 52 243, 266, 269, 287, 289, 308, 311, 317,
Ali Baba, 1342 3 4 5 » 4 4 3 » 4 7 4 » 4^2. 520, 525, 535, 5 4 »»
Ali Nuri Bey, 1614-17, 1619-20 565, 568, 602, 666-67
Alien Bill, 1475, 1477-78, 1501 Anti-Semitism, 5^7, 9-10, 19, 46, 77, 109,
Alien Immigration Commission; see 111, 125, 171, 176, 180, 182, 189-90,
Royal Commission for Alien Immi 195-96, 223, 231, 237, 244-45, 252-53*
gration 263-64, 269, 297, 334, 342, 360, 427,
Allah, 511, 1060 436» 4 4 3 » 4 5 4 » 4 7 5 » 5 °°» 5 *5 » 529» 65 8»
Allgemeine Israelitische Wochenschrift, 670, 728, 734, 848, 859, 904, 908, 912,
919, 922, 937, 972, 1146, 1151, 1291,
309» 4 5 4
Allgemeine Zeitung de Judentums, 857 1293, 1295, 1309, 1361, 1495. 1529,
Alliance Isrdelite Universelle, 241, 315, 1531» *561» 1610, 1624
Anti-Zionists, 232, 780, 1531, 1605
773- 775- 852.987.989.993-95. >013- Aqaba, Gulf of, 1404
14, 1019 Arab Movement, 1616
Allianz; sec Israelitische Allianz
Arabia, 383, 449-50, 860
Alt-Aussee, 299,487,976-77, 1089,1164-
Arabian fairy-tale, 11
65, 1167-70, 1172-73, 1175-79, 1287-
Arabian Nights, 1326, 1616
89. 1305. >3 ° 8 . >3 >o, 1344 - 4 6 . 1352. Arabs, 517, 702, 739, 742-43» 7 5 8
i 5 ° 9 ->5 > >5 4 5 . >548. 1550. >5 5 4 . >5 5 7 * Archbishop of Vienna, 7
1559-61. >563. >565-66 Arcueil, 54
Altmann, 1247 Argentina, 20, 22, 116, 133-34, 146, 207,
Altneuland, 886, 959, 1071, 1274, 1286, 280, 282-83, 367, 395, 477, 520, 550,
>3 4 7 . >356-58. >369. >372. >3 7 8 . >4 >7 . 1! 9 5 » 1302, 1492
1598, 1614 Argentinian Jews, 21
Altneuschul, 526, 869 Argus Press Service, 872
Arif Bey; see Aarif Bey Austrian Emperor, 601, 610, 611, 643,
Ark of the Covenant, 624,659 777. See also Franz Josef I
Armenia, Armenians, 346, 348-49, 351, Austrian Empress, 661, 669, 694, 731
359 . 362, 3 7 6 , 387» 3 8 9 . 3 9 3 » 3 9 6 » 404. Austrian Foreign Minister, 238, 377
410-11, 413-15, 417-1®, 421-22, 438, Austrian Foreign Office, 376-77, 397
460, 491, 610, 804, 868 Austrian government, 452, 476, 496,
Army, 27, 28, 32-33, 38, 64-65 708-09, 904, 912, 915, 925, 935, 982,
Arons, Dr. Paul, 610 1041, 1059, 1143, 1176, 1353, 1524,
Ars Poetica, 262 1532, 1562
Artin Pasha, 7 9 8 - 9 7 , 821, 832,834,900 Austrian Imperial Civil Cabinet, 610
Aryans, 310 Austrian Imperial Family, 953
Ascher, 998 Austrian Jewish communities, 773
Ashford, 936-37 Austrian language bill, 839-40, 943-45,
Ashkenazic Jews; see Jews, Ashkenazic 948
Asia, 338,501,639,671,737,800, 1542 Austrian Liberal Party, 7, 345
Asia Minor, 611, 711, 737, 910, 1022-23, Austrian Liberals, 8,51,223,921
1147, 1162-63, 1194, 1229, 1236, 1239, Austrian Ministry of the Interior, 321
1244, 1251, 1474 Austrian national economy, 867
Assimilation, 23,36,355,397,658 Austrian National Party, 202
Aswan Dam, 1388 Austrian Parliament, 227, 269, 271, 288,
Athenaeum Club, 679 345, 512, 601, 840, 917, 927, 943, 947,
Athens, 738,1362 1085
Atkin, 417 Austrian Prime Minister, 254, 261, 1048,
Attnang,94i, 1344 1057. See also Koerber
Auer, 1024 Austrian Provincial Diet, 955
Auersperg, Count Leopold, 1024-29, Austrian Usury Law, 158
1032-34, 1038, 1040-41, 1044-47, 1053> Austrian Zionists, 493-94
1056-58, 1060-61, 1069, 1082, 1085, Austrians, 247,293
1087 Autocracy, 27
Augier, Emile, 1119 Auto-Emancipation, 299
Aussee, 193, 204, 216-17, 221-23, 227, Automobile Exposition, 852
*35. *39.439.444.447-48.455 Avignon, 1406
Austin, Alfred, 936-40, 1016, 1044 Awinowitzky, Dr. Feibush, 901, 1572
Australians, 1361
Austria, 5, 7-8, 52, 76, 131, 190, 201-02, Babington Smith, 1245
205, 218, 269, 278, 286, 333, 336, 343, Babo, Dr. Hugo, 1065
368, 393, 417-18, 474, 481, 515, 531, Bâcher, Eduard, 8, 93, 238-41, 248-51,
253, 256, 258-60, 264-66, 270,286, 289-
535, 564, 601, 615, 624, 628, 643, 659,
91, 293-94, 306, 309, 311, 384, 386-87,
710, 770, 777, 799, 806, 808, 809, 839-
40, 845, 850, 903-04, 906-07, 913, 928, 449, 460, 474-79. 5 12»5 21»524-26, 5 5 9 .
569. 576. 586, 591, 595, 600, 619-20,
93 »-32 . 934 “ 3 5 . 9 5 6 . 9 7 1- 7 2» 9 82» 9 84 . 632, 646-50, 660-61, 706-09, 770, 778-
1019, 1024-25, 1043, 1053, 1070, 1088,
79, 857, 864-65, 885, 889-91, 894-96,
1113, 1165, 1183, 1268, 1288-89, 1305, 919-21, 979, 989, 1049, 1053, 1066,
1369, 1410, 1463, 1491, 1548, 1561-63, 1076, 1094, 1096, 1123, 1139, 1153,
1590,1601, 1609, 1613, 1626 1202, 1204-06, 1236, 1377-78, 1398,
Austria, Lower, 77, 245, 297, 358, 521
1409» * 5 4 5
Austrian Cabinet Council, 568, 572,1008 Bachor Effendi, 1326
Austrian Center Party, 954-55, 9 5 7 Bachrach, Dr. Adolph, 48
Austrian Chief of Police, 877, 1031 Back, 495
Austrian Church, 7 Bacon, Sir Francis, 1034
Austrian Constitution, 643 Bad Nauheim, 845, 853
Baden, 6, 9-10, 78, 102, 113-14, *40, Battle of the Drones, The, 605
*4 4 . 3 3 3 - 3 5 . 3 4 0 , 36'. 4 5 6 . 7 7 3 . 788, Bauer, Julius, 93, 306, 539, 619, 940,
795. 845. 862, 881-83, 887, 1145, 1149 1405, 1443, 1589, 1604
Baden-bei-Wien, 403 Bauemfeld, Edward von, 308
Baden, Grand Duchess of, 330,655 Bavaria, 189, 333,565,573,662
Baden, Grand Duke of; see Friedrich Bayswater, 277
Badeni, Count Kazimierz Felix, 248-49, Bazin, René, 738
*53“ 56* 259-62, 265-66, 269, 301-03, Bebek, 386-87, 714
306, 345, 469-70, 4 7 3 - 7 4 * 4 7 B. 489-9°. Beck, Dr., 316
4 9 *. 496-7. 5 3 1»5 3 5 . 5 7 *. 588. 601-02. Becker, Henri, 275
624. 7 7 °. 9 2 3 - 2 4 . 1Q3 3 Becque, Henry, 864
Badi, Avram, 1326-27, 1334, 1417 Beer, Samuel Friedrich, 11, 37, 212, 284,
Bagdad, 1115, 1345 4*5. 43°. 588, 1073-74
Bagdad Railroad, 898, 932 Beer-Hofmann, Richard, 318
Bahr, Hermann, 305, 308 Beerite, 37, 212
Baker, Sir Benjamin, 1388,1393, 1396 Beha Bey, 1418
Baksheesh, 862, 1597 Beiram, 999
Balkans, 1006,1148 Beirut, 701, 749, 759, 848, 1344, 1504,
Balmoral Castle, 1565 •558
Baltic provinces, 698,1536 Bekir Sonhami, 1175
Baluchistan, 501 Belgium, 269, 1410
Bambus, Willy, 447, 519-20, 523, 525. Belgium, King of, 337
538,542-43.5 7 4 - 5 7 8 , 580,585,653-54, Belgrade, 366
8O9, 1262 Belkowsky, Zevi, 1547,1572,1589
Bank, Jewish Colonial; see Jewish Co Bellamy, Edward, 75,119,122
lonial Trust Ben Jacob, Jacob, 1543-44,1585
Bank of England, 680, 1449 Ben Yehuda, Eliezer, 710, 803-4
Bank of France, 162 Benedikt, Moritz, 8, 241, 244, 248-51,
Banque Ottomane, 511 257-58, 262, 264, 272, 290-94, 311, 360,
Baptized Jews, 36 362, 395. 474-75. 477. 495-96, 506, 521,
Barbasch, Samuel, 862, 868, 1150, 1244 5 *4 . 5 *9 . 5 5 *. 5 5 7 - 5 9 . 563-68, 5 7 °. 574 *
Barbier, French agricultural expert, 807 589. 593. 620, 632, 646-47, 650, 705,
Barclay, Bevan, & Co., 452 707-09, 770, 773, 778, 865, 885, 892-93,
Barnato, Barnett, 370, 409, 514 895-96, 9!9“ 20, 922, 968, 989, 1041,
Barrington, Sir Eric, 976, 999, 1370, 1045, 1047, 1049, 1051, 1054, 1056,
1 3 7 7 . 1383. 1386, 1492 1065, 1075-77, 1094-95, 1136, 1138,
Bartlett, Sir Ashmead, 832 1153, 1202-06, 1233, 1236-37, 1269,
Baruch, Marcou, 652, 754, 875-76 1356, 1 3 5 9 . 1 3 9 7 . 1607, 1626
Basel, 218, 341, 565, 573-5, 578-81, 588- Bennett, James Gordon, 491, 759, 760
89. 594-95. 599. 612, 614, 616-18, 626, Bennoreit; see Reitlinger
629-31, 645, 647, 651, 654, 660, 673, Bentwich, Herbert, 284, 421,513-14,531,
754. 835, 856, 858, 860-64, 872, 876, 673, 678, 683, 802-03, 805, 815, 853-4,
883. 957* 960, 980, 1091, 1093, 1188-90, 861
1193, 1218, 1251, 1521, 1523, 1538, Berard, Alexandre, 1073
1 5 4 5 - 4 7 . 1551. 15562 1558-59. 1563. Berger, Théodore, 1008
1568, 1580 Bergmann, 827
Basel, Jews of, 1190 Berkowicz, Dr. Michael, 512
Basel program, 1520 Berlin, 5, 43, 119, 215, 227, 230, 234, 264,
Basil, Mathieu; see Guesde, Jules 2 g 5 . 2 9 7 . 3 ° 9 . 3 »°. 312-13, 355, 358,
Bath, 1299-1300
387. 4 7 *. 4 9 8 - 9 9 . 5°2, 5 *4 . 5 *9 - 5 *3 '
Battersea, Lady, 1066-68, 1273, 1295, 53°. 543* 609-11, 629, 636, 638, 674,
i 3 ° 4 . 1385 677. 683-87, 693, 695, 701, 740, 749,
768, 770-01, 776-81, 785, 787-90, 795, Bloch, Joseph Samuel, 206, 215-16, 225,
798, 800-02, 809, 811, 849, 898, 915, 263, 270-71, 289, 293-94, 296-97, 299,
9 3 I_33 » 9 3 5 » 9 7 9 » 9 9 *» 9 9 7 “ 9 8» 1001, 3 *7 » 4 9 4 » 512, 5 3 9 - 4 0 , 5 4 5 » 5 7 L 600,
1004, 1006, 1020, 1023, lo75» 10®S» 772, 806, 810, 1014,
1125, 1172, 1193, 1210, 1248, 1261-63, Blood libel, 101
1276, 1277, l $°5> l $S l’ ! 389» 1434» Bluebeard, 1119
1461-62, 1478, 1546, 1556, 1600-01, B’nai Moshe, 505
1622 B ’nai Zion, 483,615
Berlin Congress, 1318 Boabdil el Chico, 389
Berlin, Jews in, 230,505,543,610 Bodenheimer, Max, 355, 358, 537-38,
Berlin Treaty, 1317 707,711-14,717-18,735,742,752-54,
Berlin Zionist Convention, 358,447 757-58.762-63,767,769
Berliner Tageblatt, 84, 107, 648 Bodenkreditanstalt, 1086
Berliner, Dr. Abraham, 857 Boers, Boer War, 213, 880, 929, 1016,
Bernard L'hermite, 427 1292
Berne, 610, 1542 Bohemia, 12,619,879,944
Bernstein, A., 677 Bois de Boulogne, 38,59,106,528
Bemstein-Kohan; see Kohan-Bemstein, Boisdeffre, Raoul-Francois, 699
Jacob Bologna, 1429,1590-91
Beshiktash, 1313, 1323, 1325-26, 1329, Bombay, 631
•33*. >334 - 3 6 . 1338-39 Bondy, Lionel Bey, 713
Beth Ha*am, 740 Bonetti, Msgr. Augusto, 589,591
Bethel, 311 Boncourt Castle, 658
Bethlehem, 353 Borinage, 335
Bettelheim, Anton, 309 Borsen-Courier, 309
Bevis Marks Synagogue, 419 Bosporus, 371, 376. 379-80, 385-87, 389,
Beylerbey, 399-400 3 9 2 . 3 9 3 - 3 9 9 . 438, 483. 7 ' 5 >724. >107.
Biarritz, 521 1109-10, 1112, 1126, 1313, 1317, 1328,
Bible, 112, 283, 311-12, 623, 1326 >3 3 5 - 3 6 .> 3 4 5 ->614
Bible Society, 878 Bosporus plan, 1616
Biddulph, 711 Botosani, 952
Bielefeld, 335 Boulogne, 423,1368
Bierer, Dr. Ruben, 308, 310, 327, 370, Bourgeois, Léon Victor, 731,843
Bourgoing, Baron Othon de, 255, 257,
443.619
Billitzer, 263 259
Birmingham, 1587 Bourlier, Mr., 580
Bimbaum, Nathan, 307, 309, 314, 519, Boutros Ghali Pasha, 1372-73, 1409,
584» 5g9» 593-4» 617, 623, 625
1413,1421-22,1428-29,1434,1446-47,
Bischofshofen, 1546 >458
Boyd-Carpenter; see Ripon, Bishop of
Bismarck, Herbert, 187, 438
Boyle, Harry, 1372, 1394, 1405, 1409,
Bismarck, Otto von, 28, 117, 119, 123,
1444-45, >4 4 7 - 4 8 . >4 5 °
126-29, 187-88, 230, 236, 401, 403-05,
Bramley-Moore, William, 1159-61
4 *5 »437 - 3 8»4 4 8 , 4 5 °» 49!“92, 666, 704, Brandes, Georg, 417,502
846,886, 1031-32, 1318, 1367, 1380 Braun, Baron Adolf, 1461
Black Sea, 1127, 1211, 1234, 1255, 1530, Brazil, 146
Brecher, I & A, 907
Blanckenhorn, Max Ludwig, 1402 Brecher, Dr. Bernhard, 635,903,906
Bleicher, Carl, 318 Bregenz, 655, 660
Bleyleben, Oktavian Regner von, 1022 Breit, Alfred, 1064
Block, Jean de, 842, 844-46, 849-50, 855, Breitenstein, Dr. Max, 286, 292, 300,
1016,1019-20, 1044, *353» ^96 316,449,537
Breslau, 460-61, 463, 502, 519, 744, 991 801-02, 811, 929, 933, 986, 1033, 1195,
Bresse, M., 837,1068 1277»1358-59»1546
Brieux, Eugène, 1139, 1458 Billow, Carl Ulrich von, 915-16
Brighton, 1161 Bund, 1541
Brindisi, 1405-06, 1420, 1422, 1425-26, Bundists, 1544
! 4 29 » *4 4 3 - 4 4 » >4 5 °» 1 4 5 8» H 88 Bundeslied, 524
Brisson, Eugen Henri, 731 Burdeau-Drumont trial, 93
Britain; see Great Britain Burdeau, Auguste, 93
British Brothers League, 1200 Burg, 319
British East Africa, 1558 Bürger, G. A., 826
British Embassy, Vienna, 310 Burgtheater, 469
British Empire, 1355, 1363, 1365-66, Burguogtei, 579
147 5 Buriant, 1458-59. See Bruyate
British government, 187-88, 520,906-07, Buyukdere, 389,392
1016, 1203, 1294-96, 1300, 1303-04, Byzantium, 1329,1333
13 3 °* 1 3 4 4 » 1 3 5 5 » 1362, i 3 84 » 1367-68,
1370-71» 1 3 7 4 »137 6 - 7 7 »1382-83» 13 &7 - Caesarea, 805-07
88, 1395, 1407, 1432, 1446, 1462, 1474- Cairo, 764, i 3 7 2“ 7 3 »13 7 5 - 7 6 , *3 9 9 »14°°-
75, 1480, 1487, 1499, 1506» 1551, 1553» 05, 1407-10, 1416, 1428, 1432-33, 1436,
1 5 5 9 » i 5 63 , *565» 1 5 7 3 » 1 5 7 5 , 15 80» 1 4 3 8 - 3 9 »1 4 4 3 - 4 4 » 1448-50,1452»1454-
1609, 1621, 1628 57, 1460, 1462, 1464-66, 1470, 1472,
British press, 596 1479, 1483» 1508
Brno, 541, 740,1437 Calais, 936, 976, 1290, 1308, 1385
Brod, Dr., 1071 Calderôn, 1107
Brodsky brothers, 600,988, 1083 Caleb, Joshua, 368
Brook of Egypt, 711 Calice, Count Heinrich, 387,392,396-97,
Brown, Sir Robert Hanbury, 1452 708, 710, 972, 983, 1167, 1630
Broze, Samuel, 758 California, 173, 1063
Bruck, Dr. Zevi, 1540-41 Caliph, 380, 386, 389, 400, 511. See also
Briill, Ignaz, 39 Abdul Hamid II
Brunetière, Ferdinand, 275 Call, Baron Guido, 928
Bruniant; see Bruyate, Sir William Cambon, Pierre-Paul, 510
Brünn; see Brno Cambridge, 522
Brusati, Ugo, 1580-81,1614 Camondos, 37
Brussels, 346-48,405, 70G, 846, 957, 1125, Canada, 967, 1195
1476-77 Canadian government, 1018
Bruyate, Sir William, 1462 Canadian Prime Minister, 939
Bucharest, 563 Canadian Zionist Federation, 1366
Candide, 208
Buchmil, Joshua, 1192
Cape-Cairo Railroad, 1023
Buchs, 577,857,1189
Cape of Good Hope, 1195
Budapest, 344, 363, 366, 969, 1086, 1089,
Capetown, 940
1092,1101
Capitalism, 852
Bukowina, 952 Caporal, 1223, 1227
Bulgaria, Bulgarians, 310, 368-69, 372, Cappadocia, 342
392. 402-03, 436, 528, 659, 935, 1317, Capuchin monk, 225
1338 Caravan of Arcueil, 48
Bulgaria, Prince of, 435 Cardiff, 277, 281-83, 406, 414, 534, 1481
Billow, Prince Bernhard von, 664-70, Carlos, Don, 1345
673, 689, 692, 695-96, 700-05, 713-15, Carlsbad, 403, 423, 430, 434-35, 450,497,
718-19, 721, 723, 726-27, 729-36, 752, 569» 1495» 1628
7 5 5 - 5 7 » 767» 7 7 9 - 8 °» 7 89 » 7 9 5 » 7 9 7 » Carltheater, 601
Carton de Wiart, Leon, 1453-54, 1456- Christian Socialists, 1025
6o, 1508-09 Christianity, 7, 497, 1058, 1556, 1561,
Carnegie, Andrew, 1158,1160-61,1165 1563, 1602
Casimir-Périer, 47,128, 238,409 Christians, 4, 7, 9, 105, 120, 243, 274,
Cassel.Sir Ernest Joseph, 1387 282, 303, 393, 436, 451, 483, 491, 49&-
Catholic Church; see Roman Catholic 99» 541» 589» 671, 1059, 1525, 1540,
Church 1581, 1596, 1613, 1625
Catholic faith, 713 Christine, Sister, 975
Catholic influence, 932 Christmas, 8, 285,1009
Catholic School Association, 1085 Chronicle; see Jewish Chronicle
Catholics, 155,188,333.612 Chrysander, Friedrich, 438
Caucasus, 1115 Church of England, 636, 698, 716, 1065
Caux, 77-80, 109, 112, 205, 214 Church of St. Sofia, 1107
Cavaignac, Jacques, 731 Church of the Redeemer, 748
Chaldea, 1449 Church State, 581
Chamberlain, Joseph, 1294, 1296-97, Cirque d ’Été, 316
1301. >344 - 4 5 . *3 5 4 - 5 5 - *3 5 9 - 6 3 -1368- Citadel in Jerusalem, 745. See also
70,1372-74. *3 7 6 . *380, 1398-99. *4 5 5 - Tower of David
1466,1473-75,1480-81, 1483-87, 1491, Civil rights, 32
I498, I5O6, I587, l600 Clericals, 1043
Chamisso, Adalbert von, 658 Cleveland Car, 852
Champs Elysées, 40, 192 Clifford, John, 417
Charing Cross, 284 Coburg, 322,362
Charles Emmanuel II, 1598 Cohen, Alfred, 413, 520, 523, 1396, 1476
Charriant, 510 Cohen, Gustav G., 586, 637, 680, 684
Charter for Jewish State, 852, 864, 877, Cohen, Salo, 46, 71, 78, 102, 222
879,881,910,915,958,980, 1011, 1015, Colbert, Karl, 321,456,472
1063, 1103-04, 1133, 1135-36, 1144, Collas, 401
1173, 1150, 1152-53, 1166, 1174, 1191, Collectivism, 852
1193, 1196, 1198-99, 1200, 1208, 1222, College of Cardinals, 1594
1229, 1237, 1250, 1294, 1315, 1372, Cologne, 355,447,496, 538, 580,629,637,
•374.1377.138 7-8 8 ,1394,1397,1399, 647, 672, 677, 769, 782, 785, 788, 790-
1401,1404,1410-12, 1414, 1417-19, 91,802, 827,831,1074,1286,1419, 1461
1423,1425,1428,1430, 1434, 1454, Cologne Zionists, 358
1458,1499,1506,1520-21,1583,1610-
Colonization, 683, 1520. See also Jewish
11,1615
Châtelet, 73 State
Chesireh, 1462 Columbus, 419,625,882, 1526
Chesterfield, Lord, 407 Committee for Alien Immigration,
Chile, 146 >3 5 4 “ 5 5
China, 499,969,974,1113,1599 Committee for Hejaz, 1262-63
Chinese language, 337,1542 Committee for Study of Zionism, 1108
Chinese loan, 30 Communard, 191
Chlumecky, Johann von, 73, 204,227 Concordia Club, 81,305,539
Chodinko Plain, 430 Conegliano, 767
Cholera Chapel, 10 Congo, 1511-12
Chorin, Rabbi Aaron, 539 Constance, 653,655, 1547
Chotek, Countess Sophie, 971 Constance, Lake, 679, 737, 763, 1190,
Christ, 295, 483, 621, 876, 1591, 1593-94, > 547
l603-04, l625 Constans, Jean-Antoine-Ernest, 781, 898,
Christendom, 587, 783, 1093 942, 1167-68, 1172, 1185, 1256, 1265,
Christian churches, 9, 26, 636, 800 1268, 1333, 1336, 1339, 1345
Constantine, Grand Duke, 1148-49, Crespi, Eduard, 866-67, 870, 897, 901-
1167, 1210-11 02, 904, 917, 973, 985, 987-89, 991,
Constantinides; see Konstantinides 9 9 3 “ 9 7 » 9 9 9 - 1 0 0 1, 1003-09, 1015,
Constantinople, 101, 344-45, 357, 359, 1 0 3 4 - 3 5 » 1 0 5 5 » 1059-60, 1062, 1068,
361-64, 366,369-70, 385, 393, 399, 403, 1072-74, 1076-77, 1079-80, 1084, 1086,
405-06, 409-13, 416, 423-24, 427, 439, 1090, 1092, 1102, 1104-05, 1107-10,
4 4 3 - 4 5 »4 4 8 - 4 9 »4 5 »» 4 5 8 - 5 9 »486, 470- 1118-20, 1122-24, 1140-41, 1144,
7 »» 4 7 8 - 7 7 » 481-83, 491» 4 9 5 - 9 7 » 5 0 »» 1167, 1169-70, 1175, 1183, 1193» 1216,
506, 508, 510-11, 528, 534, 543, 545, 1228, 1245-46, 1254, 1263, 1267-68,
5 4 8 , 5 5 2 , 5 5 5 » 583» 5 7 5 » 587» 589» 591- 1289, 1352, 1355-56, 1423, 1507,
92, 608, 611, 656, 657, 660, 663, 669, 1616-17
671, 690, 693, 697, 703, 707-08, 710, Crete, 326, 361-62, 389, 438, 513-14, 517,
714-16, 733, 736, 739, 745, 757, 759, 565» 697» 710» 77°» 884,1362
761,765,768, 77°“ 7 i »773,775,781,807, Creusot, 879
812-16, 818, 821-25, 834, 836, 838, 848, Croesus, 485
860, 867, 876, 885, 898-99, 901, 903, Cromer, Lord, 1362-63, 1371-73, 1376,
910, 915, 929, 932, 941-42, 958, 989» 1381-82, 1388, 1394, 1399, 1407-08,
9 7 7 » 980, 9 83 » 987-88, 9 9 8 - 9 7 » 9 9 9 » 1413, 1417, 1419, 1421, 1434, 1438,
1001-03, 1026, 1034, 1037, 1039, 1055, 1444-48,1450-54» 1456» 1459 - 8 0 »1464-
1074,1079-80,1082-84,1086-87,1095- 66,1473, 1475, 1481,1483, i486
96, 1105-06, 1109-10, 1120-21, 1131, Cronbach, Sigmund, 285
1138-37» 1142. 1144» *148, 1150» 1153- Cross of Jerusalem, 751
54, 1164, 1166, 1178, 1181-82, 1185, Crown Prince, German, 931
1187, 1195, 1207, 1210-11, 1215, 1224, Cyprus, 383, 644, 882-85, 918, 1023-24,
1235, 1242, 1249-51» 1253» 1255» 1257» 1284, 1294-96, 1302, 1360, 1362, 1368-
1265-66,1276-77, 1278-80, 1295, 1298- 69,1371,1394,1487,1500,1598
99, 1302, 1304-05, 1310-11, 1313, 1320, Czar, of Russia; see Nicholas II
1322, 1338, 1344, 1346, 1351-52, 1411, Czarina, of Russia, 846,859,880
1415-18, 1506-08, 1519, 1538, 1542-43, Czechs, 840,935,948,971,1025,1626
1 5 5 3 » *589» 1 5 7 2 - 7 3 » 1579-80, 1582-84, Czemowitz, 952
1586-88, 1592, 1606, 1609-10, 1613, Czortkow, 505
1617-19, 1627, 1829
Contrat Social, 198 Daily Chronicle, 306, 365, 452, 454, 595-
Cook Agency, 45, 525, 608, 721, 739, 786, 96,606
1389»1 3 9 4 »1406,1 4 4 4 -4 5 Daily Graphic, 355,407
Comhill, 1309 Daily Mail, 1037, 1237
Cork, 1426-27,1498 Daily News, 589, 1237
Corot, Jean Baptiste Camille, 676 Daily Telegram, 355
Correspondence le l’Est, 305, 592, 608, Damascus, 382, 1604
817,823,825-26, 833,837 Daniel Deronda, 36, 72, 279,282,534
Cosmopolis, 409 Danube, 207, 262, 1215
Coudenhove, Count Carl, 1025 Danube-Oder Canal, 1043,1054
Courland, 1535-36 Danusso, 399-400, 510, 711» 7 »3 »7 22»735 »
Coustou, Nicholas, 115 796,821,832,834
Cowen, Joseph, 992-94, 998-99, 1003, D'Arbella, Dr. Isaac, 516-17» 5 2 3
1026, 1060, 1063, 1069, 1095-96, 1169, Dardanelles, 392,713,1615-16
1195, 1207-10, 1233, 1251, 1255, 1283, Darmstadt, 507, 597, 858, 878-83, 885,
1285, 1300, 1373, 1427, 1430-3»» »487» 1 3 5 3 » 1494
1 4 7 5 » »478, 1482-85, 1491, 1502, 1513, Darwin, 10
1 5 4 7 »1583»1586-87 Daudet, Alphonse, 12, 75, 5 3 °
Crailsheim, Count Friedrich, 565 David, 342,674,745
Credit Lyonnais, 1248 David, Dr. Heinrich, 1190
d'Avigdor, Sylvia, 354,406,409 Dôbling, 1491
Davout (Daoud) Efendi, 377, 384, 400- Dr. Klaus, 751
01.1344 Doczy, Baron Ludwig von, 478,708,710
Dead Sea, 456,753,981,997,1598 D°g e»39» 55» 57»66
Decalogue, 667 Dolma Bagjeh, 3 7 1 , 3 7 6 »38 5» 399» 724
De Haas, Jacob, 419, 422, 430, 444, 452, Dominicans, 48,54
454“55 »481, 483-84, 4 9 3 »506»5 *4 »5 22» Don Giovanni, 696
524» 531_32» 535» 553» 883, 853, 1091, Don Quixote, 115,116
1502 Donati, 1591
DeFiori, Roberto, 1607,1614 Donau-Eschingen, 262
De Sola, Clarence, 940,1366 Dormidon, Church of, 997
Del Balzo, Carlo, 1091 Dortmund, 684
Delaforce, E., 599 Dover, 406,685,976,1286,1290,1430
Delcassè, Théophile, 1073, 1096 Dragoons, 195,261,269,687
Democracy, 124-26,169 Dresden, 1276
Denmark, 36,1149 Dresdener Bank, 791,1248
Der Judenstaat, 286 Dreyer, Max, 1139
Derenbourg, Hartwig D., 273 Dreyfus, Alfred, 273, 601, 612, 615, 649,
Dessauer, Adolph, 245-46, 296, 317, 457, 673, 689, 730-31, 841, 856, 1190, 1624
4 /0 »473 Drohobycz, 514,516
DTstoumelles, Paul Henri Benjamin, Drumont, Edouard Adolphe, 93,99,468,
Baron, 1087-88 509,1309,1624
Dette publique; see Turkish public debt Druse, 389
Deutsche Bank, 787, 789-91, 802, 898- Dryander, Ernst von, 319
99,995,1000-01,1007,1277 Duclaux, Pierre-Emile, 819
Deutsche Wochenschrift, 4 Dühring, Eugen Karl, 4,111
Deutsche Zeitung, 302-03,574 Duncker and Humblot, 70, 285
Deutsches Haus, 542 "Dundee," 760-64
Devleth, 495 Dutch coast, 35
Diakovar, 519 Dvinsk, 1540
Diamant, Hashel, 209 Dziennik Polski, 484,494
Diaspora, 502
Dickens, Charles, 1061 East Africa, 1548-49, 1550-51, 1559-60,
Die Welt, 546-49, 554-55, 556-57. 559, i5 6 3» 1 56 5» *572» *579“ 80» l 6 o7» i 8 o9*
5fi3-7 *. 574 - 7 6. 5 9 °. 5 9 4 . 596-600,610, 1612
612-16,631-32,637,639,653.659,664- East India Company, 765
65, 668-69, 765. 77°. 779. 781, 810, East Prussia, 663,1566
826-27, 837. 842. 857, 877-78, 885-86. Easter, 12
924,950, 968-70, 989, 995. 1027. 1051, Eckardstein, Baron Hermann, 1306,
1070, H46, 1203 1378 »*38°
Dilke, Sir Charles, 565 Eckardstein, Baroness, 1381
Dimidow, Paul, 519 Ecole Lacordaire, Paris, 48
Dirsztay, Baron Ladislaus von, 865, 986- Economist, The, 287, 311
89,99!, 993.996,999-1003, >036,1060, Edlach, Austria, 1372,1374,1572
1086,1108,1141,1143 Edward VII of England, 1064, 107 9 »
Disraeli, Benjamin, 548, 875, 962, 967, 1092, 1167, 1369, 1389, 1393. 1565,
1318, 1688
Djawid (Djewid) Bey, 371-72, 374, 382, Egypt» 39» *32» 210, 339, 372, 499, 501,
400-01,510,712 527, 623-24, 657, 667, 711, 763-4,1362,
Djellal Pasha, 1418 »372* 137&-77» *387“ 88» *394-95» *4°4»
Djevdet Bey, Abdullah, 1417-19, 1424, 1410, 1434, 1436, 1455-56» 1483“84*
1507,1580 *473-74» *5 0 *
Egyptian Jews; see Jews, Egyptian English Mission among the Jews, 759,
Egyptian government, 1381-82, 1387, 761
*3 9 4 - 9 5 * *3 9 9 » 1406-07, *4 *3 » *4 *7 » English Parliament, 411, 421, 480, 990,
1422, 1432, 1434, 1437-38, 1453, 1456, 1021, 1064, * *95
1460,1465,1486-87,1551 English Parliamentary Commission,
Egyptian Palestine, 1551 1290
Ehrenpreis, Marcus, 519,1345 English possessions, 1361
Ehrlich, Dr. Sigmund, 240-41, 263, 292» English Trades Union, 599
904,984-85,1204 Englishmen, 101, 181, 280, 333, 357, 359,
Eiffel Tower, 131,165 680, 690
Eisenhof, Eisner von, 820. See also Graf, Ephrussi, Michael, 1155
Joseph Erb, Baron Ferdinand von Rudtorf, 321
Eiss, Alexander Ritter von, 669, 769 Eretz Israel, 1023. See also Palestine
El-Arish, 1295, 1360, 1362-63, 1365, Eritrea, 1599
*369» 1377» *384» 1386, 1406-07, 1424, Ernst, Dr. Ludwig, 449
1427, 1430-33» *467» *4 7 *” 7 4 » *4 7 7 » Erter (pseudonym), 668. See also Gold-
15**,1551,1564,1620 baum, Wilhelm
Elasona, 556 Eski-Baba, 366
Eliahu Pasha, 505 Eski Serai, 399
Elias, Dr. Alfred, 1259 “ Esprit nouveau/’ 17
Elias, Dr. Salomon, 531 Esterhazy, Count Marie Charles, 731
Elijah, 876 L'État Juif; see Jewish State, The
Eliot, George, 548 Etretat, 573, 575
Elizabeth, Empress, 444. See also Aus Eugen, Archduke of Austria, 1628
trian Empress Eulenburg, Count August, 642,656, 669,
El-Kantara, 1401,1403 672, 674-77, 685-86, 688-89, 691*95,
Ellbogen, 263, 304 712-13, 715, 722-23, 725-26, 741-42»
Ellis, Sir Arthur Edward, 1369 744,748-51.754,771. 7 7 7 - 841
Emancipation, 9 Eulenburg, Prince Philipp, 522, 639,
Emigrants’ Committees, 152 661-67, 768, 771. 916-17, 930, 1020-
Emigration, 17» 23» 3 *» 37 23, 1027-28, 1030-32, 1210,1257,1276-
Emperor of Austria; see Franz Josef 77, 1296, 1357, 1546, 1557, 1566
Engel, Adolf von, 993 Eunuch,380
England, 243, 282, 296, 337-39, 348, 350, Euphrates, 711
3 64 » 3 67 » 3 9 2 , 4*8, 438, 448, 482, 4 9 3 »
Europe, 12, 35, 48, 56, 69-70, 72, 103,
500-01, 547, 550, 593, 613, 618, 622, 106-07,‘ 2°* *3 3 - *3 5 - , 4 0-4 I>‘ 4 3 - *45 "
644, 656, 664, 691, 698, 749, 761, 776, 46, 159,166, 171, 337-38, 356, 381,445,
786, 792-94, 806, 859, 880, 883, 915, 49'* 495> 5 l6>642- 646, 656, 671, 716,
929-30» 9 3 *» 9 3 3 - 3 4 » 9 3 7 - 3 9 » 981-^2, 733- 750-5 ‘ > 767. 793. 837, 860, 918,
932, 1059, 1096, 1114, 1330, 1337,1354,
970, 992, 994, 1016, 1019, 1021, 1023,
1364, 1366-67, 1373. 1401, 1428, 1501,
1044, 1069, *°9*» 1*68-69, 1187, 1194-
95, 1200, 1265, 1290-91, 1295-97, 1309» i5°8, >537» >597- ‘ 620-21
European conference, 595-97
*3 *9 » *3 3 °» *3 3 7 » *3 5 4 - 5 5 » 1380-61, European Congress, 269
1363-68, 1387, 1410, 1429, 1436, 1449, European Powers, 353,355,395,415,440,
*4 5 5 » *4 7 4 - 7 5 » *5 °*» *5 0 7 » *528, 1547- 466, 537, 552, 566, 645, 657, 664, 710,
4 9 » 1 558 - 5 9 » 1581, 1583» *585» *5 7 9 » 766,779,874,969,974,997
1601, 1613, 1626-27, 1629-30. See also European press, 1585
Great Britain Europeans, 1564
English Jews; see Jews, English "Evangelical Clubhouse," 461
English journalists, 1586 Evans-Gordon, Major W. E., 1291-92,
English language, 1542 1501
Eve, 1493 Franz Josef Order, 540
Exodus, 23,32,38 Franzensbad, 1624,1627-29,1631
Extrapost, 824 Franzensfeste, 1141,1144
Eydtkuhnen, 1545 Freeland, 237,295
Eyssler, Dr. Rudolph, 618 Freemason, 1167
Eyub,399 Frei, Ludwig, 819,916,930
Ezechiel, Moise, 347 Freiberg, Rudolf von, 254-55,405,601
Freies Blatt, 6
Fabius, Cunctator,2i7 Fremdenblatt, 304,306
Faik Bey, 856,1418,1424,1508 French, Frenchmen, 15, 29, 56, 101, 181,
Far East, 337,339,1023 208, 247, 274, 276, 280, 342, 353, 363,
Farbstein, Dr. David Zvi, 573,579,1191 367, 402, 409, 423, 435, 439, 621, 673,
Farquhar, Gilbert, 1160 7 3 L 73®
Fashoda incident, 767 French Academy, 192
Faust, 804,812,986,1333 French army, 63,699,731
Feilbogen, Siegmund, 302,304,540 French Chamber of Deputies, 16, 189,
Feilitzsch, Count Max, 573 191,204,207, 211,263,1069
Feinberg, 273-74 French conflict, 1172
Feldmann, Wilhelm, 188,1151 French Embassy, 1267
Fellahin, 1454 French Foreign Legion, 33
Ferdinand, Prince, 289, 362, 396, 402, French General Staff, 60
436,450,497 French government, 658,1410
Fend Pasha, 1418 French Jews; see Jews, French
Ferrara, 1590-91 French language, 448,485,549,722
Financial N ew s, 1154 French Revolution, 143,631
Finland, 1523 French Second Empire, 844
Firman, 1226-27,1238— 39,1252 Freskville, 684
Firth of Forth, 1388 Freycinet, Charles Louis de, 47,781,1387
Fischl, 986. See also Dirsztay Friebeis, Johann, 223
Flammarion, Camille, 512 Friedemann, Dr. Adolf, 1 1 7 2 , 14 3 4 , 14 4 4 »
Fleissig, Rabbi, 240,270 >457
Floquet, Charles Ernest, 33,584 Friedjung, Dr. Heinrich, 4-5, 618, 91&-
Florence, 45,875,1566,1589,1590-91 17»930
Flushing, 675 Friedland, a student, 1540
Folkstone,4i9,42i, 1158,1364,1368 Friedmann, David Moses, Rabbi, 495,
France, 27,52, 66, 79, 100, 142, 144, 162, 505
164, 272, 274-75, 354, 366, 431, 444, Friedmann, Otto, 317
45°» 499» 5°9» 55°» 589» 612-14, 621, Friedrich, Grand Duke of Baden, 25,
646, 671, 691, 699, 716, 728, 731-33, 310, 320, 322, 327, 3 2 9 - 4 3 »4 ° 4 “<>5 »411»
749,761,766, 781,929,931, 1069, 1187, 416, 426, 437. 444, 461,496-98, 596-98,
1200, 1291, 1410, 1474, 1524, 1548, 604, 639-40, 642, 653-57, 659-61, 667,
1559 , !5 6 i , 1624 670, 673,678, 685-86, 692, 694-99, 703-
Franciscan priest, 764 06, 711, 715-17, 757» 764-65» 768-69,
Franckel, Leo, 191-92 772-74, 778, 780-81, 786-93, 798, 801,
Frankfurt am Main, 122, 160, 222, 637, 844-45, 849» 654» 857-58» 680, 882-83,
1259-60,1380,1476, i486,1620 885, 887-89, 898, 900, 909, 914-15, 917,
Frankfurter Z e itu n g , 84,666 922, 928-30, 932-34, 936, 938, 972, 991,
Franz Ferdinand, Archduke, 971, 1025, 1020, 1023, 1064-65, 1096, 1144-48,
1085 1167-68, 1185, 1187, 1269, 1296, 1353,
Franz Josef 1 , Emperor of Austria, 564, 1356, 1462, 1494, 1496, 1511“ 12. 1546-
8j9-40. 877. 923. 93'. 935. 953> 97 »' 4 9 » *5 5 3 » >560, 1 5 7 9 » 15 9 7 - 9 9 » 16oo,
983, 1057, 1113 , 1548 , 1609, 1624
Friedrich, Kaiser, 658-59 German-Bohemian language question,
Friedrichsruh, 403,492 954
Fries, Baron Alfred von, 1042 German culture, 711,1147
Froschmàuseler, 623,625 German diplomacy, 189,898,930
Fuad Pasha, 388, 1111, 1241 German East Africa, 1023,1566
Fuller, Loie, 381 German Embassies, 661, 664-65, 717,
Fiirth, Martin, 187-88, 196-97, 315, 436, 724-25» 7 3 5 »7 7 7 »9 9 5 »103 3 »1267
528,609, 871 German Emperor; see Wilhelm II
German Empire, 28, 337, 343, 699, 776,
Gabel, Heinrich, 466 789.986. « 5 7 9
Gala ta, 510,959,1175,1325 German Empress, 725-26,744,770
Galatz, 207, 209,1018 German financiers, 1001
Galib (Galip) Pasha Mehmed, 609 German government, 121, 656, 658, 669,
Galart, de, 605 696, 700, 704, 775, 788, 800, 8io , 1020,
Galicia, 12, 77, 225, 265, 404, 466, 470, 1028, 1030, 1146-47, 1185-86, 1553,
4 9 4 » 5 12» 5*6, 5 *9 » 5 3 3 » 615, 7 9 4 » 808, 1583» *5 7 3 » l 6 o 9
903-04, 906, 908, 913, 927, 1259, 1292 German Imperial Chancellor, 1028,
Galidan Jews; see Jews, Galician 1030-31. See also Hohenlohe-Schill-
Galilee, 875,1414 ingsfiirst, Prince Chlowig von
Gama Lah, 307 German Jews; see Jews, German
Gambetta, Leon Michel, 40,197 German Kaiser; see Wilhelm II
Gaming-Waldhofen, 112 German language, 171, 280,437,439,491,
Gans-Ludassy, Julius, 299,307 549
Ganz, Hugo, 895,1139,1372 German law, 776
Garibaldi, 356 German navy, 699
Garstin, Sir William, 1446, 1452, 1465, German Naval Association, 699
1472, 1479-80, 1481-82, 1487, 1491, German Politics, 642,670,1277
1501 German protectorate, 775-76, 788, 800,
Garstyn, William; see Garstin, William 802,910
Gartwich, Nikolas de, 1541 German-Turkish Bank, 1001
Gaster, Rev. Moses, 419, 493, 514, 523, German Universities, 126
532, 604-05, 613, 639, 644, 652, 673, German Zionist Convention, 355
683, 706, 802-03, 805, 815, 854-55, Germanic Confederation, 845,850
861-62, 871,939,976, 1165, 1386, 1580, Germans, 619, 685, 698, 840, 938, 943,
1536,1614,1626
1583 Germany, 5, 76, 120, 131, 136, 190, 202,
Gaulis, Mme, 739
Gaulois, 1529 263,336-37.343,367,481,543,550,
Gautsch, Baron Paul, 602,624,1025 622, 629, 640, 656-58, 660, 664, 666,
Gazeta Lwowska, 345 690-91, 693, 695, 698, 701, 710, 729,
768, 775, 792, 794, 799, 806, 845-46,
Geislingen, 1371
849-50, 859, 898, 910, 918, 928-30,
Gelbhaus, Rabbi Sigmund, 539
9 3 2~3 5 > 9 3 ®
> 9 4 3 - I02l> ,023 > '° 74 -
Genesaret, Lake of, 1179 1147, 1169, 1183, 1185, 1187, 1200,
Geneva, 1192 1291, 1306, 1381, 1474, 1496, 1546,
Geneva, Lake, 77,80 1548-49, 1553, 1558, 1601, 1609, 1613,
Genoa, Duchess of, 655 1629
Gentiles, 6, 47, 72, 86, 150, 161, 170, 177, Gerstenbergk, Frau Jenny von, 1028
182,196, 248, 266,342,446 Ghalib Bey, 1215-16,1221-22,1225
George, Henry, 282 Ghazi Osman Pasha, 380
George, Prince of Prussia, 916 Ghetto, 9-11, 28, 46, 57, 72, 306, 600-01,
German anti-Semitism, 21 611,786,1525,1543-44
German-Bohemian dispute, 840, 983 Ghetto play; see New Ghetto, The
Gibor-Hail, 713 Goremikin, Ivan, 608
Giolitti, Giovanni, 1606-07 Gorlitz, 461,465-66
Girardi, Alexander, 886 Gorst, Sir John Eldon, 1479,1488
Gladstone, William, 350, 354, 359-60, Gorz, 983
m Gottheil, Richard, 486-88, 552, 860, 898,
Glanusk, Lord Joseph Henry, 936 1069,1179-81,1462
Glaser, Dr. Edward, 448-50,610 Graben, 1507
Glasgow, 994 Graf, Joseph, 820-24, 827, 838, 1020,
Gleichen-Russwurm, Baron Carl von, 1028,1030
932,1096 Grand Duke of Baden; see Friedrich
Glikin, Moses, 1540 Grand Duke of Hesse, 330
Glion, 37-39,41-44,46,59,61 Grand Prix de Paris, 57,93
Glogau, Dr. Heinrich, 244, 248-51, 253, Grand Rabbi of Sofia, 321
469 Grand Turk, 803, 1542; see also Abdul
Gmunden, 439 Hamid II
God, 194,220,231,343,364,445,483 Graz, 1172
Goethe, 106,804,857,986,1333 Great Becskerek, 340
Goethe, Ottilie von, 1028 Great Britain, 1194. See also British
Goldbaum, Dr. Wilhelm, 289, 589, 598, Great Expectations, 1061
892,969 Greco-Turkish War, 537
Goldberger, Ludwig Max, 264 Greece, 517,537,544,868,1361
GoldenCalf, 33,39,54,524 Greek Church, 899,1148
Golden Horn, 370, 391, 399, 813, 1326, Greek War, 868,1017
1328 Greeks, 702, 737,1347,1361-62
Goldmann, Paul, 103 Greenberg, Leopold Jacob, 683,861,994,
Goldmark, Karl, 39 998, 1060, 1063-64, 1237, 1277, 1283,
Goldreich, Samuel, 1366 1290, 1300-01, 1310, 1329, 1338-39.
Goldschmidt, Secretary, 30 »3 4 4 - 4 5 » 1 3 5 4 - 5 5 » *3 ®9 * *3 7 1 - 7 7 » i 3 ®3 »
Goldschilds, The, 632 *3 ®5 » *3 ®7 -®®» 1 3 9 4 » 1 3 9 7 » 1 3 9 9 - 1 4 0 9 *
Goldschmied, Dr. Leopold, 472 1413» 1417* i 4 i 9 ^2*» 1425-3®* 1 4 3 ®*
Goldsmid, Col. Albert Edward, 243, 273, 1 4 4 3 » 1 4 4 5 - 4 7 » 1450* 1 4 5 3 » 1 4 5 5 * 1 4 5 ® *
277-78,281-83, 311, 350, 357,406, 410, 1460, 1464, 1467, 1471, 1475-7®» 147®*
413-15, 419-20, 422-23, 427, 449, 484, 1481-84. i486, 1491-92, 1498, 1502,
522,531-32,534 - 3 5 »55®» 575» ®*®» 6 7 ®* 1506, 1508, 1514, 1579-81, 1583, 1586-
809,871,1246,1386, 1388-89,1393-94» 87,1607,1611-13
1400-02,1404-05,1426,1432- Gregory, Bulgarian Archbishop, 369
36,1444,1448,1450-51, 1453, U57-59» Gretel, 921,1048
1462, 1464-67, 1470, 1472, i47fr“®3» Grillparzer, Franz, 308,1021
1485,1487-88,1491,1565,1619 Gropler, Madame L., 387,714,1519
Goldsmid, Carmel, 281-82
Gross, W ilhelm, 468
Goldsmid, Mrs., 281,1470
Grund, 1529
Goldsmid, Rahel, 281-82
Grünfeld, Dr. Josef, 490, 492-93, 521
Goldsmid-D’Avigdors, 414
Giidemann, Chief Rabbi, 37,46, 76,102,
Goldsmith Colonel; see Goldsmid, Col.
Golgotha, 875 108, 111, 113-14. i*6. 201, 203, 206,
Goltz, Colmar, 533 212-13, 221, 224-31, 233, 235, 240-41,
Goluchowski, Count Agenor, 289, 363, 244, 259, 261-62, 268, 270-71, 278, 285,
59Î- 5 *4 . 926, 935. 942-43, 9 4 8 . 9 7 *»
*87-89, 893-94, 297-98, 316. 350, 504,
1562,1567, 1572, 1612, 1619, 1623-24, 506,580,585,536-37,539-40
l626, 1629-30 Gudenus, Count Leopold, 1088
Gompen, Theodor, 307 Guesde, Jules, 138
Gordon, Evans; see Evans-Gordon Gunnersbury, 1895
Giinther, Prince, 312, 462, 464-66, 471, Hebrew Educational Association, 631
484 Hebrew prayer, 1040
Giinzburg, Baron Horace, 1536 Hechler, William H., 25, 310-13, 319-23,
Gutraann, David, 74, 266-68, 270-71, 328-34, 336-42, 348, 355, 363, 366,404-
352, 452, 495, 556. 892, 896, 952, 993- ° 5 *4 3 °» 4 4 4 *446* 461-65, 4 7 1»4 7 5 *4 ^4 *
95, lOig, 1258, 1260, I5O7, 1590, l608 500, 502, 508, 522, 577-78, 595, 637-
Guttenberg, Pâl, 903 40, 642, 655, 659-62, 665, 669, 678,
742, 746, 748-50, 754, 759-60, 771-73,
Ha-am, 310 786, 802, 845, 857-59, 866, 868, 870-
Habrda, Baron Johann, 838-39 71, 876, 878-80, 898, 909, 914-16, 960-
Hadji Ali Bey, 856 62, 970, 991, 1019-20, 1028, 1030, 1096,
Hadji Mahmud Effendi, 856 1146-47, 1159-61, 1165, 1492, 1499,
Haffkine, Waldemar, 631 1533
Hagenau, 920 Hegel, George Wilhelm, 1090
Hague, The, 673-76, 684, 690, 837-38, Heidelberg, 296, 858
842, 846, 848, 854, 863, 873, 901, 988- Heine, Heinrich, 225, 258, 389, 658, 667,
990, 992, 998, 1015, 1088, 1125, 1353, 975,1029, 1056
146l,I496 Heinrich, Prince Albert Wilhelm, 200,
Hague Court of Arbitration, 845-48,850 234,312,461-62,484
Hahn, Samuel, 528 Heit, textile dealer, 304
Haifa, 1315,1322,1330, 1362, 1394 Hejaz, 980
Haireddin Bey; see Khair Eddin Bey Heligoland, 367
Hakham Bashi, 745, 1114 Helmholtz, Herrmann von, 1622
Halban, Heinrich, 601 Herbst, Carl, 443, 889
Halevy, Prof. Joseph, 807 Herrschkowitz (Hercovici), 207
Hallgarten, Charles, 1476, 1479, 1486, Hertz, Dr. Joseph Herman, 940
1502 Hertzka, Theodor, 237, 295
Haluka, 517 “ Herzl Cuirassiers/* 57, 59
Ha-maggid, 276 Herzl, Hans, 57, 66, 560, 580, 637, 640,
Hamburg, 119,637,680,684 1158,1170,1207, 1286
Hamburger Nachrichten, 188 Herzl, Jacob, 24-25, 42, 54, 75, 129, 300,
Hamlin, 308 536» 59B, 805,1065-66,1084,1136,1139,
Hammerstein, Baron Hans von, 1409 1153,1205-06,1285-86,1288,1290
Hanotaux, Gabriel, 730 Herzl, Jeannette, 75, 1206, 1287, 1385,
Hanover, 684 1546
“ Hanuka tree,” 285 Herzl, Julie, 530, 1206-07, 1209-10,1241,
Harden, Maximilian, 1031 1285-86, 1566
Harrow, 359 Herzl, Pauline, 199, 580, 961
Harte, Bret, 43 Herzl, Simon, 368
Hartwich; see Hartwig Herzl, Trude, 580,1101,1136,1207
Hartwig, Nikolas von, 1524, 1532-33, HerzPs Address to Kaiser Wilhelm, 735-
1541-42,1554,1556,1567
3 6 .74*. 75«. 7 6 5
Hassan Pasha, 510,1418 Herzl’s parents, 580, 710
Hassidim, 347 Herzlingen, 1406
Hatzfeldt, Count Paul von, 1306 Hess, Moses, 548, 1090, 1167, 1179
Hauer, Franz Ritter von, 1166 Hesse, 21,728
Hauran,495 Hesse, Elector of, 1293
Hauser, Caspar, 333 Hesse, Grand Duke of, 857, 859, 878,
Havas News Agency, 455,1228 880, 885,981, 1353,1494, 1496
Hayehudi, 1437 Hesse, Princess of, 507
Hebrew language, 170-71, 2 7 5 - 7 6 , 306, Heyman, S. L., 683-84,803, 812, 815,826,
536.589.742.813. «529.1544 831-32,854
Hcyse, Paul, 94,1380,1409 Huguenots, 658
Hildesheimer, Hirsch, 447, 543-44, 558, Huhn, Arthur Ernst von, 811
809 Hülsner (Hilsner), Leopold, 1590
Hill, Sir Clement, 1551, 1558, 1561, 1563 Humphreys, Thomas Henry, 1444-45»
Hindjakists, 414. See also Hunchak 1447
Hinterbrühl, 6,9 Hungarian government, 1002-03, 1562»
Hirsch, Baron Maurice, 13, 15-18, 20, 1626
25-25.33,35-36,43, 71,79, 85,94,115, Hungarian People’s Party, 530
1*9-3°. 135* >5 3 »l87 » 195 - 9 4 * *9 7 »202, Hungarians, 74, 293
206, 217-19, 229, 268, 274, 282, 315, Hungary, 12, 76, 171, 202, 223, 323, 400,
3 *9»322-23. 3 2 7 . 3 5 4 » 3 5 6 , 415» 4 3 6 , 4 5 '. 4 5 7 - 5 3 °' 5 5 0 . 839-40, 904, 952,
44N 9 . 477 . 49 8. 5 28» 637» 9 5 9 » **3 8. 961, 1026, 1342, 1531, 1548, 1626
1155, 1192, 1259, 1302, 1310, 1492, Hunt, Holman, 306
1631 “ Hunt in Bohemia, The,” 600
Hirsch Fund, 412, 422, 424-25, 440, 468, Hunter, Capt. Miralai, 1372,1394
471, 479-80, 994, 1019, 1034, 1259, “ Hunchak,” 351. See also Hindjakists
lS48»1351 ’’Hymn of Labor” ; see “ Lied der Arbeit”
Hirsch, Samuel Abraham, 283,420
Hohenlohe, Cardinal Gustav Adolf zu I.C.A., 520, 532, 592, 602-04, 625, 635,
Hohenlohe-Schillingsfiirst, 347 6 4 3 . 7 7 2 - 7 3 . 8l°. 85 2 . 87 6» 969. 9 88*
Hohenlohe-Schillingfiirst, Prince Chlod- 1066, 1088, 1090, 1150-52, 1154, 1165,
wig von, 227,664, 701-02, 704-05, 708, 1192, 1199, 1201, 1203, 1259-60, 1346,
1028,1030-01,1324 i 3 82» ^385-07» 1 5 9 6* H 10» *4 *9 » *4 23 .
Hohenzollem, House of, 729 1438, 1467-69, 1471-72, 1474-79. 14*7»
"Hohenzollem,” ship, 724 1492, 1500, 1504, 1512-13, 1563-67,
Holland, 672,674,1507 1583, 1631. See also Jewish Coloniza
Hollinek Brothers, 291 tion Association
Holy Land, 671, 716, 736, 774. See also I Love You, 901
Palestine Ibrahim Bey, 1093, 1111-18, 1120-25,
Holyof Holies, 813 1 1 2 9 ~3 4 . 1 14 °. 1145. l l 6 4 . 1 1 7 6 ^79 .
Holy Places, 371-72, 377, 587, 691, 716, 1185,1188-89,1207-11, 1215-19,1221-
746. 77°. 7 83 » l 5 *°> i 5 3 »“ 3 ** *5 4 2 * 25, 1227, 1229, 1231, 1237-41, 1253,
1561-62, 1591, 1594, 1603, 1610, 1626, 1261-63, 1365-66, 1275, 1288, 1313,
1630 1316-19, 1323-29,1331,1333-34.1336-
Holy See, 785, 1593- 94 . See also Roman 3 7 . *339-43. *4 * 5
Curia Ibsen, Henrik Johan, 1282
Holy Sepulchre, 282, 322, 747, 1532 Ifrikar order, 522
Holzmann, Dr. J., 297,496,505 Ignatiew, Count Nikolai, 454
Homecoming, The, 920 Ilias Bey, 856
Horace, 262,1087,1256 Imeretinski, Alexander, 609
Horitz, 461-62 Imperial Gazette, 10
Horn, Anton, 453 Imperial Russian Palestine Society,
Horn, Eduard, 453 *5 3 3 . *5 4 *
Horowitz, Rabbi, 640-41 India, 282, 481, 500-01, 517, 527, 733
Hottinguer, 1063 Indian Empire, 364
House of Commons; see English Parlia Indian immigration, 1361
ment Indian Jews; see Jews, Indian
House of Lords, 65-66, 1471, 1477-78. Indians, 1475
Seealso English Parliament Indo- Persia, 1309
Hovevei Zion, 281, 283, 419-20,427, 558, Information Bulletin, 451
882,1088,1150 Information Wien, 821,1020
Howl Found Livingstone, 4 Innsbruck, 1144,1546
International Credit Bank, 1083-84 Jardin de Paris, 1103
International law, 845 Jardins les Petits Champs, 398
Irade, 1289,1339 Jasinowsky, Israel, 1572, 1584
Iron Crown, 489-90 Jassy, 583, 8 7 7 , 9 5 2 »9 5 9
Irvingites, 1159,1161 Jaulan, 468
Isaac, 754 Jauner, Franz, 601
Ischl, 569-70, 572, 665, 669, 1175, 1548 Jaxtzell, 430
Ish-Kishor, Ephraim, 418-22, 444, 493 Jelski, Dr. Israel, 604,638
Islam, 345 Jenner Institute, 819
Ismail Hakki Bey, 1133-34 Jennings-Bramly, G. W., 1382, 1393,
Ismailia, 1394, 1399-1401, 1403, 1405-09, 1400-01, 1405-08
1465-66 Jericho, 748-50
Israel, Nathan, 809 Jerusalem, 313, 331. 345-46, 353-54.368.
Israel, 151, 281, 368, 594, 639, 652, 717, 3 7 »-7 3 . 468, 4 7 5 - 4 9 5 . 5 «6 - i 7 . 526.675,
719.872.875,899,1594 677, 690, 697, 703, 739-42,744-45,747,
Israelit (paper), 1262 7 5 0 - 5 1 . 7 5 3 - 5 4 . 7 5 8 . 760, 764-65. 767-
Israelites, 274, 281, 624, 705, 1017, 1134- 68, 774-77. 793- 800, 803-04, 872-74,
35, 1298, 1340 899, 981, 992, 1074, 1090, 1093, 1147-
Israelitische Allianz, Vienna, 950, 952, 48, 1195, 1275, 1277-78,1289,1329-30,
989, 1084, 1258-60 1 3 4 4 . 1531-32. 1 5 9 5 . 1 5 9 9 . 1603-04,
Israelitische Union, 490, 492-94» 521, l606, I6O9
5 2 5 »5 3 1 Jerusalem, Bishop of, 746
Israels, Josef, 674 Jerusalem Delivered, 1557
Italy, 35, 354, 590, 931, 1069, 1345, 1596, Jerusalem, English diocese in, 746
1600, 1605, 1607, 1610-11, 1613, 1629 Jerusalem Jewish Community, 746
Italy, King of; see Victor Emanuel III Jerusalem Jews; see Jews, Jerusalem
Itzkany, 952 Jesuits, 528, 705, 734
Ivria, 625,812 Jettel, Emil Ettenbach von, 1505
Izzet Bey, 345, 362, 371-72, 379, 382-86, Jewish army, 420
3 9 1»3 9 3 “ 9 5 »3 9 7 - 9 ». 4<x>, 4 3 ». 4 5 5 »4 5 7 * Jewish Association, 18. See also Jewish
469, 491, 502, 506 510, 847, 856, 917, Colonization Association
1108, 1120, 1122-23, 1129^38, 1142, Jewish Bank, 599, 602, 647, 651, 772, 802
1173, 1178, 1182, 1217-20, 1222-23, Jewish bankers, 1531-32
1225, 1227, 1229-30, 1233, 1237» 1239. Jewish boheme, 620
1241, 1248-49, 1253, 1261, 1264, 1266- Jewish capital, 29
69, 1276, 1278-83, 1288, 1318, 1338, Jewish Cause, 288, 319, 323, 390, 403,
1340, 1415-16, 1503, 1574 407, 436, 439, 444, 469, 4 7 7 - 7 8 » 499“
500, 508, 511, 520, 529, 532, 534, 1621
Jablochkow, Paul, 74 Jewish Chronicle, 276, 283-84, 286-87,
Jackson, Wilhelm Charles, 854 291-92, 294, 297, 306, 514, 522, 558,
Jacob,754 5 9 9 »883» 7 7 2» 8 5 7 . 9 7 °» 10»4 . 1262
Jacobs, Baron, 99 Jewish Colonial Bank, 594, 603-07, 613,
Jacobs, Joseph, 277 620-22, 625-27, 629-30, 632-38, 649,
Jacobson, Victor, 1547,1571 651, 654-55, 674, 676-80, 683-85, 706,
Jaffa, 356, 505, 527, 721, 739, 742, 744, 7 7 2 » 7 7 7 » 785-87» 7 8 9 » 7 9 8 » 804, 809,
757-62, 764, 997, 1073-^74, 1127, 1400, 814-15, 827. See also next entry
1437. 1472 Jewish Colonial Trust, 805, 808, 810-11,
Jairus, 874 »3 !» 8 3 3 - 3 4 » 836-38, 850-51, 861-62,
James, Lord Henry, 1295-96, 1337 865, 885-86, 903-08, 911, 913-14, 919,
Jameson, Sir Leander Starr, 1193, 1369 9 4 0 » 9 4 4 » 9 4 8 - 5 0 » 9 5 7 » 980, 988-89,
Janiculum, 753,757 1004, 1012-13, 1015, 1027, 1054, 1056,
Japanese, 499,1542 1060, 1070, 1072-75, 1078-79, 1081,
1083,1088,1091,1094-95,1147,1150, 1194, 1207, 1284, 1322, 1362-63, 1366-
115*. 1174, 1180, 1183, 1191, 1199, 67, 1492, 1520, 1552, 1563, 1575, 1603,
1*03, U41-43,1245-46,1250,1252-53, 1609-11, 1626. See also Jews
1255, 1261-63, 142B- »4*8, 1470-71, Jewish People's Party, 519, 822
1484, 1508, 1526, 1531-32, 1540, 1550, Jewish proletarians, 906
1565, 1581-82, 1584, 1617, 1626, 1630 Jewish public funds, 969
Jewish colonies, 21, 435, 442, 647, 750, Jewish question, 4-5, 7, 9, 14, 19-20, 38,
835 51, 70-71, 83,96, 105,110,113,117-20,
Jewish colonization, 470, 851, 884, 1090, 127, 132, 178, 183, 189-90, 196, 246-47,
im , 1315, 1366, 1375, 1410, 1415, 267, 271, 277, 285, 296, 303, 316, 336,
1487,1492,1631 8 4 3 »3 5 3 »3 5 4 » 3 5 7 »3 9 7 »4 3 ®»448, 493»
Jewish Colonization Association, 479, 497-98, 506, 516, 540, 552, 566, 595-97»
519,523,602-03,683, 807-09. See also 606, 648, 716, 719, 795, 798-800, 823,
I.C.A. 888, 905-08, 928, 1054, 1283, 1309,
Jewish Commonwealth, 1347-48 1360, 1364, 1378, 1502, 1509, 1520,
Jewish communities, 620 1523» 1 5 * 9 » 15 4 5 » 1581-62, 15 7 °» *5 7 4 »
Jewish community tax, 556 1582, 1610
Jewish Company, 42,81,88-89,298, 301, Jewish refugees, 1002, 1113, 1218
305. S°8- 495. 5 9 3 -9 4 * 7 * 5* « 9 6 . 1 * 9 8 . Jewish religion, 1603
1300,1303 Jewish State, 24, 30» 89, 105-06, 159, 161,
Jewish East Africa Company, 1565 163-64, 166-72, 180-82, 229, 245, 274-
Jewish Eastern Company, 1302, 1342, 76, 279,292, 295-96, 303, 305, 327, 329,
1344,1362, 1365-66, 1382, 1385, 1425 S3 ®» 3 4 1 » 3 5 4 » 3 5 7 » 359-60, 372, 399,
Jewish emancipation, 51 408, 419, 422, 441, 449, 469, 480, 485,
Jewish emergency insurance, 979 498, 502, 512, 516, 527, 530, 550, 560,
Jewish emigrants, 999,1555,1620 581. 5 9 3 » 8 4 4 » 7 9 7 » 849» 921» 978, 9 9 4 »
Jewish financial syndicate, 1229 1138, 1151, 1372, 1531, 1535, 1541,
Jewish honor, 91 1558, 1561, 1601, 1610
Jewish House, Basel, 645 Jewish State Archives, 55
Jewish history, 1364 Jewish State Attorney, 188
Jewish immigrants, 917, 1091, 1126, Jewish State Bank, 162
1162,1229,1239,1361,1475, *555»1600 Jewish State, Central Employment
Jewish labor, 29 Office, 30, 146, 148-9
Jewish land-company, 715-16, 720, 775 Jewish State, Central Housing Office,
Jewish masses, 26, 666, 1562 150
Jewish migration, 503,1354 Jewish State, Central Welfare Office, 95
Jewish money, 30 Jewish State, Chancellor, 47, 55, 57
Jewish Mutual Insurance Co., 1508 Jewish State, Charity Headquarters, 161
Jewish nation, 506,1181, 1414, 1599 Jewish State, Chartered Company, 734,
Jewish National Assembly, 534 765.793
Jewish National Bank, 607 Jewish State, Chief of, 193
Jewish national character, 693 Jewish State, Colonists, 909
Jewish National Fund, 1303 Jewish State, Constitution, 39, 125, 151,
Jewish National Loan, 23 , 29, 41, 51, 165, 168, a n , 213, 223
412 Jewish State, Local Group, 143, 146,
Jewish National Movement, 443, 474 149-51, 160-61, 174-75
Jewish national organizations, 358 Jewish State, Parliament, 54, 57
Jewish national passion plays, 200 Jewish State, President of the Chamber,
Jewish National Settlement Company, 220, 305
1428 Jewish State, Producers' Cooperative,
Jewish Nationalism, 536, 1525 852
Jewish People, 834,918,1011,1187, 1189, Jewish State, Society in, 37, 53, 84, 87-
89, 91-92, 95, 108, 136, 138-39, 144, 1411, 1414, 1417, 1452, 1461-62, 1475,
•4 7 » >5 0 - 5 2. >65 - i 67 - >7 9 . 245, 247, i486, 1492-93, 1503, 1510, 1515, 1521,
259, 266, 268, 279, 358, 361, 397 1523. 1525-26, 1528-29, 1530-34, 1536,
Jewish State, Temple in, 165-66, 283, 1540. 1 5 4 3 . 1 5 4 6 . 1 5 4 9 . 1 5 5 3 - 5 4 . 1558.
3 >> 1562, 1564, 1566-67, 1588, 1593, 1596-
Jewish State, The, 286, 306-08, 316, 321, 97. *599. 1603-04, 1607-08, 1613,1615,
328, 343, 345, 354, 357, 359-60. 423. 1619, 1624-25, 1627, 1629, 1631. See
484, 500, 503, 509, 527, 529. 566, 587, also Jewish People
595. 598. 663, 649, 711, 805, 852, 1006, Jews, Ashkenazic, 737
1209, 1360 Jews, East European, 1293
Jewish students, 541 Jews, Eastern, 520
Jewish trades union, 599 Jews, Egyptian, 1394
Jewish university, 1275-76,1289 Jews, English, 297, 337, 411, 542, 938,
Jewish World, The, 513, 515, 612-13 1156, 1293, 1304
Jews, 7, 9-13, 15, 18-23, 26, 28-30, 36- Jews, French, 273-74, 285, 424, 542,621,
38, 40-42, 46-48, 51, 54-56, 59-60. 672-73
62-65, 69, 71-72, 76-77, 80-81. 84, 86, Jews, Galician, 1610,1625
89-90, 94, 96-101, 105-110, 112, 115- Jews, German, 273,337,658,1146-47
118, 120-21, 125, 130-33, 136, 139-40. Jews, Indian, 517
142. 144-45, >4 9 - 5 °. *5 2 . 156-57. >5 9 ~ Jews, Jerusalem, 778
60, 162, 165-69, 173, 176-78, 180-83, Jews, Kurdish, 517
190, 194-97, 201, 204-08, 211, 213-14, Jews, Mountain, 517
218, 221, 223, 225, 228, 230, 235, 237, Jews, Munich, 538
240-41, 243, 245-48, 252-55, 261-64, Jews, Negro, 517
266-73, 275-76, 280-83, 287, 291, 295, Jews, Persian, 517
SOS- 3 0 5 . 3 07 - ° 8. 3 >o-i7 . 320, 327, Jews, Polish, 484,811
329- 3 0 . 334- 3 6 . 338- 3 9 . 3 4 3 . 345- 4 6 . Jews, Portuguese, 1395
3 5 *. 3 5 4 . 3 5 6 - 5 7 . 3 7 3 . 3 7 7 - 7 9 . 383-84. Jews, Rumanian, 207, 924,936,950,952,
389. 395-97.400-05,408,412,425,429. 970, 972-73, 989, 1412, 1562, 1610
4 3 >. 4 3 6 - 4 3 . 445-46. 450-51. 4 5 3 - 5 4 . Jews, Russian, 336, 421, 431, 477, 543,
456-59. 462.466,468,474,480-83,485, 5 7 8 , 589. ‘ 4 9 3 . 1 4 9 5 . «5 ° i. 1524. 1535 .
489. 4 9 *- 9 4 . 4 9 7 - 5 0 0 . 504, 506, 513, 1552. 1554-55. 1562. 1610, 1628
515-18, 521-23, 526-27, 529-31, 534- Jews, Sephardic, 368, 737
37- 539- 541. 548-52. 566, 571-72, 576, Jews, Turkish, 541-42,1230
5 7 7 . 585, 587. 589. 5 9 1 . 5 9 4 - 9 6 . 602, Jews, Viennese, 530
607,609-10,619, 621-22,624,637,639, Jews, West-End, London, 793
642-43. 648-49, 658-59, 664, 667, 670- Jews, Western, 513
71. 673-74, 676-77, 685, 687-88, 691, Jezreel, Valley of, 1504
694, 696, 700-01, 705, 720, 728, 734- Jochsberger’s, 232-233,520
3 5 . 7 3 7 . 7 4 1 . 7 4 5 . 7 4 7 . 7 5 2 , 7 5 3 - 5 5 . 7 6 i, Jodenbreetstraat, 676
7 7 °. 7 7 3 - 7 5 . 7 7 7 - 783. 786, 7 9 3 . 7 9 5 . Jolie, Dr. Hillel, 739, 1400-01, 1403,
798-800, 806, 810, 811, 819, 822, 824, 1406-07, 1437, 1472
827, 834, 898-99, 903, 905-06, 908, Johann, Kant’s servant, 105
917-18, 922, 927-28, 930, 933, 941-42, Johannesburg, 160, 1366
960-61,973,981,997,1006,1017,1033- Johnson, Dr. Samuel, 407
34,1066,1069,1113-14,1146-47,1152- Johnston, Sir Harry, 1551
53* 1157-58,1161-63,1169.1178,1186- Joneu, von, 1542
89, * •94-95.1204,1217-20,1222, 1224, Jordan, 756,1598
1231, 1238, 1240, 1258, 1261, 1275, Jordan Valley, 753,1597
1292-93, 1296, 1299, 1302. 1309-10. Joseph, 624
1322, 1324, 1329-30, 1345, 1347, 1355, Joseph, Nathan S., 277-79
1358. 1361. 1363-65, 1367, 1369-70, Josephus, Flavius, 1607
Journey to F r e e la n d , A , 237 776-77» 766-87, 792, 795, 885, 887,
Journal d e S t. P e t e r s b o u r g , 453 9 14 - I 5 * 9 2 8»9 3 °» 9 3 4 » >065,
“ 4 5 » “ 68,
Judaism, 8, 141, 196, 282, 366, 539, 899, 1186
12l7 *>555 “ 5 6 Karlsruhe Court Gazette, 597
Judea, 74, 872, 1017, 1382 Karus, Dr. Fritz, 1025
Ju d en deu tsch , 56 Kastinie colony, 809
Judeo-German, 40, 171 Katowice, 519
Jûdische A k a d e m is c h e L e s e h a l l e , 297- Katz, Palestinian colonist, 758
9®
»355 Katzau, 1014
Jûdische P resse, 857 Katzenelson, Dr. Nissan, 862, 868, 958,
Jüdischer V o lk s v e r e in , 993 988, 1063, 1095-96, 1167, 1254, 1378,
Jungman, H., 920 1433» 15 l 9» *524» *528, 1536, 1571^72,
Justice, 845, 850 1581, 1584,1622-23, 1627-28, 1631
Kaufmann, David, 294,296
Kaba soil, 807 Kaufmann, J., 832
Kadimah, 304, 307, 355, 490, 537, 619 Kavasses, 373
Kaftan, 108 Kayser, Dr. Paul von, 187-88
Kahn, Dr. Leopold, 636, 664, 959, 993, Kehmetz; see Klehmet
1612,1617-19 Kellner, Prof. Leon, 314, 512, 514, 524,
Kahn, Zadoc, 242, 261, 268, 273-74, 278, 545-48» 556» 599-600, 623, 633, 637,
*84. S48. 35 *. 4 >°- 412-13. 439. 447. 683, 804, 834, 1019, 1069, 1430-31
459-€o, 465-66,468,470,479, 496, 523, Kemeth; see Klehmet
516,53», 555, 602-04, 606-08, 612-14, Kensington Gardens, 976
6»o, 631, 643, 672-73, 707, 786, 807, Kessel, Count Gustav von, 726, 734, 755,
809-10,959,1152-54, 1156, 1236, 1377, 757
1404, 1423, 1467, 1469, 1471, 1476, Kessler, Leopold, 1201, 1382, 1388,1393-
1500, I5O5 9 4 » 1 3 9 7 » i 4 ° ° - ° 2 » 1404-07» 1 4 *3 » >4 *L
Kaiser; see Wilhelm II 1424-27.1430-33.1435-36.1443-44.
Kaiser Party, 1379-81 1448,1450,1457,1478,1491
Kâlmân, Dr., 263 Khair Eddin Bey, 374-76, 390
Kamil, Mustafa, 527 Khalil Rifat Pasha, 372, 375-76, 390. See
Kaminka, Rabbi Armand, 286, 535-36, also Turkey, Grand Vizier
545.631 Kharkov, 1586, 1589
Kam m erknechte, 9 Khedive, 611, 1382, 1417, 1419, 1 4 5 3 - 5 4 »
Kamphovener, Louis von, 533 1616-17
Kana, Heinrich, 5,15 Khedive Ismail, 763
Kann, Jacobus, 674-78, 680, 683-85, Kiamil Bey, 856
786-87, 789-90, 815, 831-32, 838, 854, Kiaochow, 642
856, 863, 911, 914, 940, 944, 948-49, Kiel, 462
960, 968, 988-91, 997-98, 1000-01, Kielmannsegg, Count Erich, 269, 600,
1004, 1006, 1012, 1057, 1507 903-04, 908
Kant, Immanuel, 105 Kielmannsegg, Countess, 600
kantara; see ElKantara Kieseritzky, L. A., 1524
kapnist, Count Peter, 785,896-97, 1496- Kiev, 598, 600, 1526, 1584
97 Kilburn, 276
karatheodory Pasha, Alexander, 366- Kind, Friedrich, 771
67.370. '317-19 Kipling, Rudyard, 799,1161
Karlsbad, 863, 1177, 1225 Kireyev, General Aleksander, 1519-21,
Karlskirche, 821, 824 1524, 1528, 1532, 1540, 1542, 1556,
karlsruhe, 25, 320-23, 325, 327-28, 330- 1567, 1570
3». 34 1»343 »4 ° 4 -<>5 . 4 >6 , 4 4 5 » 4 9 6 - 9 7 * Kishinev, 1493, 15 00- 01* *5 0 3 » >5 *4 »
499. 597» 638-39, 655, 714, 717, 771, >5 3 3 » >585
Kitzbiihel, 197 Kreditanstalt, 865, 1507
Klatschko, Simon, 349-50, 359, 404, 444 Kremenezky, Johann, 456, 545, 608, 617,
Rlausner, Max Albert, 309 786, 842, 869-70, 901, 957-58, 981,988,
Klehmet, Reinhold, 751,756,767 991, 997, 1072, 1074, 1086, 1089, 1191,
Klement; see Klehmet 1207-10, 1236, 1245, *289, HS6*
Klinenberger, Karl, 920 1505, 1612
Klinger, Ernst, 993 Kriger, Admiral, 1118
Knights of Palestine, 422 Kronstadt, 730
Koerber, Ernst von, 903-05, 912, 915, Krupp, Arthur, 867, 984, 1041-44, 1046-
919, 921-22, 925, 928, 932, 934, 942- 47, 1051, 1055, 1058, 1073, 1077
44,147-48.950-54.970-7». 973.978. Kuhner’s Hall, Vienna, 493
982-86, 1022, 1024, 1027, 1038-40, Kuranda, Arthur, 1014
1045,1047-48, 1050,1053, 1060-61, Kurdish Jews; see Jews, Kurdish
1070,1084-85,1143,1176,1183,1233, Kurds, 517
1378,1492,1497-98,1561,1572,1590, Kurpark, 228
1609,1626 Kursk, 1585
Koerber Party, 953 Kuttenberg, 879
Kohan-Bernstein, Jacob, 652, 876, 1088,
1095, 1150, 1191, 1526, 1549 Labiche, Eugene, 476,538,1034
Kohn, Dr. Gustav, 492,495 Lachmann, E., 1478
Kohn, Jacob, 307,314,358,472.545,575, UAm our Medecin, 1204
578-80, 653, 995, 1013 Lamy, Étienne, 738
Kohn, Samuel, 5, 12-13 Lambsdorff, Count Vladimir, 1148,
Kokesch, Oser, 318, 444, 472, 512, 545- 1510» !553» 15®3
4 6 . 5 5 8 . 5 7 3 . 5 9 3 - 617. 635-36, 653-54, Land Company, 834, 1309, 1626, 1630
664, 706-07, 786, 796, 803, 867, 869, Land and Trade Company, 1310
906, 907, 980, 988, 1005, 1040, 1074, Land-Gastein, 1546
1091, 1094-95, 1140, 1150, 1236, 1377, Landau, Herman, 679, 685, 809
1404, 1423, 1505, 1612 Landau, Jehuda, 505
Kollmer, Gustav, 586 Landau, Dr. Leopold, 457, 524, 544
Kôlnische Zeitung, 518, 553, 650, 811, Landau, Saul, 301, 305-07, 309, 314,405,
1054 415,546-48,556,568,572,578,653,
Kolomea, 270-71, 310, 514, 516, 921 806, 810, 841, 1028, 1030-31
Kônig Ankaos, 771 Landerhank, 362, 528, 1258
Konigliches Schauspielhaus, 695, 1381, Langermann, Max, 1363
*5 5 ® Lansdowne, Earl, 1096, 1362, 1364,1368,
Konried, Julius, 824,833 1370-71.1373-74.1376.1381-86,1399,
Rons tan tin ides, 398-400, 711, 713
Koppay, J. Arpad, 507
1407,1443,1450-51,1460,1475,1478,
1480, 1491-92, 1628, 1630
Kopstein, 263
Larmandie, Comte Léone de, 1156
Korah, 624, 822
Lassalle, Ferdinand, 83, 253, 263, 269-
Kornfeld, Dr. Hermann, 878
Korvin-Piatrovska, Paulina von, 1353, 70, 646
1509-10, 1514-15, 1519, 1527, 1533, Lastras, Don Diego, 1068
1571-72, 1585, 1588 Latin Quarter, 275
Kotze, Lebrecht von, 462 Laube, Heinrich, 68
Kozmian, Stanislaw, 248-50, 253-54, Latvians, 1536
257-58.305-06.345,347,469-70,473. Lauer, Luigi, 764
478,489-90,492,496,770,824,837, Laurent, Emile-Ghislain, 1393, 1396-97,
1619,1623 1400-01,1404
Krain, 1026 Lausanne, 1192
Kramer, Mendel, 757, 762 Lawson, Edward Levy, 355
Lazare, Bernard, 424, 431, 443, 480, 805, Lipton, Sir Thomas, 1201
809-10,841,942,1201 Lisbon, 1491,1505-06,1511
Leghorn, 354, 1597 Lissa and Kann, 914, 992, 1007, 1009,
Leinkauf, Moritz, 32, 45, 264-65 1055-56
Leitenberger, Baron Friedrich, 6 Lister, Lord, 819
Lemaître, Jules, 290 L lo y d ,1434
Lenbach, Franz von, 491 Lloyds Bank, 1248
Lenore, 826 Lobkowitz, 924,983
Leo XIII, 7-9, 322, 353, 450, 453, 471, Lobl, Leopold, 363,959
581.589-91»1096 Lodz, 604-05,638
Leopold, Ring of Belgium, 1281, 1293» Loewe, James Henry, 772, 780, 911, 914,
940
Leopoldgasse, 8 1$ Loewy, Louis, 1585
Leopoldstadt, 21, 244, 259, 307, 530 Lombroso, Cesare, 93,1345
Leporello, 696 London, 14-15, 17, 24, 28, 43, 144, 251,
Lera, Mme., 872 264, 272-73, 276-77, 283-84, 286, 297,
Lesseps, Vicomte Fernand de, 1397,1465 856, 341, 346, 34&-51» 3 5 4 » 3 5 7 - 5 9 »
Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim, 68, 1347 361-62, 364, 370, 387, 389, 395, 397-
L’Europe, 1228 98, 403-05, 416-18, 422, 429-3°» 44°»
Leve; see Levy, Joseph Haim 4 4 4 - 4 5 » 4 5 2 » 4 5 4 - 5 5 » 4 5 9 » 4 85 » 4B0-81,
Lcven, Nardsse, 241, 243, 272-73, 426- 4 83 » 4 9 1» 4 9 3 » 4 9 $. 5 01» 5 ° 4 » 5 06» 5 M“
27, 430, 467, 523, 773, 809^10, 852, 15» 520, 523» 525» 5 3 l »5 3 3 »6 ° 5 »612-14,
1069, 1199, 1259, i4>9* MS8» M67» 625, 629, 638, 672-74, 678-81, 683, 685,
»5&7 692, 7 3 4 » 7 4 °» 7 7 2 - 7 3 » 7 86* 7 9 6 » B03-
LevinEpstein, Eliahu, 495 05, 809, 811, 815, 819, 826-27, 836-
Levontin, Zalman David, 1073-74, 1083, 38, 846, 851, 853, 856, 879, 885, 903,
1257,1290,1451,1618 905-^07» 9 3 0 » 9 3 2 - 3 3 » 9 3 6 - 3 7 » 9 3 9 » 9 4 L
Levy, Joseph Haim, 410 957-58. 960,9 7 4 - 7 7 »9 7 9 »9 83 »9 88»9 9 3 »
Levysohn, Arthur, 289, 482 1013,1026,1060,1062-63,1065,106S-
Lewis, Lady, 1159 69,1074-77,1080-81,1083,1088,1091,
Lex Ussishkin, 797 1125, 1139, 1155, 1157-61, 1164-66,
Leyds, Willem Johannes, 1292 1168-69, 1174, 1176-78, 1193, 1201,
Lhermite, 48 1218, 1225, 1233-35, ,2 37* >244-4®*
Lhermitte, Leon Augustin, 676 1248, 1255, 1261-63, 1273, 1279, >281.
Libau, 1536, 1571-72, 1584, 1622, 1627 1284-89, 1290, 1295-99, *3°3- 13°5-°®.
Libre P arole, 509 1308, 1320, 1352, 1355, 1359-60, 1364,
Lichtneckert, Joseph, 876, 878 >366. >373* >37®* >382-83, 1385-86,
Lida, Russia, 1585 >393* >394* >397- 99* >4° 3 - >40®. >420-
Lieben, Dr. Theodor, 286 22, 1425, 1427, 1430-31, 1436-38, 1443,
Liebenbcrg, 686-87,692,695,1357 >45>* >453* >4®5* >488-73, 1476, 1481-
Liechtenstein, Prince Alois, 269, 917, 82, i486, 1488, 1498, 1509, 1513, 1539,
1025 >5 4 >* >5 4 ®* >5 ®°* >5 ®5 * >5 8** >5 87 *
't ie d der A r b e it ,” 524 l6l7, I62O-22, l627, I63O-3I
Limb, T h e , 360 London Bank Office, 827
Lindau, Paul, 530 London, Bishop of, 679,698
Linz, 215,217,569,941 London Committee, 617
Lionof Judah, 640 London, Lord Mayor of, 1389,1393
Lippay, Berthold Dominique, 158^-93, London Zionists, 403,427
1595,1601-02, 1604-05, 1607-08, 1612, Longchamps, 153
1628 Lorando-Tubini debt, 1256
Lippay, Mrs., 1590 Louis XIV, 581, 1519
Lippe, Dr. Carpel, 583,952 Louise, Princess, 1295
Lourdes, 105,155,747 Mandelkern, Dr. Solomon, 584
Lourie, Gregory, 838, 940, 949, 957-58, Mandelstamm, Max Emanuel, 598, 600,
960 706, 850, 854, 901, 1088, 1526, 1584-85
Lousada, Herbert, 520, 523, 1387, 1395- Mandl, Richard, 39
96,1410, 1438 Manteuffel, Baron Maxim von, 461,535
Louvre, department store, 85, 209 Mantua, 354, 1604
Louvre, Café, 589, 634 Maple, Baroness Eckardstein, née, 1306
Lôwenberg, 687,695 Marcus, Ahron, 347
Ldwenstein, Princess, 1160 Marcus, Dr. David, 1114
Lozé, Henri-August, 354 Margrave, Karl, 330
Lucanus, Friedrich, 610-11, 646, 789, Margueritte, Take, 381-82, 386, 390-91,
7 9 1»7 9 5 »7 9 7 3 9 3 »3 9 9 - 4 °°» 5 1Q
Lucerne, 651,930 Margulies, Dr. Samuel, 1566,1580
Ludassy; see Gans-Ludassy Mariahilf, 556
Ludwig, Otto, 895 Marienbad, 866, 868, 870,1495,1531
Ludwig, Prince, 329, 330 Maris, painter, 676
Lueger, Karl, 46, 223, 244, 260-61, 269, Mark desert, 687
2 7 3 » 3 01» 3 3 6 » 3 4 5 » 469-7°» 4 7 4 » 9 7 2 » Markus, Tobias, 588
1049,1624 Marmara, Sea of, 721
Lufti Aga; see Luth Aga Marmorek, Alex, 125, 318, 625, 628-29,
Lurie; see Lourie 631-33, 635» 645» 772» 805, 810-11, 814,
Lustige Blatter, 618 819, 852-53, 888, 914, 950-51, 969,
Luth Aga, 396,491,825 1039, 1066, 1069, 1077-78, 1080, 1095,
Luzzatti, Luigi, 1596 1150, 1152-53, 1156, 1158, 1161, 1172,
Lvov, 265,3 4 5 »4 9 3 »512 1243, >245, 1254, 1385, 1373, 1393,
1396,1400-01,1426,1469,1478
Maccabeans in London, 273, 277, 280, Marmorek, Isidor, 318,1078
3 5 °» 3 5 7 »4 °6»4 o8-10»4l6»4 81»526 Marmorek, Oskar, 318, 653, 705-07, 786,
Maccabean Club, 272, 284,423,1159 813, 820, 841-42, 903-04, 914, 988,
Maccabees, 38, 200 9 9 °» 9 9 3 - 9 4 »103 4 » i° 3 9 » 105 4 » i° 74 »
Macedonia, 1598,1625 1078, 1084, 1094, 1103, 1107, 1109,
Macedonians, 362,402 1117, 1119, 1121, 1124, 1129, 1144,
Machiavelli, 537,591 1190, 1192, 1245, 1382-84, i389» 1393*
Madrid, 1505 1400-01, 1404, 1424, 1426, 1434, 1436,
Mahanayim, 807-08 1444, 1505,1612
Mahdi, 295 Marmoreks, 125,664
Mahmud Damad Pasha, 902 Marranos, 493,1507
Mahmud Nedim Bey, 454-55» 469, 481- Mars, 512
85 » 5 l8» 528» 5 3 7 » 5 4 L 5 4 3 » 5 5 5 » 609, Marsala, 356
708, 710, 796, 813, 821, 847, 1000, 1037, Marschall, Baron Adolf von, 656, 697,
1141-43, 1188, 1237, 1247-48, 1257, 702, 704, 712-13,715,734-35»1579
1261-65, 1270, 1274, 1289-90, 1305, Marseilles, 1400, 1405, 1435
1308, 1376, 1580-81. See also Turkish Marx, banker, 647
Ambassador in Vienna Marx house, Jerusalem, 746,749,758
Mainau, 655, 660, 695, 706, 1548, 1560, Marx, Karl, 263,646
Mainz, 6,1262 Master, The, Herzl’s drama, 865
Maledikt; see Benedikt Mathilde, Princess, 730
Mallet, Bank, 1063 Mauschel, 595
Malvano, Giacomo, 1605-06 Mauer, 246,248
Malz, Dr. David, 653 Maximov, Eugene, 1143, 1519» 1528
Manchester, 1468 Maybaum, Rabbi Siegmund, 610
Manchuria, 1195 Mayer, Captain, 83
Mayer, H. G., 684 Mogen David, 546
Mayer, Sigmund, 540,1090 Mohammed, 1616
Mayflower, 572,574 Mohammedans, 155, 389, 523, 804, 1566,
Mazie, Dr. Aharon, 740, 759,761-62 1614. See also Moslems
Mcllwraith, Sir Malcolm, 1453, ! 4 5 5 * Mohr, 993
1458,1460,1462,1464,1467,1472 Molière, 1204
Mecca, 105,155,747,1093,1617 Molinari, Gustave, 1056
Mediterranean Sea, 456, 501, 599, 602, Moltke, Count, 36,546
670-71, 737, 800, 860, 1022, 1074, 1302, Mombassa, 1452
13°9 »13 4 5 »1364-65» 1384» 1403» 1 4 4 3 Monson, Sir Edmund John, 310, 332,
Meiningen, Duke of, 530 348.355
Meir, Rabbi Jacob, 746 Montagnini, Msgr. Carlo, 591
Mejidiye Order, 400,482,754,1107 Montagu, Sir Samuel, 277, 280, 282, 306,
Melander, Henning, 659,1617 350.354.356-57.359-60,365.370.376.
Méline, Felix-Jules, 509 406, 411-13, 415, 422-24. 4 2 7 . 4 4 °.
Memduh Bey, 1215, 1225 4 5 7 - 5 9 . 4 7 4 . 484. 5 3 3 - 3 4 . 638, 679.
Memduh Pasha, 1418-19,1424 683,685,772, ll66, H99, 1246
Mendelssohns, 37 Montagus, 409
Mensdorff, Count, 1630 Monte Carlo, 159
Meran, 522,588 Monte Cristo, Count of, 1035
Merchant of Venice, The, 1337 Montefiore, Claude, 277-78, 283, 407-09,
Merry del Val, 1591-93,1601 520, 523-24, 772, 809, 1165, 1385-86,
Mesopotamia, 899, 1222, 1229, 1236, >388» 1395-96,1410,1476
1239, 1241, 1244, 1251, 1277, 1294, Montefiore, Sir Francis, 854, 871, 942,
1302-03,1315,1321-22,1503 976, 999, 1066-67, 1096, 1154-58, 1160,
Messiah, 310,876,1599,1603 1201, 1284, 1288-89, 1363, 1366, 1370,
Meyer, Arthur, 1529 1549- 5 ° » 1579
Meyer-Cohn, Dr. Heinrich, 205-06, 215- Montefiore, Sir Josef Sebag, 809
17, 221-22, 224, 226, 228-30, 232-34, Montefiore, Sir Moses, 747
236,520 Montenegro, 1148
Meyers Konversationslexikon, 647 Montesquieu, 62,97,169,170
Meyersohn; see Meyerson Montreal, 940,1366
Meyerson, Emile, 424-28, 430, 455, 876, Moravia, 474, 944
1066,1090,1201 More, Thomas, 119,122, 236,1357
Michaelis, Philipp, 286 Morès, Marquis de, 83
Middle Ages, 120, 180, 182, 200, 552, Morgan, John Pierpont, 1343
1625 Moritz; see Reichenfeld, Moritz
Mikveh Israel, 739-40, 742-44, 7 4 ®»7 5 9 Morley, Lord, 1471,1475,1478
Milan, King of Serbia, 450,659 Morocco, 1384
Milicevic, Dr. Mihailo, 450 Morosini, 399, 713
Mille, Pierre, 738 Moscow, 282, 357, 366-67, 1083,1529
Minsk, 1525 Moser, Gustav von, 464,1190
Mintz, Dr. Alexander, 444, 583, 617, 633, Moses, 26-27, 38, 233, 318, 419, 483,
653-54 623-24.667,1453
Miquel, Johannes, 788 Moses, Moses, 519,1372
Mitzraira, 132,527. See also Egypt Moslems, 391, 396, 483, 918, 981, 1113,
Moab, 753 1219, 1224, 1230, 1321, 1361-62. See
Moccatta, Frederic David, 273, 277, 283, also Mohammedans
407-09,772 Mosque of Omar, 345,747,1329
Modane, 1427 Mosse, Rudolf, 1461-62
Modena, 1591 Mother’s Boy, Herzl’s play, 886
Modernists, 578 Mt. Casius, 1421
Mt. of Olives, 747,753,757,875 Near East, 1023
Mountain Jews; see Jews, Mountain Near Eastern Question, 596,1185
Mozal, 758 Negotiorum gestio, 779
Mozambique, 1487,1491,1500 Negro Jews; see Jews, Negro
Mozart, 696 Nemec, 33
Mühlbach, 960-61,967,969,978,1144 Neo-Hebrews, 619
Mühling, Count, 751 Neuberger, 355
Müller, Eugen von, 655,928,934 Neue Freie Presse, 5, 7-8, 14, 75, 84, 107,
Münchener Allgeneine Zeitung, 309, 518 117, 119, 122, 182, 214, 246-52, 254,
Munich, 222, 224, 228-29, 236, 238- 25&-59» 261-62, 290-93, 296, 334, 357,
40, 242, 336, 341, 504, 520, 533-35, 551* 360, 367-68, 375, 378, 384, 386, 390,
5 5 3 . 5 5 8 . 585. 5 7 3 » 7 7 °» 85 7 » “ 4 4 - 4 5 » 3 9 2 » 3 9 4 » 4 4 3 » 469» 4 7 4 - 7 9 » 481» 483.
1240-41,1398 486, 491-92, 497, 509, 511-12, 516,521,
Munich Congress, 522, 531-33» 5 3 5 »5 5 3 " 525-26, 528, 530, 536, 548, 553, 556-
54» 558, 564-65, 568. See also Zionist 58, 564-65, 567, 569-70, 574, 576, 578,
Congress 586, 588, 591, 598-602, 605, 610, 616,
Munich Jewish Community, 564-65 620, 624, 631-32, 647-48, 650, 660, 666,
Munich Jews; see Jews, Munich 675» 677-78, 705, 707, 709, 713, 725,
Munir Pasha, 382, 398, 712,860 729» 769-70» 777-79» 79°» 817-18, 822,
Münster, Georg Herbert, 930 832, 837, 841, 857-58, 863-65, 880, 886,
Münz, Sigmund, 322, 332, 352, 586, 591, 889, 891-92, 894-96, 903, 913, 915-16,
8 3 3 . 9»5 919, 920-21, 923, 941, 968-69, 982,989,
Murad, Sultan, 1615 1000, 1010, 1016, 1019, 1022-24, 1029,
Muraviev, Count Michael, 509, 514, 782, 1034, 1041, 1043, 1046, 1049, 1051-52,
784-85,883,887,896-97 1058, 1065, 1070, 1076-77, 1085, 1087-
Mürzsteg, 1625 88, 1091, 1101, 1106, 1110, 1113, 1123,
Mutualism, 852 1126, 1136, 1139, 1151, 1153, n 7°»
Mutessarif, 804 1202, 1204-06, 1208, 1211, 1233, 1236,
My Love, 1065 1244, 1256, 1269, 1273, 1292, 1340,
Myers, Asher, 283,1064,1285 i 3 5 6» 13 7 2»13 7 7 » *3 84 » *386, 1393,
Mytilene, 1256 1397-98» i 4 ° 9 . *416-17, 1423, 1454,
1614,1619,1626
Nairobi, 1506 Neue Zeitung, 73, 1042
Naples, 760,763-64, 767-69,1599 Neues Wiener Tagblatt, 314, 591, 1072,
Napoleon, 27. 79, 127-28, 330, 699, 795, 1085
1454.1599 Neugebauer, Lâszlô, 903
Napoleon, Prince, 730 Neumann, Wilhelm, 263, 306
Naquet, Alfred Joseph, 71 Neumann, Bülow's valet, 703
Naschauer, Paul, 814,1273 Nevsky Prospect, 1533
Nasif Pasha, Ahmed, 1418 New Court, London, 1369
Natchowitch, 367-68,402-03 New Ghetto, The, 286,609,612
Nathan, Sir Matthew, 280 New Jerusalem, 747,753, 757
National Arbor Society, 456 New Judea, 213
National Fund, 493-94, 626, 1190, 1232, New York, 486, 552, 1083, 1188, 1462,
*s 5 3 >‘ 565 1468, 1471, 1479, 1501, 1508, 1566,
National Theater, Vienna, 93 1621
Nationaljudentum; see Jewish National- New York Herald, 84, 170, 491, 510-11,
ism 5*5.56 3.759
Navon, Joseph Bey, 1074,1158 New York Journal, 614
Nazabek, Avetis, 351, 359, 414-15, 4 l 7 New York Sun, 552
Nazarbek, Mme, 417 New Zealand, 1195
Nazareth, 353, 745 Newfoundland, 1306
Newlinski, Marie de, 813, 820-21, 823, Northumberland, Duke of, 1160
825-26,833 Nothnagel, Dr. Hermann, 371
Newlinski, Philip Michael, 305, 338, Nouvelle Revue Internationale, 509
345-48, 3 5 »» 3 5 5 - 5 8 » 3 5 9 » 381-64» 366- Novelli, Ermete, 1458
7 *» 378-89, 3 9 »» 3 9 3 - 4 0 5 »4»o, 413» 415» Novikoff, Mme. Olga de, 1540
4 2 3 »4 2 9 - 3 0 , 4 3 8 - 3 9 » 4 5 0 - 5 3 » 4 5 5 » 4 5 7 » Novoye Vremya, 1528
465,468-69,471,4 7 3 - 7 9 »489» 4 9 2 , 501- Nuri Bey, Mehmet, 376-77, 383, 385,
02, 505, 508-11, 517, 522-23, 528, 549, 394» 397» 400-01, 592, 714, 770, 825,
573» 575» 578,587» 592,608,610-11,652, 847, 854, 856, 862-63, 865-66, 868-72,
654. 707-08, 712, 768, 770, 785, 796, 875, 882-83, 897, 899-901, 932, 969,
803, 812-18, 821-24, 826, 835, 837, 847, 973» 980,985,987,997,999-1000,1007-
865,1105,1111,1215,1233 09, 1119-21, 1123-24, 1144, 1179, 1182,
Niagara Falls, 1051 1507,1614
Nicholas II, Czar of Russia, 52, 322, 330, Nutt, David, 414
3 3 9 » 3 7 3 » 3 9 4 » 4 »4 » 43®, 446, 45®, 462,
471» 484» 597» 602, 691, 773, 778, 782- Occident, 343
84, 787, 794, 842, 846, 849, 858, 860, "October Conferences,” 1183
878-80, 882-83, 885, 887-89, 901, 910, Oder, 1087,1256
981, 1148-49, 1151, 1167-68, 1179, Odessa, 243,901,1083,1375,1572
1195 » 1 3 5 3 » 1 3 7 8 , 1410, 1 4 3 3 » 1 4 9 4 » Odkolek, Baron Dr. August von, 906-07
1496-97, 1509-10, 1520, 1529, 1537- Offenbach, Jacques, 1109,1112
39 »1 5 5 3 »1 5 5 5 »1562,1569,1573 Ohnet, Georges, 920
Niego, Josef, 742,759 Okin; see Okun
Niego, Mme, 759 Okolicsânyi, Sândor, 1461
Niese, Hansi, 1416 Okun, Edward, 640
Nietzsche, 191 Old-Newland; see Altneuland
“Night Watch, T h e ” by Rembrandt, 676 Old Vienna, 308
Nigra, Constantino, 1088 Ollivier, Olivier-Émile, 1088
Nihilism, Nihilists, 349,783 Omar, 310
Nikoladze, 350-51 Ophir, 642
Nile, 763, 1384, 1397, 1401, 1431, 1446, Oppenheim, Josef, 240, 287-88,300, 359,
1452, 145 7 - 5 9 » 1465» 1487» 1500-01# 475.586
1504 Oppenheim, Baron Max von, 1460-62
Nishan Efendi, 378 Oppenheimer, Franz, 1277,1393
Non-Zionists, 537,903 Oppenheimer, Baron Ludwig von, 1001,
Nordau, Max, 73, 196, 202-03, 272-73, 1203
275-76, 284, 307, 322-23, 348-49, 352, Orient, 12, 338, 343, 385, 452, 4 9 9 - 5 °°»
357 » 3 5 9 » 361, 4»o. 414» 424-25» 4 3 ° - 5°3» 527» 589» 639» 643,658,668,670-71,
31, 448, 466, 481, 580-81, 583-85, 602, 702, 717, 766, 781, 783, 803-04, 1187,
604-05, 612-13, 616-17, 620, 627, 629, 1548
643-44, 652, 662, 672-73, 706, 772, 779, Oriental Question, 1561
785, 805, 810-11, 852, 854, 856, 895-96, Orientals, 527
924» 936» 962, 976, 1069, 1073, 1096, Orleans, Duke of, 699
II51“53» 1155-58, 1161, 1192, 1243, Osmanische Post, 344
1245, 1248, 1254, 1373, 1385, 1401, Osservatore Romano, 590
1426-27, 1467, 1470, 1478, 1491, 1542, Ostdeutsche Rundschau, 564-65
»547 * »5 5 4 »1581» 1586 Ostend,4o6,685,1215, 1286
Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, 314- ôsterreichische Wochenschrift, 222, 225,
»5
288, 317, 494, 539, 571, 600, 772, 806,
Nordling; see Ali Nuri Bey 1019
Norman, Sir Henry, 1501 Otto, Archduke of Austria, 971
North Cape, 102 Ottolenghi, Gen. Giuseppe, 1596
Ottolenghi, Moise, 1599 49» *5 5 *- 5 3 » *5 5 5 » 1558 - 5 9 » 1581-64,
Ottoman Bank, 382, 384, 460, 599, 1005, 1570, 1579» 1582-83, 1589, 1594, 1597-
1007-08,1063,1197,1226,1249 98, 1601, 1604, 1610, 1615, 1627, 1629
Ottoman Empire, 550, 552, 860, 917, Palestine colonization, 897,910
1157,1163,1180-81,1414 Palestine, King of, 524
Ottoman Government, 1002, 1537, 1552, “ Palestine Pilgrimage, The,” 513-15,
1569,1609-10,1618,1627 53*
Ottoman Jewish Colonization Co. 1127, Palestinian Colonies, 352
1222 Pall Mall Gazette, 572,595-96,645
Ottoman Jewish Company for Asia Palmerston, Henry John, 1519
Minor, 1174,1221 Panama Affair, 32,63,125,142,738,781
Ottoman Laws, 1229 Panama Canal, 1397
Ottoman Public Debt; see Turkish Pub Pandora’s box, 733,880,969
lic Debt Papal Nuncio in Vienna, 332,587
Ottoman Subjects, 1582, 1626 Papiermeister, Mrs. Helene, 531,534-35
Ottoman Treasury, 1520, 1553, 1583, Paraty, Count de, 1497-99, 1500, 1505,
1610 1507,1510
Our Katie; see Unser Kdthchen Paris, 3, 5-6, 8, 11, 15, 17, 25, 30, 37-8,
42-3» 4 5 »48, 5 °» 84» 112, 122, 124,153,
Pacher, Raphael von, 297 170, 182, 194-95» 219» 238, 241-43,247,
Padishah, 1112. See also Abdul Hamid 251-52, 264, 268, 272, 284, 346, 349,
Padua, 1599,1604 352» 378, 387» 413» 417» 423. 430-31.
Palais Bourbon, 211, 584, 599, 621, 732, 439-40, 4 4 3 » 4 4 7 » 4 5 5 » 4 5 9 » 468, 471,
1360 480, 505, 509, 511, 514-15, 519-20,523,
Palais de Glace, 93 525» 532» 533» 580,588,603,612-15,622,
Palais Royal, 38, 71,98 625-26, 629, 643, 672, 699, 742,772-73,
Palatinate, 333 795, 805-06, 808-10,832, 849,879,887-
Pale of Settlement, 1525,1535-38, * 5 5 5 88, 925, 928, 930, 934, 941-43,950,983,
Palestine, 56, 133, 243, 279-80, 283-84, 99°» 993» 1060-63, 1065, 1074,1076-77,
306, 390-11, 313, 338-39, 342, 344, 355, 1081, 1088, 1095, 1125, 1139, U44f
365» 367. 369» 3 7 8 » 3 9 3 » 3 9 5 - 9 6» 403» 1149-50, 1152-60, 1164, 1166, 1172,
406, 410-12, 416, 427, 429, 435, 438- 1201, 1209, 1235, 1240, 1248, 1254-55,
3 9 » 4 4 1 - 4 2 , 4 4 5 » 4 5 1 - 5 3 » 4 5 6 , 458-60, 1261-63, 1282-83, 1299, 1305, 1303.
477,481-83,485,491 »493-95» 497» 500-
03. 505-06, 508, 513-14, 516-20, 523- 09, 1352, 1384, *389, 1385, 1399, 1400,
1403, 1410, 1420-22, 1434, 1438,1465.
27, 5 3 8 , 5 4 3 - 4 4 »548, 5 5 0 - 5 *» 588, 589.
599, 602, 608, 636, 639, 642-48, 654, 70, 1476, 1478-79, 1539, 1619-21,
657, 660, 662-63, 665, 675, 678, 684-85, 1623
690, 706-07, 710, 716-21, 728-29, 733, Paris Committee, 431,532,553
Paris commune, 178
7 3 5 - 3 7 » 7 3 9 » 750, 780, 763, 765, 767-
8 8 , 771» 7 7 5 »78o, 7 9 2 - 9 3 , 797-800, 802,
Paris Exposition, 929
806-10, 834-35, 844, 847-48, 860, 872- Paris Jews, 11, 275
73, 884, 897, 899, 906, 909, 917, 931, Paris Journal, 580
9 4 2 ,951, 987, 981, 9 9 °, 9 9 7 » 1008, 1017, Parnell, Charles Stewart, 248
1021-22, 1024, 1030, 1073-74, 1091, Passover, 310
*°9 3 » 1135»1144, 1148, 1162, 1169, Pasteur Institute, 318,819,1161
1173» 1 1 7 4 »*185, 1187, 1194, 1196, Paty de Clam, Colonel, 731
1200, 1203,1217, 1219, 1222, 1244, Pauli, Johannes, 1379
1251, 1291, 1293-94, 1296, 1302, 1315, Pauncefote, Ladies, 1370
*321, 1330, 1351, 1382, 1365, 1369, Pavlovsk, 1519-20,1522,1528
*3 7 5 » 1382,1410, 1 4 7 3 » *4 7 4 »*5 ° 4 - Payerbach,855
05, 1511, 1520, 1528, 1531, 1539, 1547— Peabody, George, 16—17
Peace Conference, 784, 837, 842, 845, Plehve, Vyacheslav von, 1493, 1495-96,
850,901,1353,1496 1509-10, 1514, 1519-22, 1525, 1527-29,
Peel, Sir Robert, 1395 *5 3 1 » 15 3 3 “ 3 4 - 15 S7- 3 9 » 15 4 1“ 4 2» >54 6»
Pelikangasse, 295, 344 15 4 9 ^5 °» 15 5 4 - 5 5 » 15 5 ®» 1561-62»1568,
Pelusium, 1430-31, 1453, 1468, 1471, 15 7 °“ 7 3 » ! 5 8i » 1583-84» 1587» 1595 *
1476,1480, 1483,1485, 1511 Ï597-98, 1607, 1610, 1623-24, 1627-28
Pentecost, 17, 115, 555, 1095, 1097, 1110, Plevna, 378, 895
1136,1276 Plunkett, Sir Francis, 1019
Pera, 715, 718, 724, 813, 816, 987, 1068, Pobedonostsev, Constantine, 454, 602,
1089,1091,1317,1325-26 608,658, 896,1495-96»i5°9
Pera, Mme, 872 Poborski, Dr. Louis, 803, 812, 814, 816,
Pereire family, 753, 1067, 1154-55,1 158 821, 824
Perrault, Charles, 1119 Podgorze, 347
Persia, 501,886,915 Polacco, Giorgio, 1345
Persian Gulf, 501,527, 602, 671,737,800, Mr. Poirier's Son-in-Law, 1119
860 Poland, 347, 379,613
Persian Jews; see Jews, Persian Poland, Russian, 605,608
Persian Shah, 928, 1011 Poles, 390,943, 1626
Peru,482 Polish Jews; see Jews, Polish
Pest, 11, 66, 223, 323, 327, 328, 365, 500, Politische Korrespondenz, 592
9°2» 958» 97&"79» 986, 988-89, 1001, Poliak, Carl, 263, 298, 311
1079, 1090-92, n o i, 1182, 1215, 1249, Polna, 879
1531. See also Budapest Polyakov, Samuel, 988,1083
Pester Lloyd, 1084 Pope; see Leo XIII, Pius X
Petala, 393 Popper, Baron B., 370-71,381-82
Peter's Pence, 707 Port Said, 721, 738, 750, 1394, 1400,
Petit Champs Theatre, 713 1406-07,1465-66
Petit Journal de Vienne, 837 Porte; see Sublime Porte
Petrov, 402 Porter, Horace, 1159,1161
Pharaoh, 32-33 Portugal, 64,1505
Philippopolis, 402,1210, 1338 Portuguese government, 1487, 1493,
Philippson, Franz, 1476-77, 1511-12, 14 9 9 » !5 ° 5
1514 Portuguese Jews; see Jews, Portuguese
Philo-Semites, 489,1337 Posen, 221,1543
Philosophical Tales, 1004, 1262,1328 Potsdam, 686-87, 694-96, 700, 716, 789,
Piccadilly, 14,351,672,1309 885,1324,1528
Pickwick Clubs, 532 Posthof, 436
Picquart, Georges, 673 Pottenstein, 651
Pied Piper of Hamelin, 552 Pousset’s, 106
Pillet-Will, Comte Michel-Frederic, 1063 Poznanski, Israel K., 604-06, 805, 1083
Pineles, Samuel, 630,1018 Prag, Joseph, 419-20,4 5 4 " 5 5
Pinsk, 1426-27 Prague, 286,526, 535,545,619
Prague Diet, 1025
Pinsker, Leo, 243,584
Prater, 289,475
Pinturicchio, 1593
Pressburg, 308, 317
Piraeus, 721, 737
Princes Islands, 385
Pistoia, 1607
Princess Square, 414
Pius X, 1567, 1589-9*, 1595, 1601-05, “ Principessa Maria” (ship), 1126
l607, l623 Pro Armenia, 1201
Place de la Concorde, 763 Promised Land, The, 3, 13, 20, 27-29,
Place Pereire, 11 64, 101-02, 105, 115, 133,146, 151, 158,
Plato, 668,1357 181,183
Prophetic Assembly, 341 Reichenberg Chamber of Commerce,
Protest Rabbis, 610 1025
Protestantism, 759 Reichenfeld, Moritz, 365-66, 404, 889-
Protestants, 333,1043,1186, 1626 90.893
Proust, Antonin, 409 Reichenhall, 651
Prussia, 697,777, 788,910 Reichsrat, 131, 358, 492, 497, 512, 517,
Prussia, King of, 349 5 3 1» 5 7 5 » 633» 648, 777, 924, 926-27,
Prussia, Prince of, 773 9 4 3 »9 4 7 » 9 5 ^ 9 5 3 »9 5 5 »9 7 1» 9 7 8 . 1053-
Prussian court, 667 See also Austrian Parliament
Prussians, 196,247 Reichstag; see Reichsrat
Psamtik, 1431 Reichswehr, 557, 559, 1048
Public debt; see Turkish public debt Reinach, Salomon, 285, 1469, 1476, 1504
Pückler, Count Karl von, 916 Reines, Isaac Jacob, 1585
Punchinello, 1128 Reitlinger, Benno, 990, 993, 1060, 1063,
Purim, 1262 1077-81, 1150, 1152, 1155, 1158, 1201,
Pyramids, 1454 1233, 1240-42, 124&-47, 1255
Pyrenees, 758 Rembrandt, 676
Renan, Ernest, 347
Quartier Latin, 418 Rennes, 856
Queensborough, 675 Reshad, Mehmed, 1615
Reshid, 1171; see also Vâmbéry, Ar-
Rabbinowicz, £. W., 419, 444,493 minius
Rabbinowicz, Julius; see Rabinowitch, Reshid Bey, 388
Julius Reshid Pasha, 388
Rabbinowicz, Saul P., 580 Resmy Bey, 816, 820-21, 824-26
Rabinowitch, Julius, 940 Resource Hall, Vienna, 524
Radarutz, 519 Rhagib Bey; see Ragip Pasha
Radolin, Duke Hugo, 929 Rhodes, Cecil, 793, 1169, 1179, 1193-
Rafaels (banker), 680 95,1197,1201,1265
Raghib Bey; see Ragip Pasha Richelieu, Cardinal Armand, 730
Ragip Pasha, 502,856 Richmond, 1160
Rahaline, 1203 Richter, Eugen, 1358
Ramadan, 510-11, 901, 909, 987, 999, Richter, Heinrich Moritz, 648
1177,1179,1182 Richthoffen, Baron Oswald von, 1549,
Ramleh, 756 1561
Rampolla, Cardinal Mariano, 453, 455, R ig a ,862, 1 5 3 5 - 3 6»i 5 8 5
471,1096,1590 Ripon, Bishop of, 1161, 1165-66, 1179,
Rand, 160. See also Witwatersrand 1200
Raoul, 48; see also Auernheimer Rishon-le-Zion, 495, 531, 739-40, 737,
Raphael, 1592 742
Rapoport, Dr. Arnold, 1259 Riviera, 798, 846, 1049, 1397
Rapoport, Semen Isakovich, 414,417 Riza Pasha, Mehmed, 1164
Rappaport, Richard, 545, 575,822-24 Robe Rouge, 1458
Ratihabitio, 779 Roccassera, Charles de, 1456
Rattazzi, Madame, 509-10 Rohling, August, 1019
Ravenna, Felice, 1591,1605 Rollenhagen, Georg, 623
Red Sea, 518 Roman Catholic Church, 450, 590, 614,
Reeves, John, 1067 734» 899.1594-95» 1603-04
Rehovot, 495,742 Roman Curia, 401, 592,612,932. See also
Reich, A. H., 968,1095 Holy See
Reich, Dr. Emil, 903 Rome, 322, 332, 347, 354, 448, 450. 453 -
Reichenau, 453,572,855 4 5 5 - 4 7 '* 589-92. 7 ° 5 - 7 ° 7 - 753 - 757 -
764,768-69, 814-15, 899, 932, 1010, Rothschilds, 23, 36-39, 43-44, 51, 59,61,
1068,1091,1096,1125,1567,1589-92, 70-72, 74, 80, 92, 99, 107, 111-12, 116,
1595, 1600-01, 1603, 1605-09, 1611, 129-30, 141-42, 152, 164-65, 167, 177,
1614,1617,1628 232-33, 245, 248, 252, 264, 268, 272,
Rome and Jerusalem, 1090 889, 295, 329, 353, 409, 419, 428-30,
Rominten, 677,689,1296 442, 465, 531, 539, 555, 592, 604-07,
Roosevelt, Theodore, 1179, 1369, 1502, 621-22, 632, 742, 744, 759,761-62, 976,
1528,1546 1026-27, »°43> 1064, 1066-67, 109°.
Rosebery, Lord, 970,1293, *S° 4 1151,1155,1169,1259,1278,1290,1303,
Rosenbaum, Heinrich, 524, 817, 958-59, >3 ° 5 . ' 3 4 8 - 4 3 * 1 3 5 ». *364. 1 3 7 8 » 1384.
961 1386-87, 1395, 1423, 1437, 1446, 1468,
Rosenbaum, S., 1603 1471, 1474, 1476, 1491, 1519, 1539,
Rosenbaum, Siegfried, 838,1075,1589 1608,1624
Rosenberger, Erwin, 842 Rothschilds, Address to, 232-33, 240,
Rosenfeld, Dionys, 344-45» 3 5 9 »3 6* 243,248,252-53,264,272,423,426
Rosenthal, Moritz, 282 Rouanet, Gustave Armand, 1069,1073
Rosh Hashanah, 243 Rouet, Simon Edouard, 1267
Rosner, Dr. Ignaz, 572 Rousseau, 41,80,198
Rossi, 1337 Rouvier, Pierre Maurice, 1168, 1196,
Rostkovski, 1533,1539, * 5 4 3 1198-99, 1256, 1263, 1265, 1267, 1280,
Rothfeld, Samuel, 500 1287-88, 1294, 1298, 1303, 1305, 1314-
Rothschild, Albert, 38, 92, 110-12, 189, 16, 1319, 1320, 1322, 1331-32, 1334,
192,238,268,425 »3 4 '. 1 3 4 3 . ' 3 4 5 . »3 5 »
Rothschild, Alfred Charles, 1293, l $ 7 > Royal Commission for Alien Immigra
*59° tion, 1277, 1283-86, 1891-95, 1356,
Rothschild, Alphonse, 93, 429, 509, 607, 1364,1372,1559
620,1467-69,1471 Royal Theatre, German; see Konig-
Rothschild, Edmond, 99, 285, 348, 352, liches Schauspielhaus
359» 37°» 3 9 7 » 4 <
>5 » 4 10» 4 * * -i 5 » 4*o, Rubinstein, Anton, 405
4M, 4,4-26, 428-30, 435, 439-43, 445, Rumania, 76, 207, 343, 794, 882, 903,
447- 4 5 '- 4 5 3 - 4 5 9 -
467. 4 7 »- 4 7 4 - 496. 906, 952, 969, 1014, 1224, 1259-60,
534- 537 - 5 7 9 -
584. 5 8 7 . 6 »«-»4 - 625- 1294.1330,1347
26,631-32, 635, 658, 734, 773, 806-07, Rumania, King of, 731
8l0, 876, 988, 1060, IO66, 1150, II52, Rumania, Minister-President of, 515-16
II54, I369, 1410, I47I, l6l2 Rumanian emigration, 967-68,970, 979,
Rothschild, Dr. Henri, 625 9 9 4 . »o«3
Rothschild, Lady, 1066,1068 Rumanian Jews; see Jews, Rumanian
Rumanians, 247
Rothschild, Leopold, 1293-94, 1369,
Rumelia, 1344
1387. '3 9 5 Russia, 12, 23, 35, 56, 76,98, 131,135-36,
Rothschild, Lord Nathaniel, 277, 283,
2 4 3 . 295. 3 3 9 - 3 4 3 . 3 5 3 . 3 6 7 . 372. 3 9 *.
397, 407, 413, 613, 992-94, 998, 1003,
418,431, 4 3 7 - 3 8 . 4 5 3 - 5 4 . 4 7 7 . 4 9 7 . 4 9 9 "
1060,1063, 1273, '*83. 1285-86, 1295- 501, 506, 518, 579, 608, 622, 646, 657,
98,1300-02,1309, 1338, 1344-47, 1357, 690-91, 698, 716, 732-33, 783, 794,
1382, 1385-87, 1396, 1409-10, 1419, 800, 827, 831, 849, 851, 878, 881, 883,
1434, 1436, 1438, 1455, 1465, 1467-70, 903. 906, 910, 915. 929, 931, 988, 1021-
'477-79. '486, 1501, 1506-07, 1515, 22, 1073, 1083, 1148-49, 1169. 1195,
*538-39. '559.1620-22 1200, 1244, 1252-53, 1291, 1301, 1356,
Rothschild Family Council, 36-38, 41, 1361, 1366, 1410, 1474, 1492. 1509-10,
44- 45 * 5 °. 59-62, 64, 66-67, 7 4 * 82, 1515, 1522, 1525-26, 1529-30, 1532-
102-03,107-08,111,129 3 5 . '537-38. 1540, 1542-43. »5 4 5 - 4 7 »
Rothschild hospitals, 516 1 5 4 9 . ' 5 5 2 - 5 5 . »5 5 8 - 5 9 . »5 6 ». *5 7 4 »
*579“®°» 1584, 1601, 1609» 1613, 1624, 504. 7 7 2 , 871, 885, 9 3 2 - 3 4 » 936 » 93 &-
1628-29 40,976, 1016,1019,1023,1371
Russian Committees,351 Salo; see Cohen, Salo
Russian Embassy, 372-73,778,1494 Salonica, 395, 396, 401, 1507
Russian Emperor; see Nicholas II Salvini, Tommaso, 1337
Russian Empire, 1523,1535,1554 Salz, Dr. Abraham, 505, 512, 514, 519,
Russian Empress, 507-08, 1567 626, 653,808-09
Russian government, 578,608,908, 1195, Salzburg, 215, 217, 218, 221, 242, 272-
i 3 09 » 1 4 9 4 » *4 9 7 » 1520-23, 1 5 3 4 - 3 5 » 73» 518,651,862-63,1069,1241,1398
1 53 ®» 1541-42, 1 54 ®» 1 5 5 4 - 5 5 » 1 5 5 ®» Salzkammergut, 1089
1562, 1567-68, 1573, 1601, 1610, 1623, Samarow, Gregor, 392
1629 Samson, 1586
Russian immigration, 904 San Michele all9Adige, 535
Russian Jews; see Jews, Russian San Sebastian, 42
Russian police, 901,1544 Sancho Panza, 115-16
Russian Tower, Jerusalem, 753 Sandeau, Jules, 1119
Russians, 247, 276, 333, 373, 437, 481, Sanderson, Thomas Henry, 1381-83,
520,580,598-99,690,1543 1387-88, 1399, 1400, 1407, 1420-21,
Russo, President, 543 1425
Russo-French relations, 493-94, 499-500 Sandoz, Jules, 1228
Russo-Turkish War, 522, 895 Sandringham, 1165
Riitli, 787 Sanhedrin, in Paris, 795,1599
Ruy Bias, 979 Sassoon, Sir Edward, 613, 772
Ruzicka, 263 Saul, 73,674
Rymanow, 640-41 Scandinavian culture, 1523
Schaafhausen Banking Assoc., 637
Sabbatai Zevi, 114, 198, 317, 960, 1507, Schalit, Dr. Isidor, 355, 537, 555-56, 585,
1598 594» 899»968
Sachs, Hans, 38 Schalit, L., 862,868
Sachs, Shlomo Yehuda, 862,868 Schapira, 200
Sadagora, 34,105,106,107,155,641 Scharf, Alexander, 294,297-98
Sadrazam, 1008,1011 Schauer, Dr. Rudolf, 645
Said Ibrahim Bey, 1175.1177,1225, Schaulen, Russia, 531,534
Said Pasha Mehmed, 1323-24,1411 Scheel, Hinrich, 687,692
Scheherezade, 888, 928
Said Ruete, 1277
Scheid, Elie, 451, 465-68, 481, 495, 496,
St. Bartholomew’s Night, 46
St. Blasien, 405,416,426 5 3 >- 5 3 5 - 5 3 8 . 5 4 3 >5 7 5 - 585.587.625
Scheveningen, 647, 650, 676, 844, 846,
St. Jean, 758
8 4 9 »8 5 4 »900,998
St. Mark’s Square, 38
Schidrowitz, Samuel, 286, 407, 409-10,
St. Moritz, 857
594
St. Paul, 1594 Schiessl, Franz Baron von, 923
St. Paul’s Church, 236 Schiff, E., 46, 62, 82
St. Peter, 1594 Schiff, Friedrich, 46-7, 60, 73, 82, 103,
St. Petersburg, 330, 498, 849, 880-1, 888, 108, 114-15, 117, 125, 128, 197, 202-
900, 929, 988, 1083, 1125, 1378, 1510, 03, 247, 268, 395,425, 649
1 5 *5 » 15 17 » i 5 »9 - 2 2 , 1528, 153 2 - 3 4 » Schiff, Jacob H., 1468, 1471, 1501, 1620-
1 5 3 7 » 1540-41» 1545 - 4 6 » 1 5 5 2» 1 5 5 4 » 23, 1628, 1631
1556,1571»1581-82,1585»1588 Schill, Anton, 2551
St. Pol ten, 1404 Schiller, 102,932, 1345
St. Stephen’s Cathedral, 7 Schillerplatz, 311
Salisbury, Lord, 348, 351, 413, 500, 501, Schimpf und Ernst, 1379
Schlesinger, 958-59, 1055, 1089, 1101- Sergius Alexandrovich, Granl Duke of
05,1215,1369. See also Vâmbéry Russia, 453
Schlesinger, Th. H., 1620 Seven Hour Day, 40,98,173,200
Schmidt (gardener), 865 Seven-star flag, 522
Schneidewin, Max Paul Ernst, 308 Shabbes Goy, 230
Schnirer, Dr. Moses, 318, 405, 444, 451, Shames (beadle), 230
466, 472, 512, 529, 545-47» 556» 593» Sheikul-Islam, 997,1418
617, 626, 633, 652-54, 664, 706, 708, Shekel, 617-18, 626-27, 636, 817, 862,
723, 735, 742, 745, 7 4 9 - 5 1 » 754“ 1091
5 5 »7 5 7 »762-63» 7 6 7 »7 7 2 »766, 957 Shepherd's Bush, 417
Schnitzler, Arthur, 262 Sherian Effendi, 1299
Schoeller, Richard von, 1001, 1024, 1027, Shipyagin, D. S., 1096
1029,1041-42, 1044-47,1049-50, 1052- Shnorrers, 886,1622
55 Shrovetide Play, 38
Schoen, Baron Wilhelm, 188-89 Shükri Pasha, 1419,1580-81
Schônborn, Cardinal, 8,10, 25 Siberia, 698, 733
Schônnbrunn, 662 Siemens, Johann, 790-91,802,898
Schonerer, Georg, 564 Sieyès, Emmanuel-Joseph, 1454
Schopenhauer, Arthur, 1105,1282 Silesia, 919
Schoub; see Schub Simon, Josef, 226, 228
Schrader, Karl von, 462 Simonyi, Ivan de, 306, 308, 317
Schrokl, 45 Sinai Peninsula, 305, 1294-96,1302,1360,
Schub, Moshe David, 505,744 1362-63, 1365, 1377, 1381, 1383, 1398-
Schulman, Wolf, 103 99, 1402-03, 1408-09, 1432, 1435, 1437,
Schumacher, 743 1451, 1487, 1491, 1500, 1505, 1599,
Schütz, Friedrich, 357, 477, 509, 566- 1620-22
67,586 Sinful Mother, The, 858
Schwab, Gustav, 679 Singer, of Coblenz, 454
Schwarzenberg, 924 Singer, Isidor, 244-45,266,493
Schwitzer, Dr. Ludwig, 267 Singer, Michael, 552
Scotland, 282,1179 Singer, Paul, 263
Scutari, 1328
Singer, Simon, 277, 284, 297, 350, 356,
Sebestyén, Ede, 903
406-07,409.416-17
Seder, 317
Singer, Wilhelm, 1072
Seff, Rabbi Joseph, 589
Seidener, Joseph, 545, 708, 718, 723, 735, “ Sion," Sofia, 317
Sirbonia, Lake, 1394, 1397, 1401, 1403,
7 3 9 »7 4 7 »7 5 1 »756» 762-63, 1072
Seitenstettengasse synagogue, 525 1421, 1431
Sejerah, 807 “Situation of the Jews,” 12,75
Selamlik, 379, 381, 385, 394, 396, 1107, Slavophiles, 1528
1111, 1128, 1137, 1216, 1317, 1333, Slovenes, 943
1338,1615 Smolenski, Perez, 619
Seligman, Isaac, 605, 620, 625, 637, 647, Smyrna, 721,736-37
679» 683, 772, 827, 912, 976, 998, 1003, Social Democracy, Democrats, 119, 519,
1026,1060,1063, 1166, 1199, 1528 521-22, 704, 894, 903, 1043, 1379, 1557,
Selim I, Sultan, 1617 1560
Semlin, 308, 340 Social Reform, 852
Semmering, 664, 855,8 6 5 - 6 8 Socialism, Socialists, 8, 24, 38, 45, 51,
Sephardic Jews; see Jews, Sephardic 121, 157, 202, 214, 263, 308, 521, 524,
Serbia, 659, 1101 584, 589, 646, 657, 667-68, 672, 699,
Serbs, 1347 700, 783, 785, 901, 927, 1526, 1541,
Sereth, 512,519 1557
Society of Jews, 32, 133, 135, 141-42. Stanislav, 516
167.177,179.336-37. 357» 4oB. 413.416. Stanley, Henry Morton, 4,91
593. See also Jewish State, Society in Star of David; see Mogen David
“Society of the Holy Sepulchre," 453 Star of Jacob, The, (Der Jacobsstern)
Soeur Anne, 1119 198
Sofia, 310, 315, 317, 321, 327, 368, 370, Stead, W illiam Thomas, 843,1169
3 9 8- 9 9 » 401-02» 4 4 3 » 7 ° 8» 889» *3 4 5 » Stein, Ludwig, 610
1618 Steinamanger, 592
Sofia Zionists, 368 Steinbach, Dr. Gustav, 521, 780
Sofiensaal, 769 Steiner, Heinrich; see York-Steiner
Solomon, King, 342 Stephens, George Henry, 1388, 1393,
Solomon, Solomon J., 277, 283-84, 350, 13 9 6 “ 9 7 » 1400- 01» 1404» !43 6» 145°»
416 M 5 2 - 5 3 » 1 4 7 1 - 7 2 » 147 7 - 7 8 »1480,1482,
Solon, 1257 1485,1487,1491,1501
Solon in Lydien, 1183, 1210, 1556 Stern, Alfred, 266, 319, 7 7 3 -7 4 , 824-
“Song of the Covenant." See Bundeslied 25, 827,879,912,950,952,989,1377
Sonn- und Montagzeitung, 796 Stern, Bernhard, 822
Sonnenschein, Siegmund, 452, 1176, Stevenson, Francis Seymour, 421-22
" 7 9 »123 3 Steyrer Tagblatt, 457
Sonnenschein, Mrs. Rosa, 585 Steyrermühl, 456-57» 4 7 4
Sons of Zion; see B'Nai Zion Stiassny, W ilhelm, 269,271
Soos, 113 Stiehler, 461
Soskin, Selig Eugen, 1424,1472 Stock Exchange, 48-50, 54,107, 300,456,
Soursouk, 519,1504-05 896,1531
South Africa, 645, 739, 794, 831, 915, Stocker, Adolf, 462
9 3 1 »1319» 1 3 7 3 »1475 Stockholm, 876
South African Federation, 1366 Storch, Ludwig, 198
South African War, 929 Stourdza, Demeter, 515,563
South America, 69, 70, 135-36, 202, 282 Strassburg, 188, 934, 1277
South Americans, 134 Straus, Oscar, 804, 898-900,1131
Southampton, 1386,1388 Strousberg, B. Henry, 1614
Spain, 5,493 Stuttgart, 897
Spanish Embassy, 1068 Styria, 216, 1165, 1288-89, 1308, 1554,
Spaniolic, 402 1566
Speidel, Ludwig, 6,9-10,1153 Suarez, 1394
Spencer, Herbert, 527 Sublime Porte, 355, 374, 382-83, 386,
Spielhagen, Friedrich, 687 506, 508, 510, 659, 693, 847, 899, 1610
Spinoza, Baruch, 1090 Suczawa, 512,519
Spitzer, Albert, 228,238 S u dan,1382
Spuller, Eugene, 17,409 Suez Canal, 63, 342, 382, 501, 527, 738,
Ssinovyev (Sinoviev), J. A., 1542, 1582- 800, 1384, 1397, 1403, 1431, 1443-45»
84,1588 1448, 1466, 1487,1511
Ssip yagin, 1167 Suffield, Lord, 1167, 1195,1200
Staal, Baron Georges Frederic von, 849, Sultan; see Abdul Hamid
' 3 5 3 - '4 9 6 Sulzberger, Judge Mayer, 899
Staatsbiirgerzeitung, 1020 Sunday Times, 407
Staatspartei, 947,951-52,955-56 Sussex, 1482
Staffe, Baroness de, 486 Suttner, Baroness Bertha von, 6, 782,
Stamboul, newspaper, 901 785.837,842-43,847,896-97,1042,
Stambul, 374, 402, 450, 510, 1117. See 1087-88, 1496-97, 1510
also Constantinople Suzzara, Alexander, 1612,1629
Stand, Adolf, 493, 512 Sweden, 1617
Swift, Jonathan, 862 Therapia, 394, 452, 503, 1110, 1313,
Switzerland, 56, 73, 169, 171, 205, 269, 1316-18, 1327-29, 1334—36, 1338
3°9» 339» 573» 645» 787»1228, 1568 Thon, Osias, 519
Syria, 378, 438, 655, 715-16, 720, 775, Thom , 1543
860, 1162, 1174» 1185, 1187, 1200, Thun, Franz Anton, 625, 777-78, 841,
1222 9 23
Syrkin, Nachman, 1192 Tiberias, 764
Széchen, Count, 972 Tiergarten, 530
Széchenyi Pasha, Count ôdôn, 388, 391, Tiflis, 349-51
396 - 9 7 *568,5 7 3 - 7 4 . 9 7 2 Tigris Canal, 1454
Széll, Kâmân, 971 Times, T h e,o t London, 895, 1054, 1395,
Szeps, Dr. Moritz, 300,314 1551»i56°
Tischendorf, Consul-General, 751
Taaffe, Count Eduard, 602 Tischmann, “ Pater Paulus,M553
Tabak Street Temple, Budapest, 11 Tisza, Count Istvàn, 1626
Tabarin, 624 Tittoni, Tommaso, 1598, 1600-01, 1606-
Tachard, Albert, 844,846 07,1609,1611,1618
Tagblatt; see Neues Wiener Tagblatt Toeppen, Kurt, 1566
Tahsin Bey, 382, 502, 714, 825, 832, 848, T oleranz, 552
856, 1005, 1093, 1106-09, 1111, 1116, Tolstoy, Count Leo, 357
1120, 1122, 1124, 1129, 1131, 1133-34, Tom Sawyer, 339
1143-44, 1217, 1220, 1225, 1233, 1237, Tombs of the Kings, Jerusalem, 753
1247, 1249, 1264-65, 1267-68, 1270, Top-Hane, 1215
1274. 1313» i 3 17- 19 * i 323» 1325» 1339- Torah, 283,402,588,813,1190
4 3 »1416 Toulon, 730
Taik Bey; see Faik Bey Tower of David, 747. See also Citadel in
Tale of a Tub, A, 862 Jerusalem
Taliani, Emilio, 590, 770,785 Trades Unions, 599-600
Talleyrand, Charles Maurice de, 1454 Transvaal, 174, 929, 999, 1016, 1024,
Tancred, 875 1044,1113,1410
Tannhàuser, 33 Transylvania, 553,644
Tamassi, Francesco, 770 Trautenau, 982
Tamopol, 706 Treves, 155
Tamow, 505, 512,519,626 Trieste, 1373.1389,1404,1439
Tartuffe, 993 Trietsch, Davis, 882,1024
Tasso, Torquato, 1557 Triple Alliance, 931, 935, 943, 1559,
Taubin, George, 1071-72,1166 1561
Taussig, Theodor, 539, 1086 Tripoli, 1384,1600
Taverne Royale, 123,125, 208 Tschlenow, Dr. Yehiel, 1150, 1190, 1547,
Taxim Gardens, 1107, 1109 1549
Tubini, 1256
Taylor, Lady Jane, 1160
T uileries, 40,114,599,852
Tegemsee, 444,446
Turkey, 269, 322, 338, 344, 347, 362-63,
Tell, William, 213,787,1619
365-66, 369, 372, 375, 377-7B, 383-
Temple of Jerusalem, 312,1606 86, 389, 392-93, 399, 415, 428, 452-53,
Temps, 1054
4 5 9 » 467» 478-84. 4 9 3 » 4 9 7 - 5 0 0 . 506»
Territet, 77 508-09, 513, 518, 528, 530, 533, 537,
Teweles, 36-37, 72 541-42, 544, 549, 5 5 1 - 5 2 . 5 7 8 . 587.
Tewfik Pasha, Ahmed, 366-67, 384, 481, 609-11, 644, 670-71, 702, 710, 720, 733,
609-11, 710, 759, 770, 979, 1004-06, 770, 772, 776, 781, 798-99, 803-04, 806,
” 93 816-17, 835-37, 862, 864, 868, 874-
Thames, 976 75, 884. 900, 902. 90^-10, 918. 932,
960-62, 969, 974, 1002, 1006, IO08, Turkish public debt, 347, 365, 369, 377,
1022, 1024, 1037» 1063, 1087, 1113“ »5» 3 83 » 83 5 » 9 9 °» 9 9 3 » i°°8» lo63 » i° 79>
1130, 1134, 1138, 1142, 1155, 1162-63, 1114, 1117, 1130, 1134, 1162, 1169-71,
1169, 1181-82, 1188, 1218-19, 1224, 1196-97, 1199-1200, 1220, 1230, 1245,
1229, 1240» 124 4 > 1252, 1258, 1274» 1256, 1278, 1281, 1299, 1315-16, 1321,
1284, 1314, 1320, 1322, 1330, 1337, 1506
1360, 13 7 4 » *4 9 6» *5 3 3 » >5 5 3 - 1567» Turkish soldiers, 539,542,1532
157°» 1573» 1582» 1600, 1614-15, 1619, Turks, 366, 370, 387, 392-94, 412, 418,
1625,1629 427, 443, 457, 465, 468, 477, 491, 50&-
Turkey, Emperor of; see Abdul Hamid 11.522. 537, 542, 55°» 555» 610-11,644,
II 656, 663, 714, 733, 736, 750, 799, 1543
Turkey, Grand Vizier, 371-72, 374-77. Turow, Isaac, 519, 579-80
381-83, 386, 390, 393, 400-01, 477, 497, Twain, Mark, 339
555, 611, 804, 962, 995, 1000, 1003, Tyrol, 961,982
1005-09, 1014-15, 1034, 1038, 1087,
1250, 1319-20, 1323-25, 1329-30, Uganda. 1294, 1473, i 4 87 » i 49 8» i501»
1 333 - 3 4 . 1411. 1414. 1 5 7 4 - See also 1599
Khelil Rifat Pasha Ugron Gâbor, 904
Turkey, Sultan of; see Abdul Hamid II Uhlans, 687
Turkhan Pasha, 901 Ujest, Duke of, 1001
Turkish Ambassador in Vienna, 435, Ultima Thule, 276
4 4 2. 4 5 4 - 5 5 » 467» 4 7 °» 4 82» 5 28» 5 3 7 » Umberto I, King of Italy, 983
609, 612, 645, 796. See also Mahmud Un Chapeau de Paille d'Italie, 476,1034
Nedim Uncle Tom's Cabin, 12,75
Turkish bonds, 1063, 1132 Union Bank, 404,1079
Turkish debt; see Turkish public debt Unionists, 525
Turkish Embassy in Vienna, 481, 1037, Unitas, 317
1262,1266; in London, 1290,1299 United Services Magazine, 1022
Turkish Empire, 375, 378, 388, 392, 440, United States, 149
767, 884, 1010, 1115, 1136, 1219-20, United States of Europe, 1088
1222, 1224, 1226, 1229, i 239» 1251» University in Jerusalem, 1278
1278,1315,1321-22,1340,1345 Unser Kàtchen, 709
Turkish finances, 494,506,609,996 Unter den Linden, 12
Turkish-French conflict, 1172 Unterach am Attersee, 661,669,683
Turkish government, 369, 481, 510-11, Unterwalden, 787
551, 566, 602-03, 629, 635, 760-61, 775, Usages du Monde, 486
7 9 3 » 8z5 » 83 3 - 3 4 » 85 6» 883 » 885 » 9 ° 4 » Ussishkin, Menahem Mendel, 797,1088,
908, 910, 950, 990, 995, 997-99, 1002- 1150, 1191,1261,1525,1571,1580
03, 1006-07, 1012, 1017, 1036, 1068, Utopia, 119, 235-37, 287, 493, 668, 1357,
1 0 7 3 - 7 4 » 1091» 1116, 1152» 1 1 9 9 » 1238» 1359
1240-41, 1252-53, 1276, 1284, 1298-99,
1307» 1314» 1320, 1331-32» 1342» 1351» Vâmbéry, Arminius, 958, 960-62, 967-
i 3 65 » 1374 - 7 5 » 1411» 1432, 144 6» 1613 69» 9 7 2 - 7 3 » 9 7 7 “ 7 8» 98°» 9 88»99 1 »995»
Turkish-Israelite collection committee, 997» 999-1001» 1006, 1008-11, 1014-
555 16, 1018, 1026, 1055, 1057, 1069, 1074,
Turkish-Israelite community, 541 1076, 1079-80, 1082, 1084, 1086-87,
Turkish Jews; see Jews, Turkish 1089-94, 1103, 1105-06, 1108, 1110,
Turkish language, 722 1113, 1119-21, 1133-34» 1141» 1144»
Turkish law, 875 1159, 1164, 1167-70, 1172-73, 1175,
Turkish loan, 511,603-04,990 1 *77-79» 1182, 1208, 1211, 1233-34,
Turkish officers, 735 1236, 1249-50, 1267-68, 1274, 1276.
Turkish police, 739 See also Schlesinger
Vambery, Rustem, 1104 1384, 1398-1400, 1402, 1404-07, 1411,
Van,394,396 1413, 1415-16, 1420-21, 1423-26,
Vasfi Bey, 1418-19 1428-31, 1433, 1435-38. 1441-42.
Vasvér, 592 1 4 4 5 . 1465-66, 1477, 1479-85. 1487-
Vatican City, 587, 590, 1590-92, 1601- 89, 1491-92, 1496-99, 1502-08, 1510,
02 '525. 1558. 1561-62, 1567-68, 1570-
Venezuela, 1383 72. 1 5 7 4 . 1576. 1579-85. 1587-89.
Venice, 39,170, 213, 372, 700, 1189, 1366, l601, l606, l60B-09f 16U-I4, I616-
1589-91,1604 23, 1629-30
Verdorova, 1215 Vienna Alliance; see Israelitsche Allianz
Verdy du Vemois, Julius von, 452,503 Vienna City Council, 125, 243,307,358
Verki, 1543 Vienna Committee; see Zionist Commit
Verne, Jules, 287 tee, Vienna
Versailles, 220,329,697 Vienna East End, 418-23, 493, 513-14,
Vespucci, Amerigo, 625 677-79
Via Dolorosa, 747 Vienna Innere Stadt, 307
Victor Emanuel III, King of Italy, 1345, Vienna Jewish Community, 226, 769,
1566-67, 1580, 1595-1601, 1605-07, 9 9 3 ““9 4 »1013» 1377
1611,1614 Vienna Jews; see Jews, Viennese
Victoria, Queen, 565 Vienna University, 310-11, 317, 355,625,
Vie Parisienne, La, 1109 627,668,
Vienna, 4,6,12,18, 24, 37, 46, 60,66,76, Vienna Zionist Association, 405
81,92-93, 114, 117, 119, 125, 195, 201- Viennese Press Bureau, 244,254,378
02, 215, 221, 239, 241, 243, 265-66, Viennese University Students, 623
269-70,285,294,298,306-07,310,314- Viger, Albert, 731
15. 3 *8 , 3 2 7 . 3 4 1» 3 4 4 . 3 5 '. 3 5 4 . 363- Vilna, 1519, 1537, 1540-41, 1543-44,
64. 37°^*. 387-88, 390. 393, 396, 404, i585**59!
425 . 4 3 5 - 4 4 3 - 4 4 . 448, 4 5 '. 4 5 4 . 4 5 6 - Vincenti, Karl Ferdinand, 359, 478-79,
57, 464, 466, 468, 472, 481, 490, 497, 865
503. 5 ' 2 . 5 ' 5 - ' 6- 5 2 '. 529. 5 3 6 . 5 4 '. Viola, Miksa, 903
543- 555-56. 575. 588-89, 591, 603, Virgil, 1061, 1356
609-10, 612, 615, 618-19, 639. 845. Vison tai, Soma, 903-04
661-63, 668-69, 678, 687, 689, 694- Vitebsk, 1541
97,705-06, 708, 710, 731-32, 752, 767- Vladimir, Grand Duke, 437,498
74, 782, 785, 788, 790, 809, 813, 817, Vogel; see Vogl
819, 822-23, 827, 839, 855-57, 863- Vogl, 1071-72,1166-67
65, 868, 871-72, 876^77, 879-80, 882- Volkstheater, 305
883, 885, 887-90, 893-94, 897-904, Volksstimme, 1437
9°8 -°7 >9 ° 9 >9 " - ' 2 . 9*4-16, 919, 921- Voltaire, 208
22, 934-36, 938, 940-43, 947, 950, 954, Vosges, 730
957- 59 . 9 6»- 9 6 7 . 9 7 °. 9 7 2 . 978-80, Vôslau, 240,651
983. 987. 9 9 '. 9 9 5 - 9 9 7 . '001-02, 1018, Vossische Zeitung, 673
1022, 1026, 1036, 1061, 1068, 1070,
1076-77, 1083, 1094, 1097, " O ', 1107- Wad-el-Chanin, 742
08, 1125, 1131, 1136-40, 1150, 1159, Wagner, Richard, 38
1166-67, "79- "81-83, " 8 7 , 1189, Wâhring, 649
1193, 1195, 1201-03, 1205, 1207-08, Wahrmann, Moritz, 192,1531
1210-11,1235-36,1243-47, *249- *253- Wailing Wall, 746,1599
54. '258-59. '261-62, 1264-65, 1268, Waizenkorn, S., 308
1273-75. 1277 - 7 9 . 1281, 1283, 1285- Wales, Prince of, 52,414,421,866,868
87, 1289, 1305, 1308, 1342-43, 1354- Wallenstein's Lager, 102
56, 1366, 1372-73. 1375-78. 1381-82, Walter family, 895
Wangenheim, Baron Hans von, 1317 W ilna, 1405
Warburg, Otto, 1382,1384,1402 W irth, Mrs. Bettina, 565
Warsaw, 580,1519,1536,1584 Witte, Count Sergei, 850-51, 1148, 1515,
Washington, 645 i5 !9* 1521. 1526-28, 1531-33, 1539-40,
Wasserstein, 611 1546
Weggis, 447-48,467 Wittmann, Hugo, 258, 891, 895-96, 941,
Weikersdorf, 113 1139»1153
Weil, Joel, 1190 W itu, 1023
Wellisch, Dr., 1093, 1105-06, 1109-11, Witwaterstrand, 43,60
1118-19, 1124, 1129, 1168, 1207, 1209- Wochenschrift; see Ùsterreichische Wo
11, 1215-17, 1225, 1237, 1249, 1254, chenschrift
1263,1265,1278,1289,1325-26,1328 Wohinaus, 519
Welt publishing house, 548 Wohl, Jakob, 572
Werner, Dr. Siegmund, 710,827 Wolf, Lucien, 277, 355, 407, 410-11,416,
Wemher, Sir Julius, 1064 485,1429-30
Westboume Park Chapel, 417 Wolff, Theodor, 189,195-96
Wcstungarischer Grenzbote, 306 Wolffsohn, David, 447,496,580,647,651,
Wetzler and Abeles, 265 661, 675-78, 683-85, 706-07, 711-12,
What Way Out?; see Wohinaus 717-18, 722-25, 735-36, 739* 742, 744“
White, Arnold, 1291-92 4 5 * 7 4 8 * 7 5 °* 7 5 7 “ 5 8 , 761-63, 767, 769,
Whitman, Sidney, 403-05, 423-24, 430, 772-73, 777» 780-81, 787, 789-91, 802-
4 3 7 - 3 9 » 4 4 8 » 4 5 *-5 2» 4 9 1 - 9 2* 510-n* 03, 831-33, 838, 853-54, 860, 940, 949,
5 >8. 5 4 3 - 5 4 5 . 5 4 8 - 4 9 . 5 5 4 - 5 5 . 563. 957» 968»988-91, 995, 1004,1006,1009,
679 1011, 1026, 103^-40, 1063, 1074-75,
Wiener A bendpost, 922 1089, 1094-95, 1101, 1103-05, 1107,
Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung, 299, 307, 1109, 1117, 1119-21, 1123-24, 1129,
3 «4 - 4 9 6 1133, 1144, i^ o -^ 1» 1245* 1254, *286,
Wiener Mode, 314,321,473 1310» 1317» 1325-27,1338,1471
Wiener Tageblatt, 833 Wolfsgarten, 887
Wilheim, Siegmund, 304 Wolfsgraben, 330
Wilhelm 1 ,332 Wollemborg, Leone, 1596
Wilhelm II, Kaiser of Germany, 23, 25, Wolzogen, Ernst von, 1075
35, 42, 52, 62, 123, 131, 187-90, 192, Wonder Rabbi(s), 155,640-41
197, 204, 216, 222, 227, 229, 304, 310, Woods, Sir Henry Felix, 533
312, 319-20, 322, 327-32, 337, 404. Workingmen’s Club, London, 418
446, 460-65, 499, 502, 522, 577, 588, World, The; see Die Welt
595-98, 602, 636, 638-39, 642-47, 650, The Wold as Will and Representation,
658-57. 660-65, 667-71, 675, 677, 689- 1105
92, 695, 697, 700, 703-04, 707, 710-20, Wrede, Prince Friedrich, 516, 518, 565,
722-23, 725-35, 737, 739-44, 749-52. 573.632
7 5 5 - 5 7 . 76o, 765, 767-68, 770-71, Württemberg, 897,1145
773-74. 776-79. 781-82, 784, 787-89,
791-92. 795, 797, 800-01, 807, 819, Yakovlev, 372-74
827, 844, 848-50, 886, 910, 915, 938. Yasinovski, Israel, 1353
969. 9 7 9 . 98«. 9 9 *“ 9 2 . 9 9 5 . 9 9 7 . 1020— Yellow Badge, 166
21, 1030, 1032, 1054, 1087, 1106, 1146, Yenikoi, 1313
1169, 1186, 1195, 1210, 1277, 1358, Yerusholayim, 739, 747. See also Jerusa
>379-80, 1462, 1494, 1546, 1548-49, lem
1557-61, l601, l606, l609 Yiddish language, 276,418,632
Wilhelm Party, 1380 Yildiz Kiosk, 370-72, 378-80, 384, 386,
Wilkinson, Bishop, 363-64 388-89, 393, 396, 435, 438, 443, 451,
Willcocks, William, 1449, *4 5 4 * 1483-84 491, 518, 5 4 *- 4 3 . 5 4 5 - 5 5 0 . 57 3 - 656-
57- 659, 712-13, 718, 722-24, 735, 816, 1152, 1190, 1192, 1195, 1202, 1221,
821-22, 847-48, 860, 900, 902, 958- 1232, 1286, 1292, 1333, 1337, 1353,
59, 962, 977, 996, 1080, 1101, 1105-06, 1356, 1411, 1462, 1523, 1531, 1548,
1111, U21, 1127-29, 1176, 1189, 1195, *5 5 *. 1558. 1567. 1570. *5 7 3 - 7 4 . *5 7 9 .
1207, 1210, 1216, 1221, 1225, 1231-33, 1591, 1605, 1623-24
1237-40, 1244, 1251, 1255, 1264-66, Zionism, Palestinian, 1525
1306- *3*3» 1316-18, 1322-25, 1329, Zionist Actions Committee, 809
>334 - «3 3 7 - >3 3 9 - *3 4 ». *3 4 3 - 4 4 . *4 5 5 . Zionist Assembly, 447
1503,1615-16 Zionist associations, 402, 420, 424-25,
Yildiz Mosque, 37g 45*. 453. 456. 520-21, 523, 608, 1365
Yom Kippur, 1179 Zionist Bank; see Jewish Colonial Trust
York-Steiner, Heinrich, 314, 317, 321, Zionist cause, 1202,1554,1629
473- 545-47. 57*. 583. 598-600, 833, Zionist Committee, 573,617,626-27,978
949,1508,1566 1252,1414
Young Turks, 362, 378, 889, 902, 960, Zionist Committee, Vienna, 617, 805,
1417-18 810
Youth Caravans, 53 Zionist Committee in England, 494
Zionist Congress, 315, 520, 529, 533,536,
Zaikowski, 350 5 3 9 . 5 4 3 - 4 5 . 5 5 *. 5 5 8 . 564-66, 571-78.
Zander, Dr. Kurt, 1339 580-90, 592-95, 597-99, 604, 612, 614-
Zangwill, Israel, 273, 276-78, 407, 409, 17. 620, 622, 625-26, 628, 630, 633,
1063-64, 1066, 1068, 1156, 1159-61, 635. 6 4 3 - 4 7 . 6 4 9 - 5 5 . 658, 660, 662-64,
1167, 1192-93, 1195, 1200, 1285, 1364, 666, 705-06, 720, 779, 784, 786, 797,
*373 - *467. »4 7 5 - 7 6. *4 7 8 . *486, 1491, 822-23, 858, 861-62, 865, 872, 875,
*547 877. 883-86, 957, 960, 963, 969, 974-
Zangwill, Louis, 276 77, 979, 1012, 1017, 1024, 1044, 1069,
Zanzibar, 1023,1277 1083, 1091, 1108, 1147, 1150, 1160,
Zaribrod, 367 1187-89, 1190-92, 1221, 1503,1520-21,
Zeil, Die, 307, 559, 568, 1202, 1205, 1356 1523, 1526, 1537-39, *545-47. 1549-
Zell am See, 219-20 52, 1556-57, 1560-61, 1563-64, 1566,
Zia Pasha (Ziya) 366,368-70,372,712 1568
Ziad Pasha; see Zia Pasha Zionist Convention in Zurich, 517
Zierer, 823 Zionist demonstration, 742
Zion, 12, 35, 232, 237, 242, 272, 279, 283, Zionist deputation, 716,741,981
*97 - 29 9 >3 °*. 3 ° 4 . 3 ° 8. 3*8, 329, 524, Zionist Executive Committee, 357-58,
529, 613, 619, 643-44, 719, 745, 806, 361,408,485,493,1047
808,1537,1547,1564 Zionist Federation, 451, 456, 466, 472,
“Zion," 536,545,556 572,806,807,853,981
Zionism, 302, 307-08, 355, 467, 470, Zionist Federation in England, 988,1366
474 - 7 5 . 486, 4 9 4 . 4 9 6 . 506-07, 58*. Zionist Federation Central Committee,
5 24 _25 > 5 3 °. 5 3 8 . 5 5 2> 5 5 9 . 563. 566, 806-07,809
569, 571 - 7 2. 5 7 7 . 584. 5 8 9 - 9 ». 5 9 5 . Zionist Federation of Vienna, 493
602, 609, 625-26, 641-43, 646-48, 650, Zionist flag, 27,175,281,640
652, 657-58, 660-62, 666-67, 674, 691, Zionist fund, 877
694, 707, 728, 745, 778-79, 783. 797, Zionist idea, 465, 548,642, 765, 799, 807,
798, 803, 805, 807, 817, 819, 822, 827, 933.1361.1589.1609
835- 837. 843, 846, 864-65, 871-73, Zionist Inner Actions Committee, 769
875, 878, 881, 883, 886, 896, 899-901, Zionist M. P., 1060
903-05. 908, 914-15, 927, 933-34. 936- Zionist meetings, 572
37, 940-41, 950, 960, 970, 981, 985, Zionist movement, 319, 345, 403, 589,
99°- 993- 996-97. 1007. 1021-22, 1043- 595. 637, 639, 642-43, 647, 657, 660,
44- »054-55. *058. 1072, 1077, 1093. 712, 719, 728, 764, 774, 782, 811-12,
815, 822, 834, 845, 849, 857, 866, 894, 318-19, 321, 347, 355, 358, 363, 397,
896, 905-06, 908-09, 1017, 1071, 1096- 428, 447, 451, 453, 461, 466, 472, 485,
97, 1127, 1146-47, 1151, 1167, 1185, 512, 518, 524, 532, 545, 548, 558, 573-
1252, 1254, 1273, 1277, 1284, 1345, 76, 610, 617, 620, 631, 646, 648, 653,
>3 5 3 - >3 5 4 - 1364-65■ >3 9 9 . i 4 ° 2 - ° 3 > 662, 671, 690-91, 707, 711-12, 715,
1308, 1319, 1433, 1435, 1437» >462. 717-18, 721, 739, 749-50, 770, 774,
14 9 3 “ 9 4 - 1496. »5 ° 9 - i 5 20_22> >5 25 * 779, 808, 820-23, 834, 837, 854-55,860,
1527, 1529, 1540, 1542, 1551, 1562, 863, 871-72, 884, 888-89, 894, 896,903,
1572, 1582, 1587,1599-1600, 1602, 9 5 °» 9 7 7 » 9 9 2 - 9 3 » 1017 » 1019 » 10*i»
1609 , l6l3f l6l5 1036, 1058-59, 1066, 1077, 1092, 1150,
Zionist Palestine Project, 1561 1159, 1186, 1194, 1196, 1217, 1221,
Zionist papers, 1351 1232, 1241, 1252, 1291, 1296, 1302,
Zionist plan, 888,917,932,1194 *355» ! 363» 15°4» 1520-21, 1545, 1569,
Zionist policies, 473 1591, 1609
Zionist principles, 1346 Zionists, Russian, 1520,1551,1568
Zionist project, 1553,1583 Zola, Émile, 673
Zionist proposals, 997,1203,1610 Zorn, Philipp, 844-45,849-50
Zionist Question, 932,1550 Zsilinsky, Lieut. Gen., 1540
Zionist rally, 529 Zucker, Commercial Councillor, 525
Zionist students, 571 Zurich, 205-06, 215, 222, 517, 520, 538,
Zionist undertaking, 917 564-65» 5 7 3 »5 7 7 »5 7 9
“ZionistsThe,” 5i8 Zurich Lake, 669
Zionists, 32, 243, 272, 302, 306-07, 3 ° 9 » Zukunft, 1031
Errata and Addenda
page 37» middle. For “a letter from Teweles” read “Teweles’

letter”
page 45, top. For vieux read veux
page 79, line 10. Read: the second man, to o ,. . .
page 116, line 6. Affronts is in French in the original.
page 125, line 6. Déjeuner means “luncheon”.
page 140, bottom. For with us read: with us
page 240, line 13. Read: I met with Giidemann a number of times.
page 257, line 5. For “to” read “toward”
page 257, lines 19, 21. Put periods after “newspaper” and “times”
page 304,1. 12 fr. bot. Read: Wilheim
page 306, bottom. Read: Kozmian
Page 313, line 7- Read: . . . all steamed up”?
page 387, bottom. Read: Bebek
page 399, top. Put period after “dissolute”
page 449, line 4. For “shows” read “show”
page 506, bottom. Read “Christmastime”
page 593, bottom. For “tacking” read “tackling”
page 601, bottom. For “Feiberg” read “Freiberg”
page 632, bottom. For liverons read livrerons
page 648, bottom. For “Zionists” read “Zionist”
page 704, lines 9, 12. Read “Bismarck”
page 706, bottom. Read “Mandelstamm”
page 712, last line. Read “His Majesty”
page 731, bottom. For “arts” read “art”
page 752, middle. For “In Vienna” read “Vienna”
page 806, middle. For “brain” read “brains”
page 817, 7 lines from bottom. Omit “as”
1961

Theodor Herzl - Raphael Patai - Harry Zohn - The Complete Diaries of Theodor Herzl-Herzl Press (1960)

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The Complete Diaries

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 60-8594

Thomas Yoseloff, Publisher

Thomas Yoseloff Ltd.

Printed in the United States of America

Of the Jewish Cause

How I proceeded from the idea of writing a novel to a

This is a rough draft of the letter, still in my possession. I may

To this letter I replied:

37 rue Cambon, May 24,1895

In this case, too, my rough draft is not reliable. It now seems

This letter gave me satisfaction, because I saw that I had

# In French in the original.

Vienna, April 16,1896

3rd letter to Baron Hirsch, Paris.

Whit-Monday, June 3, 1895

Here follow fragmentary thoughts, all of which relate to the

The Society of Jews* will proceed in a substantial, financially

Woe to the swindlers who may try to enrich themselves

For the Society must not become a Panama.

We shall unite all Zionists.

To breed a peasantry like that of bygone times would be

Keep the army well in hand!

All officials in uniform, trim, with military bearing, but not

On the transport we work out the passage of the destitute.

Prizes of all kinds for virtues.

Tobacco plantations, silk factories.

T he Wonder Rabbi of Sadagora to be brought over and

I fully realize that the most immediate in my outline

On our part, we guarantee good order and provide a base for

T o the Family Council. I start with you, because at the be­

I am the man who makes aniline dyes out of refuse. I must

I have been to Hirsch, I am going to Rothschild, as Moltke

My moving from Vienna to Paris and back was historically

June 7. In the Palais Royal gardens

No Jew to be sent away. Everyone to be used according to

Popular hymns (a Marseillaise of the Jews) to be commissioned

After a hundred years, universal military service should be

Circenses [entertainments] as soon as possible:

Send wonderful display material for the Exposition of 1900.

The High Priests will wear impressive robes; our cuirassiers,

As soon as we have decided on the land and concluded a

The Company will make restitution for dishonest dealings

Let the German Kaiser say to me: I shall be grateful to you

Popular festivals of an artistic nature, scattered throughout

T o the men of Glion:

T o the Family Council:

Your property is an increasing calamity. We shall let our­

City construction: First canals, water, gas, etc., then wood

In the morning: Today I am again as hard as iron. The

The income from this monopoly will give me a substantial

To the Family Council:

For such complaints I shall establish traveling commissions

The acceptance of gifts will be followed by dismissal in all

In Palestine’s disfavor is its proximity to Russia and Europe,

Pistol duelling (or the American type, if it really exists) must

In any case, take landscape gardeners, horticultural experts

On the boat and in all places, work must be done, gentlemen

T o the Family Council:

The man who pointed to the cover of a teakettle lifted by

Well, I shall not only demonstrate the principle to you with a

My analogies are too dazzling, disconcert you.

My first secretary (E. Schiff) will recruit the naturalist investi­

T o the Family Council. I start with you, because at the be

Your property is an increasing calamity. We shall let our

My first secretary (E. Schiff) will recruit the naturalist investi

Yacht owners can become our professional seamen and pre

I merely eliminate the entrepreneur’s profit on safe under

This is what I told Giidemann the following day. T o me Ehr